REWIND 2025

The year started off uneventfully, but ended in tumult and uncertainty about the future. But there were tensions simmering under the surface.

In February, Nepal made it to the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) grey list for failing to address money-laundering. The closure of the USAID halted most health, climate and nutrition projects. In the midst of it all, India and Pakistan went to war in May and although there was no nuclear fullout, it resulted in Trump and Modi falling out bigly. 

On 28 March, a pro-monarchy rally in Kathmandu led by loan defaulter Durga Prasai had been dispersed by riot police. Two people, including a tv reporter, were killed when his supporters resorted to arson and looting – a dress rehearsal for what was to come later in the year. 

The monsoon brought its usual woes—this time a trans-boundary glacial overflow flood on the Bhote Kosi that swept away the main trade route with China, and reminded us about climate risk. 

In August Kathmandu’s chatterati were busy speculating on whether Prime Minister K P Oli would get an official invitation to visit New Delhi. When that offer did not come, he made a controversial trip to attend the Victory Day Parade in Beijing on 3 September marking the 80th anniversary of Japan’s defeat in World War II. 

He was in the illustrious company of Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping and Kim Jong Un – and back in Kathmandu six days later he was out of a job. Oli had to be rescued by an Army helicopter just before protesters set fire to his official residence. 

Throughout the year, the UML-NC coalition had been working on a series of bills to limit freedom of speech with an amendment to the Print and Publication Act, the Social Media Bill, the Counter-intelligence Bill and a move to replace Social Welfare Council. The spark that lit the fuse was the ban on 26 social media platforms on 5 September. 

Inspired by recent youth-led anti-corruption protests in Indonesia, Nepal’s GenZ decided to rally. Nepal’s socio-political landscape was tinder-dry, and outrage over the killings added fuel to the conflagration. 

When the GenZ called for a rally against corruption and poor governance on 8 September, no one (least the youthful protesters) could have imagined that it would spiral out of control like it did. Nineteen demonstrators were massacred on 8 September by APF gunmen using assault rifles.

The bloodshed was broadcast live and unfiltered on social media. The next day, with the youth still reeling from shock, anyone and everyone with a grievance went on a rampage of arson and looting, targeting homes, government offices, schools and businesses. By the time the Nepal Army declared a curfew at 10PM on 9 September, much had been reduced to ashes.

The GenZ voted Sushila Karki in as prime minister, but an outspoken faction is not happy with her. Adding to the distraction are UML and NC leaders who still cannot believe they have been toppled, and want to revive the House. Oli has been re-elected chair of the UML, and is not giving up and has convinced former NC coalition partner Sher Bahadur Deuba not to chicken out either. 

But both parties have no choice but to go for elections, even though they have not reformed their parties to address the public outrage against their decades of misrule.

Prospects of elections in March were looking iffy until President Ram Chandra Paudel this week convened a meeting of the UML, NC and NCP for their first meeting with Karki. The RSP is talking to Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah, and suddenly polls look possible. Whatever the outcome, 2026 will change the trajectory of Nepali politics with the dominance of the established parties challenged by new alternative forces. 

But whether this will bring a new political culture of transparency, democracy and accountability, or degenerate into populism and despotism we will begin to see in 2026.