<article>Twenty years ago this week, our front page story delved into king Gyanendra’s deep personal distrust of the political parties and what could be the possible outcome of this standoff. Unbeknownst to us all, he would go on to appoint Sher Bahadur Deuba as the prime minister one more time only to strip him of his position and declare him incompetent, ban all political parties and pull off a coup on 1 February 2005.Now, after all these years, there is a call for the return of the same king by monarchists. Excerpts of a <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=2815">report</a> published on <a href="http://himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk/collections/journals/nepalitimes/pdf/Nepali_Times_197.pdf">issue #197 21-27 May 2004</a>: Suspicion holds the populace in limbo even as the polity dips into a tailspin: the economy, state activity and development work lie in tatters. The major road arteries are blocked, Kathmandu Valley and the business centres are cut off and the army and Maoists prepare for a confrontation that will extend far beyond the coming monsoon.The political solution that could provide a nikas with the insurgents, which can only come from an all-party government coupled with the revival of the parliament, seems to be remote as the king keeps the parties at arm’s length.The origin of the royal distrust is unclear, but it is obvious that King Gyanendra regards the parties as dens of venal politicians, both corrupt and inept. This belief jives with the conviction of certain sections of Kathmandu society, that the politicians ran the country to the ground after 1990.Is the king focussing on well-publicised malfeasance of a few to tar the rank and file of the political parties? Whether there was failure of democracy under parliamentary ruleremains a matter for debate and not the basis on which an unelected entity can take decisions for the people. In the sliding scale of corruption and mal-governance, the politicians are asking where the parties stand in relation to the three-decade-long Panchayat system, as well as the 19 months of the king’s rule-by-nomination (during which period there has been no accounting of public expenditure). For archived material of Nepali Times of the past 20 years, site search: <a href="http://nepalitimes.com/">nepalitimes.com</a></article>

Twenty years ago this week, our front page story delved into king Gyanendra’s deep personal distrust of the political parties and what could be the possible outcome of this standoff. Unbeknownst to us all, he would go on to appoint Sher Bahadur Deuba as the prime minister one more time only to strip him of his position and declare him incompetent, ban all political parties and pull off a coup on 1 February 2005.
Now, after all these years, there is a call for the return of the same king by monarchists. Excerpts of a <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=2815">report</a> published on <a href="http://himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk/collections/journals/nepalitimes/pdf/Nepali_Times_197.pdf">issue #197 21-27 May 2004</a>: 
 
Suspicion holds the populace in limbo even as the polity dips into a tailspin: the economy, state activity and development work lie in tatters. The major road arteries are blocked, Kathmandu Valley and the business centres are cut off and the army and Maoists prepare for a confrontation that will extend far beyond the coming monsoon.
The political solution that could provide a nikas with the insurgents, which can only come from an all-party government coupled with the revival of the parliament, seems to be remote as the king keeps the parties at arm’s length.
The origin of the royal distrust is unclear, but it is obvious that King Gyanendra regards the parties as dens of venal politicians, both corrupt and inept. This belief jives with the conviction of certain sections of Kathmandu society, that the politicians ran the country to the ground after 1990.
Is the king focussing on well-publicised malfeasance of a few to tar the rank and file of the political parties? 
Whether there was failure of democracy under parliamentary rule
remains a matter for debate and not the basis on which an unelected entity can take decisions for the people. In the sliding scale of corruption and mal-governance, the politicians are asking where the parties stand in relation to the three-decade-long Panchayat system, as well as the 19 months of the king’s rule-by-nomination (during which period there has been no accounting of public expenditure). 
 
For archived material of Nepali Times of the past 20 years, site search: <a href="http://nepalitimes.com/" target="_blank">nepalitimes.com</a>

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20 Years Ago This Week

A Royal Decree

When Nirmal (Nims) Purja neared the summit of K2 during the first ever winter ascent of the world’s second tallest peak in Pakistan, he waited for the rest of his all-Nepali team to catch up.&nbsp; Then, with arms around each other’s shoulders, they sang Nepal’s national anthem, muffled through their oxygen masks and recorded it on a selfie stick as they walked together to the top with Nepal’s double triangle fluttering in the wind. In the 2021 Netflix documentary hit 14 Peaks: Nothing Is Impossible, Nims starred as himself. He provided hundreds of millions of viewers worldwide a glimpse of the Nepali character: of grit, endurance, sacrifice, and a deep love for his mother and motherland. Despite British nationality, Nims identified himself closely as a Nepali. And as a scandal erupted last month over allegations of his sexual misconduct in high places, it was Nepal’s international image that was also dented. Nims Purja is an ex-British Gurkha Special forces commando who saw action in Afghanistan, and shot to global fame in 2019 after climbing all 14 of the world’s eight thousanders in six months and six days. Now 40, Nims set up the mountaineering company Elite Exped with a VIP clientele that includes the likes of Qatar’s princess Sheikha Asma Al Thani. Nims was about setting the history straight by giving Nepali high altitude guides and porters their due in assisting Western mountaineers attain glory. Nims Purja had literally and figuratively reached the peak of his climbing career when it all came crashing down. On 31 May, The New York Times published an exposé titled For Female Climbers, Dangers Go Beyond Avalanches and Storms, in which Finnish mountaineer Lotta Hintsa and American physician April Leonardo accused Nims of sexual harassment.&nbsp; Nims responded with a 24-hour Instagram story stating he ‘unequivocally denies any wrongdoing’, and accused the Times of leaving out his full statement and critical eyewitness accounts.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024062012064_adffc0ffadb01b6da55cd5eccf1bd70e307f48b98c636e5ddb1032a088ed95a1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024062012064_adffc0ffadb01b6da55cd5eccf1bd70e307f48b98c636e5ddb1032a088ed95a1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1795" loading="lazy" alt="Nims Purja"> </figure>  The article did include testimonies by Nim’s guides who gave an alibi to the mountaineer, but it was countered by a statement and screenshots of text messages with timestamps by Leonardo and Hintsa, as Leonardo, in the article, replied with a statement but no physical evidence. Hintsa was a prospective employee for Elite Exped and Leonardo was his client on K2. Leonardo told the Times, ‘I’m on this crazy climb. He’s my guide. I don’t want to do anything to put myself in jeopardy.’ Both women detail Nims taking advantage of his position during precarious climbs. Many in the mountaineering community have condemned Nims and expressed support for the women. Some say the allegations are just the tip of the iceberg in a male-dominated field where toxic masculinity is often mistaken for athleticism, and celebrityhood provides immunity against misconduct. “Hats off to the women who have come forward with their stories, and I hope they will encourage others to speak up too,” German mountaineer Billi Bierling who is director of the Himalayan Database told Nepali Times. “Let’s join hands to make sure that the beautiful environment of the mountains will become a safe place for women again.” Nims has had other scrapes. He is accused of not paying proper compensation to three people killed in an oxygen cylinder explosion at a storage facility in Kathmandu in 2022. This year, he was hauled over for illegally flying a helicopter to Camp 2 on Everest. There have also been allegations, which Nims has refuted, that he uses his Nepali passport to avoid paying climbing royalties required for a British citizen. Last month, he created a flutter after claiming that someone was trying to sabotage his expedition by slicing the fixed rope on the summit ridge of Everest. The allegation was refuted, and the government issued a stern press statement saying Nims would be investigated for ‘disseminating misinformation with the intention of getting popularity’. Since The New York Times story came out, Nims Purja has lost most of his sponsors and there are questions about the future of his outfitting company.&nbsp; <h2>More scandals</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240620110656_0291669ebe30dc8e56346afc09cd4bfc6d38b197d2756049ffe272f2f334bd2c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20240620110656_0291669ebe30dc8e56346afc09cd4bfc6d38b197d2756049ffe272f2f334bd2c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Paul Shah Sandeep Lamichhane"> <figcaption>Paul Shah (left) and Sandeep Lamichhane (right)</figcaption> </figure>  Nims Purja’s case has raised questions about other fit and famous Nepalis like cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane and actor Paul Shah, both of whom have been accused of raping underage women. The Times article coincided with the Patan High Court acquitting Lamichhane, 23, of rape due to ‘lack of evidence’ a month ahead of the T20 World Cup. The Cricket Association of Nepal (CAN) then promptly lifted its ban on Lamichhane but he tried and failed twice to get a US visa. He could not play in the earlier games of the tournament, but made it to the matches in &nbsp;the West Indies this week.&nbsp; Nepali diaspora fans who flew to St Vincent and the Grenadines gleefully welcomed Lamichhane because most regard him as a key player in Team Nepal. The International Cricket Council (ICC) singled out Lamichhane ahead of the 2018 Cricket World Cup Qualifiers as a player to look out for, and he became the captain of the national team at only 21. He was taken into judiciary custody in October 2022 for the alleged rape of a minor. He called the accusations defamatory. In January 2023, the Patan High Court let him out on bail on condition he would not leave the country. A month later, the Supreme Court lifted the ban and allowed Lamichanne to participate in the UAE Tri-Nation Series. Meanwhile the identity of the girl was leaked, subjecting her and the family to online harassment and threats from fans. Many accused the girl of extortion while others were convinced it was consensual.&nbsp; In December 2023, the Kathmandu District court found Lamichhane guilty of rape, but not the rape of a minor. It felt that Gaushala-26 (code name) lied about her age. The court dismissed school reports showing she was 17, and took her birth certificate stating she was 18 at the time as authentic. In May 2024, Lamichhane’s lawyers appealed at the Patan High Court which overturned the earlier verdict, clearing the way for him to play in the current World Cup. Lamichanne now stands cleared of all charges. His participation in the team, and Nepal’s better than expected performance at the games has overshadowed the debate about his hasty acquittal.&nbsp; Many cheerleaders on social media platforms support Lamichhane and trolled those who say this is a clear case of justice taking a backseat in favour of national glory. Another celebrity to be charged for molestation of a minor and who served time only to be mysteriously acquitted is actor Paul Shah. Much like Lamichanne's supporters, Shah’s fans trolled his accuser. Shah is now back shooting one film after another while co-stars sing praises of him. &nbsp; While MP Rajendra Bajgain called on banning Puja from the country, for tarnishing Nepal's image and making the Himalayas a safe place for women again, the development of Lamichhane and Shah's case show the bleak reality of the preservation of national image at the face of justice.

The rise and fall of Nims Purja

Since Nepal first opened its doors to the outside world in the 1950s, it has steadily gained goodwill and friends around the globe. The Nepal brand has remained strong despite political instability, a ruinous conflict, corruption, poor infrastructure and air pollution.&nbsp;
First came the high fliers of the sixties to this Shangri La, then the hippies and overlanders seeking Nirvana. Himalayan hikers and development volunteers travelled and worked in the remotest corners of Nepal where even Nepalis had never been. Scientists, academics and experts like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/time-capsule-of-kathmandu">Toni Hagen</a> and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-s-legacy-is-goetz-hagmueller-s-legacy">Götz Hagmüller</a> made Nepal their adopted home, and gave the country a global identity.&nbsp;
They worked in schools, hospitals, conservation or heritage projects, building lifelong connections with Nepal, immersing themselves so much in the Nepali way of life that they felt alien in their own homeland.
Many wanted to spend their last days here, and some did. But in the past year the state has made it more and more difficult for long-staying foreigners to remain, and many in their seventies and eighties have bid tearful farewells to Nepal.&nbsp;
Why is Nepal driving away its best friends? Most of those interviewed for this report did not want their names used, and many teared up when they recounted the humiliation and dead-end they encountered while trying to renew their visas.&nbsp;
Countries like Thailand issue long-term retirement visas to foreigners in return for spending a minimum of $25,000 a year. Nepal had been allowing retired foreigners to stay on long-term residential visas until recently. This has been discontinued, but no one seems to know why. When asked, officials say it is a directive from the Home Ministry.&nbsp;
The website of the Immigration Department, which falls under the Home Ministry, says that a foreigner aged 60 or above can apply for and get a residential visa in Nepal as long as they have $20,000 in their bank account every year, pay an annual visa fee, obtain a no-objection letter from a related embassy, a health certificate issued by Teaching Hospital.
But the Immigration Department has not granted any new residential visa for over a year, forcing many elderly applicants to leave for good after being given the runaround. Expats can extend their tourist visas but only for up to 5 months during a calendar year.
We asked an official at the Immigration Department why no new residential visas had been approved. His reply: “You will have to ask the Home Ministry about it, they stopped it.” Only 3 long-term residential visas have been renewed in the past year.&nbsp;
After agreeing to speak anonymously, an official asked a rhetorical question: “It boils down to two alternatives: are we going to make money from long-term visas for foreigners, or is Nepal going to be an old people’s home?”&nbsp;
Foreigners who have given up knocking on doors at the Immigration Department are used to such cynicism. One 72-year-old applicant who has spent 30 years in Nepal was bluntly told: “Sir, we don’t care if you are here or not.”
An American who has been living in Nepal for over 25 years has been trying to apply for a long-term visa for five years, and has been going in and out on a tourist visa. He was told the only way would be to pay off a broker, or get a letter from the Prime Minister’s Office.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/The-Marston-Menagerie,4084">British couple Wendy and Robin Marston</a> who have lived in Nepal for over 45 years left the country after they were denied a residential visa. Robin was one of the pioneers of trekking in Nepal since 1978, and Wendy was involved in life-saving charities to help burns victims at hospitals in Kathmandu. &nbsp;
Austrian architect Götz Hagmüller died earlier this year in Bhaktapur aged 85 after spending more than half his life in Nepal. He made the preservation of Kathmandu Valley’s cultural heritage <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/The-guardian-of-the-shadows-%20G%C3%B6tz%20Hagm%C3%BCller,3352">his life’s work</a> and never left, restored<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/style-and-substance"> Kuthu Math</a>, Kaiser Mahal’s Garden of Dreams and the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/patans-museum-piece">Patan Museum</a>. He was refused a residential visa, and only got to stay on in a different visa category.&nbsp;
Foreigners have two ways to get long-term visas: by enrolling as students or investing in a business. The government is tightening the student loophole, and requires foreigners to invest Rs10 million or more in Nepal. This group is mainly made up of Chinese and South Koreans who have opened restaurants in Kathmandu or Pokhara.&nbsp;
But there are hassles even in renewing business visas every year, and a hydropower investor says he cannot get his passport stamped without getting his fixer to hand cash under the table.&nbsp;
“If the Nepal government is serious about foreign investment in the country, it must clean up its act,” he told us on condition of anonymity. What puzzles long-time Nepalophiles is that officials are so intent on undermining the country’s international goodwill by being so nasty to its most devoted brand ambassadors.
There are many theories about the tightening of visas: traditional xenophobia from a time Nepal was a hermit kingdom, geopolitics, suspicions about foreigners engaged in proselytisation, corruption and lack of coordination between the tourism promotion and immigration authorities. It could even be immigration officials doing a tit-for-tat for someone they know being refused a Schengen or American visa.
The Visit Nepal Year 2020 sign is still painted on the sides of Nepal Airlines jets, the country’s tourism promotion has lofty slogans like ‘Guest Is God’ or ‘Visit Nepal: Once Is Not Enough’. On the other hand, visitors whose visa fees could be a lucrative source of income are being told they are not welcome.&nbsp;
“Nepal has so much goodwill it can capitalise on, it is a wonder that it doesn’t,” says a long-term resident. “There is a larger xenophobia and suspicions at play here, especially with the relations with the United States and the rise of India and China. But Nepal is losing out on other friends and opportunities.”
Indeed, some see pressure from China on the government to control the activities of Westerners who may be sympathetic to the Tibetan cause, and India is also seen to be wary of the presence of third-country foreigners. &nbsp;
Writing for Nepali Times, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/race-against-time">researcher George van Driem</a> says xenophobic legislation enforces an ethnic bias that seals off Nepal for long-term residents.
‘Even with the written approval of His Majesty King Birendra, it took Lt. Col. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/home-away-from-home">John Philip Cross</a> 32 years, 6 months and 2 days before he was granted citizenship. When his struggle was finally rewarded, the legendary Gurkha figure was already deep into his retirement. Yet he is the lucky exception,’ van Driem wrote. ‘This grudging attitude with respect to Nepali citizenship reflects a mind-set firmly rooted in the racial attitudes of the Mulukī Ain.’
Ironically, while Nepal is pushing away long-staying foreigners, Nepalis themselves are emigrating in droves to their countries.&nbsp;
Says an American academic who first came to Nepal in the early 1990s: “We are definitely not a drain on the economy, we are happy to pay but it is a real shame that Nepal has made it so hard for us to stay. So many have left and gone to Thailand and elsewhere. They had no other choice.”
Another 72-year-old resident who has lived in Nepal for 30 years is emotional when she says in a soft voice and with a faraway look: “Despite everything, I still wanted to live here for the rest of my days.”&nbsp;
Her residential visa application was turned down, and she is leaving Nepal for good this week.

'GO AWAY'

Nepalis dying in someone else's war

A few years ago, at a training workshop in Janakpur for political parties to deepen their internal democracy, an LSP leader openly declared that he was a member of Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Indian group promoting <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/volatile-mix-of-politics-and-religion">political Hindutva</a>.
The RSS is notorious for its anti-Muslim rhetoric, and some elements of Nepal’s political class have since been influenced by the inflammatory rhetoric and ideology, as well as by its political front the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP).
Fast forward to 2024, and the dust is beginning to settle after India’s ‘festival of democracy’ in which the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the BJP lost 63 seats compared to the previous election in 2019. Yet the BJP still has 240 seats, and with its alliance partners, 293 seats in the 543-strong Parliament.
INDIA (the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance) led by Rahul Gandhi’s Indian National Congress (INC) has recovered from a dismal performance in 2019 with 231 seats, and the INC itself bagging 99 – up from 52 last time.
Most India-watchers have concluded that <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/demodification-of-india">Indian voters have stopped the BJP’s Hindutva juggernaut in its tracks</a>. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s party had ruled India since 2014 with an increasingly authoritarian style, imprisoning two chief ministers in the run up to elections, and gagging India’s once-vibrant free media.&nbsp;
During the last 10 years, India’s Muslims were bulldozed, sometimes quite literally as the<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/After-Adityanath,3617"> Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath of the BJP</a> used heavy earthmovers to raze Muslim homes and businesses.
Farmers in Punjab and Haryana repeatedly marched on Delhi to protest the BJP’s agriculture policy. The Covid-19 pandemic caused millions of unacknowledged deaths and it is accepted that the official death toll was a gross undercount. The youth, especially in rural India and the working class have not benefited from India’s impressive economic growth. The Ambanis, Adanis and other corporates used their BJP connection to amass wealth.&nbsp;
More than anything else, this election result showed the BJP a red line: the party has coalition partners who do not share its ideology and it cannot anymore bulldoze its way over India’s social and political opposition anymore.
As soon as the election results were clear, pundits in Nepal have been trying to analyse what a downsized BJP means for the country. Officially, Indian ex-diplomats have said that no matter which party is in power in India, its neighbourhood policy maintains continuity.
But it was transparently clear that <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/india-s-hindutva-politics-influencing-nepal">Nepal’s royal right parties got a boost</a> in their effort to roll back secularism from the Constitution. UP’s BJP chief minister Yogi Adityanath, the high priest of the Gorakhnath shrine, openly backed the restoration of monarchy in Nepal.
But it was in UP that the BJP suffered its most humiliating defeat, its candidate losing even in the constituency of Ayodhya where Modi had inaugurated a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-sita-ram-corridor">Ram temple built on the ruins of a mosque</a> as a part of his electoral campaign. The BJP lost 29 seats in UP alone.
A weaker BJP in India, and particularly UP, could mean that the influence of political Hindutva will wane in Nepal as well. This may mean a less aggressive RSS/BJP presence in Nepal.
This major shift in Indian politics also means Nepal’s ruling class cannot continue to do what it has been doing since 2014. Our leaders when in Delhi had been ignoring opposition leaders in the past ten years while kowtowing at Modi’s feet.
This continued when Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal was invited to New Delhi last week to participate at Modi’s third oath taking (pictured below). While there were photo-ops of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh hugging Sonia Gandhi, Dahal and his daughter Ganga did not bother to meet any opposition leaders. It was as if Nepal’s prime minister did not even bother about the outcome of India’s election result.
Ideologically, Nepal’s liberal and leftist political parties are supposed to be closer to the INC and its allies. After all, Nepal’s 2015 Constitution was written at a time that spanned regime change in Delhi ten years ago. &nbsp;
When it rains in Delhi, Nepal's leaders unfurl their umbrellas. Indeed, our political leaders have resorted to performative Hindutva rituals during India visits, making it a point to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/red-to-saffron">worship at temples and don saffron robes</a> just to appease the Delhi Darbar. But the political class now needs to revive its close ties with the Indian opposition.
Back at home, the saffron flags, angry Hanuman stickers, and sword-wielding Hindutva demos in Janakpur, Birganj and Kathmandu do not really showcase Nepal’s more tolerant brand of Hindu culture. After all these are the symbols of the proponents of ‘Akhanda Bharat’, the mythical greater South Asia that includes Nepal, maps of which the BJP leaders display on their walls.
Perhaps it is time to rethink <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/southerly-winds">what Hinduism means to us</a>: an inclusive religion that seeks to bestow liberation to believers, not a political campaign to gain state power and marginalise other religions.
The Indian election results have also sent a message to Nepali liberals and leftists that mixing politics with religion does not work, nor does <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/democracy-s-discontents">hollow populism</a>. Sooner or later, the voters will see through it all.&nbsp;
Shreya Paudel is Program Manager at the Centre for Investigative Journalism- Nepal.&nbsp;

A Royal Decree

The rise and fall of Nims Purja

'GO AWAY'

Nepalis dying in someone else's war

Hindutva juggernaut hits a speed bump