Nepal’s transitional justice amendment bill does not adhere to domestic or international laws, and its current draft will not adequately persecute perpetrators of crimes committed by the Maoist and state security forces during the decade-long armed conflict, said international human rights organisations on Friday.
The bill must be revised to comply with Nepal’s Supreme Court rulings and international human rights laws while ensuring consultation with conflict victims and if passed in its current form will not be accepted by the judiciary, civil society, or conflict survivors, stated Amnesty &nbsp;International, Human Rights Watch, and the International Commission of &nbsp;Jurists.
The &nbsp;Bill for the Amendment of the Investigation of Enforced Disappeared &nbsp;Persons, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act (2014) was presented before parliament on 19 March. Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s coalition government, which introduced the amendment bill in the House, &nbsp;plans to expedite the bill drafted by Govinda Prasad Sharma Koirala &nbsp;‘Bandi’ through Parliament.
There have been negligible prosecutions of serious crimes under international law since the end of the armed conflict in 2006. More than 140 victims have <a href="https://u7061146.ct.sendgrid.net/ls/click?upn=4tNED-2FM8iDZJQyQ53jATUWleU9QIo4HgPQiXtNUKFnrylepgRjvdjnNeoDyHg7ZyXLtLiguDmCrBbY2MlwiyVQKqv55Ym5Kk1XqgWqdkVHggLKNSN0gDsmTO6avj-2ByI4fX7936n3XApk5ahsaYn6x6dKUdEOuHZvnKAMjIKlzDw-3D4BNj_Fw9I6ls453wh9AcW9OcnAOdGLtHJQWmb6iisfhwxtIrVHXOCd4VBT7bZGP2s-2FHbG9JxVKulQIyCjRDu9XnUWBhuOJZ-2BTIAC4GbOzVj7LjC7I-2FQPY6l4UxHr0M4TEpDQRHGVoZ-2FfB7KRsNoPM6Nsj-2BbwHXwfbgi-2FUxqkz4qp5XFO90WnM6Dq0NmJCvA-2F3Awb7pgkJktX5e5iI1n-2BlIWeJ-2BdL1QmDISQ3eNRARGflnhcwVF-2BlfwRG4cSgyLnmue4QEBmCfiBz" target="_blank">sought justice </a>for the disappearance and the extra-judicial killings of their loved ones through the regular courts, but successive governments have blocked progress, arguing that conflict-era cases are under the purview of transitional justice law.
“Key provisions of this bill appear to be designed to shield alleged perpetrators from prosecution for some of the most serious crimes under international law,” said Dinushika Dissanayake, Amnesty International’s deputy regional director for South Asia. “If it is rushed through &nbsp;parliament without significant changes, it cannot be the basis for a &nbsp;process that has the support of conflict victims, nor legal credibility &nbsp;at home or abroad.”
&nbsp;Forty-two conflict victims’ organisations had issued a <a href="https://u7061146.ct.sendgrid.net/ls/click?upn=4tNED-2FM8iDZJQyQ53jATUeiDyHLvaGO87Zqvj1UKs1tbbO-2FU8Z6gkBb2a0DYpj59tIGVmctxW4SWyOhklWrq3n7eyt1TDst6qQwvA8dk2SPfsJwOmKX-2FccNnzcWGyFi95PXBrfMQpDqoZij53kjeZRVscb98lXNxLDDvin8Jv0sIEO-2BWtPZWrCawlYYW6FEtd74c4v-2BbfmXY7DIL8ZuYvQ-3D-3DtIP2_Fw9I6ls453wh9AcW9OcnAOdGLtHJQWmb6iisfhwxtIrVHXOCd4VBT7bZGP2s-2FHbG9JxVKulQIyCjRDu9XnUWBhuOJZ-2BTIAC4GbOzVj7LjC7I-2FQPY6l4UxHr0M4TEpDQRHGVoZ-2FfB7KRsNoPM6Nsj-2BbwHXwfbgi-2FUxqkz4qp5XFO90WnM6Dq0NmJCvA-2F3Awb7pgkJktX5e5iI1n-2BlIWeJ-2B" target="_blank">joint statement</a> condemning the bill on 15 March, calling it a betrayal of conflict victims and a denial of their right to justice.
Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/how-can-we-argue-that-those-victims-whose-loved-ones-disappeared-should-simply-forget">“How can we argue that those victims whose loved ones disappeared should simply forget?"</a>
The government had failed to consult conflict victims about the content of the legislation, leading victims’ groups, lawmakers, and human rights experts to identify and express concern over the draft bill after the fact in July last year. A parliamentary committee had begun necessary changes on a previous draft as a response, but the House was dissolved before the legislative proposals came to a vote ahead of the November &nbsp;2022 federal elections.&nbsp;
“Once again, Nepal’s political leaders are attempting to legislate an escape hatch for some of those responsible for serious crimes under international law,” said <a href="https://u7061146.ct.sendgrid.net/ls/click?upn=4tNED-2FM8iDZJQyQ53jATUZSUZsKQffopO3djP-2FXiLsskiG1Q6gEMW5ijTZcdpHqg1VNHdLPEKhbJiQPkGKrCUA-3D-3DhCnf_Fw9I6ls453wh9AcW9OcnAOdGLtHJQWmb6iisfhwxtIrVHXOCd4VBT7bZGP2s-2FHbG9JxVKulQIyCjRDu9XnUWBhuOJZ-2BTIAC4GbOzVj7LjC7I-2FQPY6l4UxHr0M4TEpDQRHGVoZ-2FfB7KRsNoPM6Nsj-2BbwHXwfbgi-2FUxqkz4qp5XFO90WnM6Dq0NmJCvA-2F3Awb7pgkJktX5e5iI1n-2BlIWeJ-2BSuZaj3cuf6WSa5irNKOpEuYUQzM-2FCFU96Jp8U14cdhSl-2FQtSfbiPqBCe8bTwJ29jfJQtz4dC-2BJNyMFEWVjd4A9Jk92ngcA2EnAc21CQOL-2B4w5Lq7I-2B4fhboHtaGI" target="_blank">Meenakshi Ganguly</a>, &nbsp;South Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “After over 16 years of &nbsp;trying and failing with this strategy, it should be clear to them that &nbsp;only a credible and legitimate justice process will successfully &nbsp;complete the peace process.”
Per the latest draft of the bill, crimes committed during the conflict will be investigated by the two transitional justice commissions— <a href="https://u7061146.ct.sendgrid.net/ls/click?upn=iesGENwk9ZVmCixsbOYoOPm0a2cqlI4-2BYa0QY0-2BHMSc-3D126H_Fw9I6ls453wh9AcW9OcnAOdGLtHJQWmb6iisfhwxtIrVHXOCd4VBT7bZGP2s-2FHbG9JxVKulQIyCjRDu9XnUWBhuOJZ-2BTIAC4GbOzVj7LjC7I-2FQPY6l4UxHr0M4TEpDQRHGVoZ-2FfB7KRsNoPM6Nsj-2BbwHXwfbgi-2FUxqkz4qp5XFO90WnM6Dq0NmJCvA-2F3Awb7pgkJktX5e5iI1n-2BlIWeJ-2BcF2jporiXsw31IwF-2Fo3tdwGVmqjDXnY6nyR58078mo6dC44HZktcsZdCG8vK4RWGbcD-2F7LtOMggsQEHchLk6pfIjbsm8DQAQdlgZChGcYz5CVpA-2F6Eu-2F45JewVwxLTNoaBord3WVOTwmiV8cO-2BPDLg-3D" target="_blank">Truth and Reconciliation Commission</a> (TRC) and the <a href="https://u7061146.ct.sendgrid.net/ls/click?upn=4tNED-2FM8iDZJQyQ53jATUb66BCV2uYLYQ2jN7ruMY8dk5XeoufJFAxyp6RfA0QHdNmux_Fw9I6ls453wh9AcW9OcnAOdGLtHJQWmb6iisfhwxtIrVHXOCd4VBT7bZGP2s-2FHbG9JxVKulQIyCjRDu9XnUWBhuOJZ-2BTIAC4GbOzVj7LjC7I-2FQPY6l4UxHr0M4TEpDQRHGVoZ-2FfB7KRsNoPM6Nsj-2BbwHXwfbgi-2FUxqkz4qp5XFO90WnM6Dq0NmJCvA-2F3Awb7pgkJktX5e5iI1n-2BlIWeJ-2BaVEL-2B-2Fyqvg4M8-2FDeqMM-2F-2F6Ca-2FPYErdoi3Egjr3PUSP9uV-2FUHz4d7XRWbC2VQQIIjTjoEzLjPf67yV0b21waYGKjfnIKzWPc85YN9UQL7I5HgiG5tvZ89EP0QR9Wrq31ywgsIceQzZTTBGaixZ3HCzo" target="_blank">Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons</a> (CIEDP)—while “serious violations of human rights” would be prosecuted in a special court.
But while crimes such as rape, enforced disappearance, “cruel or inhuman torture,” and “killing of somebody after cruel torture or killing of somebody in a brutal manner” are classified as “serious violations of human rights” — the bill excludes numerous crimes under international law— providing amnesty for murder, sexual violence “not amounting to rape”, beating and mutilation, abduction, arson, forced displacement, as well as illegal detention.
Nepal’s two transitional justice commissions have received over 60,000 &nbsp;complaints regarding conflict-era human rights and international humanitarian law violations. However, not a single investigation has been completed so far. If the amendment is fast-tracked, the commissions will only have two more years to complete pending investigations that must be tried in the special court.
As it stands, the amendment bill in its current form has no plans to establish a special investigation unit to collect evidence, does not clarify how the principle of non-retroactivity of criminal law would be in line with international law and has not explained which applicable law would be used to prosecute those involved in serious crimes. The bill also enables the government to consult the Judicial Council to appoint judges to the special court as opposed to through a &nbsp;constitutionally-required independent process.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/nepal-s-transitional-justice-and-the-west-s-recalibration">Nepal’s Transitional Justice and the West’s recalibration</a>, Kanak Mani Dixit
“The victims of egregious human rights abuses during Nepal’s armed conflict have waited far too long for truth, reparations, and justice,” said <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/how-can-we-argue-that-those-victims-whose-loved-ones-disappeared-should-simply-forget" target="_blank">Mandira Sharma,</a> Senior &nbsp;International Legal Adviser at the International Commission of Jurists. &nbsp;“The government of Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal and other &nbsp;political parties in parliament should recognize that and pass the &nbsp;legislation only after revising the bill to meet victims’ needs and &nbsp;ensure respect of Nepal’s international and domestic legal obligations.”
However, &nbsp;some aspects of the current bill— such as reparation to victims previously ineligible for relief packages, as well as the right of the families of “disappeared” persons to their relatives’ property — shows progress in transitional justice, the human rights groups noted. The bill also mandates that Nepal’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission study the causes and impact of the conflict and recommend institutional reforms.

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News

Nepal TJ Bill protects perpetrators, shortchanges survivors

For almost a month now, nameplates bearing the name of Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal have hung outside 16 of Nepal’s ministries in the absence of heads of the ministries. Most of the plates say the minister in question is ‘Not In’.
The Cabinet has only seven ministers after the UML, the erstwhile coalition partner of Dahal’s Maoist Centre, quit the government on 27 February. Dahal defected to forge a partnership with Nepali Congress (NC), and on 20 March passed a confidence vote in Parliament for the second time in three months. &nbsp;
Now, Dahal has to go through the same struggle he did in December to reward his 10-party coalition partners, each of which are demanding plum portfolios. Members of Dahal’s 10-party alliance, including the CPN (Unified Socialist), JSP and Janamat await their pound of flesh. Rabi Lamichhane of the RSP also abandoned the UML to give Dahal his vote of confidence, apparently in return for his passport case being dismissed.&nbsp;
The NC with 89 MPs is the biggest party in Parliament and insiders say it wants at least seven ministries including the Ministry of Finance, especially if the Maoists are to keep the Home Ministry for themselves. The NC will participate in government, and one faction wants either Prakash Man Singh or Bimalendra Nidhi to be in the Cabinet.
NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba is also said to be considering Shekhar Koirala, who challenged Deuba’s party leadership. Analysts say Deuba may be looking at blunting the factions in the party who pose a challenge to his leadership. &nbsp;&nbsp;
“I do not think Shekhar Koirala, who stood against Deuba during the NC general convention, would be keen to be a minister in Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s government,” says analyst Puranjan Acharya, “He has the legacy of the Koirala family to uphold, and that will not allow him to work under a prime minister who does not come from the biggest party in the House.”
Congress Vice President Purna Bahadur Khadka is also said to be keen to join the government if he gets to head the Home Ministry, which Dahal has retained since the RSP’s &nbsp;Lamichhane vacated the office following the Supreme Court’s verdict on his Nepali citizenship. Dahal’s preference for the powerful portfolio, however, is his trusted lieutenant Shakti Basnet.&nbsp;
“We can take the peace process forward more effectively if the Home Ministry is headed by our party,” Ganesh Sah of the Maoist party told Nepali Times.
Madhav Kumar Nepal is feeling a bit left out, and wants the Home Ministry for his Unified Socialists, since Maoists, NC, JSP, and RSP have all got offices of prime minister, president, vice president, and deputy speaker respectively. &nbsp;
Nepal is said to be prepared for his party to participate in government under the leadership of Bedu Ram Bhusal, he will have to battle it out with his party colleague Rajendra Pandey.&nbsp;
But it is the RSP that has been most insistent that Lamichhane be returned to the home ministry. Lamichhane himself is readying for the Chitwan-2 by election on 23 April, and hopes to also reclaim his deputy prime minister post.&nbsp;
JSP president Upendra Yadav, on the other hand, is seeking the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure with its ample budget, as well as the Ministry of Federal Affairs for his party – even though spokesperson Manish Suman says the party has not received any formal proposal from the prime minister.
Upendra Yadav will contest the by-election from Bara’s second constituency, which has been left vacant after his colleague Ram Sahaya Prasad Yadav was elected Vice President.
At present, Minister of Water Supply Abdul Khan from CK Raut’s Janamat Party is the only non-Maoist member of the Cabinet. Raut has asked for either the Ministry of Industry or Agriculture along with the deputy prime ministership.
Meanwhile, the Nagarik Unmukti Party (NUP) and Rastriya Janamorcha have said that they will not be part of the government for the time being. NUP chair Ranjita Shrestha insists her party will not join until party founder Resham Chaudhary is released from detention.&nbsp;
All in all, PM Dahal is in for a rough ride, trying to keep all his partners happy.&nbsp;

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Quid pro quo quagmire

At age of nine, Urmila Chaudhari was brought from her home in Dang to be an indentured servant in the household of a landlord in Kathmandu.&nbsp; At age 21, she was still washing dishes and doing household chores at her owner’s house. But she always dreamt of going to school.&nbsp; At age 36, she is a third-year student at Kathmandu School of Law and determined to provide legal aid to children like her who were bonded into indentured servitude. “I have reached this point after struggling and suffering for years, but there are hundreds of young girls like me who are still treated like slaves,” says Chaudhari. “I understand what they are going through, and want to help them as a lawyer and friend.” Zamindar families who lived in Kathmandu used to source household help from the children of Tharu families in Dang, Banke, Bardia, Kailali and Kanchanpur districts to be kept in bonded servitude, essentially modern-day domestic slaves. The children, primarily girls, would be promised a monthly salary and educational opportunities, but usually got neither. Chaudhari was from Manpur in Dang and was also brought to Kathmandu under the same pretext and instead of being a student she was a serf as she grew into adulthood.&nbsp; Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/from-kamlari-to-mp">From kamlari to MP</a>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230322110336_980b84329756f99dea6fb12ac92b73d3f0a6fcf5397ba50e2efd079aced6e096.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230322110336_980b84329756f99dea6fb12ac92b73d3f0a6fcf5397ba50e2efd079aced6e096" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="768" loading="lazy" alt="From serf to solicitor 2"> <figcaption>Urmila Chaudhary with her classmates at Kathmandu School of Law.</figcaption> </figure>  Instead of going to school, she was made to do the dishes in the mornings and the evenings, wash the clothes and clean the owner’s house in the afternoon.&nbsp; “At the time, I used to think that was my destiny,” recalls Chaudhari. After the Society for Women’s Awareness (SWAN) Nepal and Friends of Needy Children (FNC) began a campaign to eradicate the kamlari tradition, Chaudhari was finally freed in January 2007 after 12 years of bonded labour.&nbsp; Overnight, Urmila Chaudhari switched from slave to activist, and joined the movement to declare Dang kamlari-free. She also joined the Free Kamalari Development Forum, and after pressure from all sides the Nepal government finally abolished the practice of indentured labour in 2013.&nbsp; Also abolished was the kamaiya system, which like kamlari, was a feudal practice in which mainly landless Tharu families from the western Tarai would be bonded to owners who made them work in their fields to pay off inter-generational debt. In 2018, Chaudhari was conferred the prestigious ‘Freedom from Fear Award’ in New York by the Roosevelt Institute to Americans and in Middelburg, Netherlands, by the Roosevelt Stichting to non-Americans. Previous laureates include Malala Yousafzai, Hussain al-Shahristani, Aung San Suu Kyi and Louise Arbour.&nbsp; “I want to dedicate this award to my fellow 13,000 free kamlari,” Chaudhary said in her acceptance speech in 2018. She has got five other international awards for her anti-slavery activism, including the United Nations Youth Courage Award for Education and International Human Rights. She adds that the awards inspire and encourage her to carry on, to work even harder for the children from disadvantaged and marginalised communities in Nepal.&nbsp; Says Chaudhary: “After I become a lawyer, with continued support from other activists I am sure I can fulfil my dream to carry on the struggle for justice for all underprivileged Nepali children.” Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/from-slave-to-entrepreneur">From slave to entrepreneur</a> &nbsp;

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From serf to solicitor

“How can we argue that those victims whose loved ones disappeared should simply forget?”

Dereje Wordofa, President of SOS Children’s Villages International visited Nepal earlier this month. He also met with Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal to discuss children’s rights. Excerpts from an interview. Nepali Times: Can you tell us the purpose of your visit? Dereje Wordofa: The purpose of my visit is to engage, learn and understand the child protection and care work we do in Nepal. I am also here to celebrate the work of SOS Children's Villages Nepal over the last five decades in caring for children who do not have parental care or are at risk of losing it. Finally, I am also here to listen to the stories of success, challenges and dilemmas not only from the care professionals, care practitioners, management, young people and the families, but also from the main stakeholders particularly from the government at the highest level. The purpose of my visit is multifold and I am happy to be in this remarkably diverse and gorgeous country with spectacular history and its people. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/sisterhoods-empowering-education-in-nepal">Sisterhoods empowering education in Nepal</a>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230319120340_1459ce3cf45d750d1878ca4d75acb9c1378d49359063402a66ae4189ad9d1f31.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230319120340_1459ce3cf45d750d1878ca4d75acb9c1378d49359063402a66ae4189ad9d1f31" data-rendition-name="original" width="8018" height="5348" loading="lazy" alt="Dr Dereje"> <figcaption>Dereje Wordofa, President of SOS Children’s Villages International.</figcaption> </figure>  SOS Children’s Villages Nepal started in the late 1960s, how has the focus changed over time? Since its inception, SOS Children’s Villages Nepal has followed our foundational purpose of being on the side of children who have lost or are at risk of losing parental care. Today and in the future we will continue to work for them – that hasn’t changed.&nbsp; By “children and young people without parental care,” we mean those who are temporarily or permanently growing up without the care of their families, children in residential care, in foster care, children who are living on the street. By “those at risk of losing parental care,” we mean children and young people in families that are struggling to stay together and where parents are having difficulty providing the care, stability and bond their children need. However, our work evolves in response to the specific issues this group faces, and, as it happens in society, our understanding of child and youth development evolves over time. In recent years, for example, we have expanded our work to include “young people” (ages 15-24) because we have learned how important it is for this age group to have someone by their side as they transition into an independent life. In Nepal, SOS Children's Villages has expanded its range of alternative care solutions for children and young people through its various programmes. Through our community based programmes, we are working to prevent family break down. When necessary, we provide suitable alternative care placement for those that cannot stay with their families. In that case, we provide family-like care and small group homes for children and young people when other solutions are not in their best interest. &nbsp;We run training centres to equip &nbsp;&nbsp;young people with employable skills and also build their entrepreneurial spirit. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/mixed-picture-for-nepal-s-children">Mixed picture for Nepal’s children</a>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230319120340_3d171a422169afe8a93ee18d450759b2bc9373cdf9626ca0c2f50ffcc6dccaa6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230319120340_3d171a422169afe8a93ee18d450759b2bc9373cdf9626ca0c2f50ffcc6dccaa6" data-rendition-name="original" width="5472" height="3648" loading="lazy" alt="Dr Dereje with PM"> <figcaption>Wordofa with Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal.</figcaption> </figure>  Nepal saw some dramatic improvement in girl child enrollment in schools but recently the progress seems to have stalled. What may be the reasons behind this? Girls’ education is very important for families and society. &nbsp;Indeed, the Covid-19 pandemic had a deterring effect on education everywhere. For instance, a report by the <a href="https://en.unesco.org/news/why-girls-matter-working-radios-raise-community-awareness-girls-education-0">UNESCO Institute of Statistics</a> shows that the closure of schools due to Covid-19 lockdowns has put an estimated 4.5 million girls in Nepal at risk of not completing their education. This is an unfortunate setback to the earlier progress. In a crisis like Covid-19 and climate change combined, girls are the first to be removed from school and the last to return.&nbsp; Due to the consequences of interwoven crises, more families have fallen into poverty and financial hardships. The deprivation is forcing girls to drop out of school and pushing girls into early marriage, exacerbating child labor, rapidly worsening teenage pregnancies and aggravating already existing gender inequalities.&nbsp; How do we work to improve this situation? Overall, we all need to renew our commitment to implement the Sustainable Development Goals set up through the United Nations that are aimed at poverty eradication. For example, we are working with families in the community, building their resilience to disruptions to their livelihood, by building stable income streams, and encouraging savings, improving access to credit when needed, can help families to build safety nets. Of course, education systems also have to be adaptable to the effects of the climate crisis. We should proactively advocate for girls' education. At the same time, an enabling policy environment is very important. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/educating-girls-for-climate-action">Educating girls for climate action</a>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230319120336_5a0a3e988573d963c9aff76c1a95a1f048efb1e9eaf5455866e1596b30bd430c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20230319120336_5a0a3e988573d963c9aff76c1a95a1f048efb1e9eaf5455866e1596b30bd430c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1332" height="887" loading="lazy" alt="Dr Dereje with children"> </figure>  How can we ensure adolescent girls and boys have better access to reproductive health services? Adolescents and young people should be empowered to make informed choices about their body and life. Young people must be able to explore their self, body and sexuality. Most often, they do not get the information and support they need to navigate themselves. &nbsp;Families usually avoid, for lack of awareness, conversations on sexuality, specifically with children.&nbsp; Taboos in society add to the complexities of talking about romantic relationships, sexuality or sexual health. Yet, no matter how obvious or difficult it may seem, we must feel comfortable talking about sex and the body in general. &nbsp;For instance, a child’s first menstrual cycle is often the catalyst for a conversation. Are our caregivers equipped to begin talking about puberty or/and sexual health? Can they provide children with clear, and helpful information? Do the schools they attend provide them with sex education? What is the knowledge of our young boys and girls on safe sexual practices, contraceptives and sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/ AIDS? That is why I am convinced that the relevant knowledge will and can empower young people to be confident to make informed choices about their future.&nbsp; Children and young people must protect themselves from unwanted pregnancies and abuse. Care practitioners and parents need to have the competence to openly communicate about reproductive and sexual health in the best interest of the children and young people. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/sisterhood-of-students">Sisterhood of students</a>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230319120336_27e4e016f63f0c3b471b610788269fbbd14f18c689084e8f5cfc31ea94138502.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20230319120336_27e4e016f63f0c3b471b610788269fbbd14f18c689084e8f5cfc31ea94138502" data-rendition-name="original" width="6000" height="4000" loading="lazy" alt="Dr Dereje NT"> <figcaption>Wordofa with a child at SOS Children's Village, Sanothimi.</figcaption> </figure>  Why is it important to focus on girl child’s education? Around the world, educated girls and young women marry at a later age, they have informed family planning decisions that lead to fewer children. Moreover, their children tend to get good nutrition, be healthier, and they prioritize schooling. They make important choices for themselves and their family. &nbsp;So, educating girls can break cycles of poverty, increase productivity and has the power to improve the wellbeing of a family. Increasing women’s and girls’ educational attainment is at the core of the sustainable development agenda because it contributes to more inclusive economic growth for societies as a whole.&nbsp; It goes without saying that investing in girls’ education transforms communities, countries and the entire world. It contributes to more stable, resilient societies that give all individuals – including boys and men – the opportunity to fulfil their potential. Girls earn higher incomes, participate in the decisions that most affect them, and build better futures for themselves and their families and more. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/review/for-children-about-children">For children, about children</a>

Educating girls to break cycle of poverty

January 1902 Prime Minister Chandra Shumsher Rana informs the British he is considering a “wire tramway” between Bhimphedi and Thankot and wants to hire a European engineer to make a preliminary survey. This plan is not carried out perhaps because the technology was not yet sufficiently developed. 1912 Chandra Shumsher has a survey made for a ropeway from Bhimphedi to Kisipidi (Thankot).&nbsp; January 1913 British ropeway engineer R.S. Underhill, employed by the Nepal Government in connection with a ropeway scheme arrives in Kathmandu.&nbsp; 1914 The Nepal government plan for a ropeway is dropped, probably due to the onset of World War I. 1918 Chandra Shumsher gives Keymer, Son &amp; Company of London standing instructions to proceed with an aerial ropeway between Kathmandu and Bhimphedi.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230317110348_a53c1948f46032773ef383f98b625c1788fe7c48f22f7c8462fbc3af810502c8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20230317110348_a53c1948f46032773ef383f98b625c1788fe7c48f22f7c8462fbc3af810502c8" data-rendition-name="original" width="6000" height="4000" loading="lazy" alt="Office for transporting goods by sky today"> <figcaption>The old warehouse of Office for Transporting Goods by Sky Wire in Bhimphedi today. Photo: Daniel W Edwards(Photo: Daniel W Edwards)</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230317110352_aee518aaa6b5ca60c55776639c43e777e94eb8b81ed47bdb97fdaa0fa7cb03a2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230317110352_aee518aaa6b5ca60c55776639c43e777e94eb8b81ed47bdb97fdaa0fa7cb03a2" data-rendition-name="original" width="6000" height="4000" loading="lazy" alt="Old warehouse"> <figcaption>The same old warehouse in Bhimphedi today.(Photo: Daniel W Edwards)</figcaption> </figure>  June 1919 PM Chandra Shumsher says he is sending Rs1.2 million to England to meet the cost of materials. He reports a route has been selected which takes off from a point 20 to 25 miles due north of the Bairagnia railway station (near the Nepal border with Bihar) and would enter the Kathmandu Valley east of the trail for foot passengers (ending at Thankot). The ropeway would be 20 to 23 miles long. August The War Office in London states that all available ropeway material has been placed at the disposal of the India Office. Indian Government says that material has been assigned for building a ropeway through the Khyber Pass. Keymer Co. states that due to the requirements for the “Afghan and Frontier Trouble,” it has no spare materials available. One report says Chandra Shumsher later purchased the British ropeway that had been used during the Third Afghan War. 1922 Construction of trestle (tower) foundations begins, but a strike of Indian workers delays the work. The route has been changed to go from Dhorsing to Thankot. Messrs. R. Pearson and A.J. Knight are consulting engineers. March 1923 Erection of trestles begins. Work can only be done during six months of the year. &nbsp; June 1924 Engineer Underhill estimates cost of the ropeway to be about £100,000. Upon its completion, he gives this description of the ropeway: 'The Nepal ropeway (a mono-cable system) is 14 miles long as the crow flies. It carries general merchandise in average loads of 5 cwt at the rate of 8 tons per hour in either direction, and the heaviest individual load permissible is 10 cwt. (Cwt refers to 'hundredweight', a unit of measurement equalling 45.35kg.) The ropeway comprises seven sections, each being a complete unit in itself, driven by an electric motor. Each section comprises a single endless wire rope 7/8" thick and of 29 tons strength, which passes round a horizontal wheel 10 feet in diameter at each end of the section. An electric motor drives these wheels through suitable gearing and causes the rope to travel continuously at 4¼ miles per hour. The loads are hung from clips on this rope at regular intervals 240 yards apart and travel with the rope; loads going up to Kisipidi on one side and traveling down to Dhursing on the other.&nbsp; The rope is supported by sheaves running on ball bearings carried on cross-arms at the tops of 106 steel trestles, which vary in height from 12 feet to 100 feet to suit the configuration of the ground. The largest span between two trestles is 1,300 yards.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230317120312_489e3505b157fb38ed8e55a6b027d9dffc746734d07060b83920a054f9033100.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230317120312_489e3505b157fb38ed8e55a6b027d9dffc746734d07060b83920a054f9033100" data-rendition-name="original" width="909" height="796" loading="lazy" alt="Route of the ropeway"> <figcaption>Route of the ropeway from Dhorsing near Bhimphedi to Teku in Kathmandu, a distance of 128.4km. It was the cargo lifeline to Kathmandu until the Tribhuvan Highway was completed in 1956.</figcaption> </figure>  At the end of each section, the clips automatically disengage from the wire rope, run along an overhead rail through the station, and then engage with the rope of the next section, so that a load can travel continuously from end to end of the ropeway. The power required to drive the ropeway when fully loaded is about 80 horse power. The supply of electricity comes from a plant near Pharping. One obstacle in building the ropeway was the belief in scattered villages that the opening of the ropeway was to be celebrated by the immolation of children at the foot of the trestles, and in some cases, Mr. Underhill found villages emptied as he approached them. In several places trouble was caused by roaming elephants using trestles under erection as rubbing posts.' 1925 Ropeway construction is completed but probably does not come into regular operation until the Nepal Government Railway (NGR) begins operations from Raxaul to Amlekhganj in February 1927.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230317110356_3c37d4360f938d71ab00dfbba5ed94d5af9b29315b9c2d8a3775c34b43786d22.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230317110356_3c37d4360f938d71ab00dfbba5ed94d5af9b29315b9c2d8a3775c34b43786d22" data-rendition-name="original" width="796" height="586" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal Government railway"> <figcaption>The Nepal Government Railway (NGR) from Raxaul to Amlekhganj linked the Indian border with the ropeway terminal. </figcaption> </figure>  1932 The Tainathwalla (chief official) of the ropeway and five other projects is Maj. Gen. Krishna SJB Rana, assisted by Col. Chet SJB Rana.&nbsp; 1941 The चन्द्र आकाश तार माल चलानी अड्डा &nbsp;(Office for Transporting Goods by Sky Wire) is headed by Subba Hiranyaswar Lal Pradhananga, annual salary of Rs1,145. Other employees: 2 dittha, 4 mukhiya, 1 naib mukhiya, 6 naib writter, 1 bahidar, 3 nausinda, 1 tahvildar, and 2 'opretar' (operators), for a total staff of 21. At the Dhorsing Godam (warehouse) is Capt Prem Bahadur Thapa, annual salary of Rs1,200, who oversees a staff of 24.&nbsp; October 1945 It is reported the ropeway operates eight hours a day, transporting about 55 tons of goods. The freight rate is eight annas (about 15 cents) per maund (37kg). A British engineer, Roy Kilburne, is in charge of maintenance.&nbsp; April 1947 The ropeway extends 122km. It cost approximately $300,000. Kilburne has just completed a survey to extend the ropeway to the customs house at Teku. The estimated cost of this 6.4km extension is approximately $100,000, but the project is being held up until the necessary materials to complete the work have been delivered. The rate charged on the ropeway averages Rs1/12 per maund (37kg). Coolie charges per maund from Kathmandu to Dhorsing average from Rs3-5 depending upon the load.&nbsp; January 1950 The Government says the ropeway will be extended from Thankot to Panchali (Teku), where the goods transported by the ropeway will be weighed at the eG;f/ c•f. 1950-51 [2007 BS] Government expenditures (in Rs) from general revenues: Main ropeway 2007BS 2008BS Salaries &amp; allowances 99,000 133,000 Equipment &amp; supplies 24,000 24,000 Contingency expenses 3,000 3,000 Total 126,000 160,000 Projects: Renovation of cables (existing cables are 5 years old) 42,000 Procurement of equipment x 10,000 Expansion of ropeway (nearly complete) x 668,000 Swayambhunath ropeway 4,000 Total 884,000 1951 Ropeway hauls 570,000 tons of goods.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023031712030_a7d9390e0190e87d0ab704dde799ba1ce599856213d1f452b8c241b1ce6466e1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2023031712030_a7d9390e0190e87d0ab704dde799ba1ce599856213d1f452b8c241b1ce6466e1" data-rendition-name="original" width="2558" height="2231" loading="lazy" alt="Railway receipt"> <figcaption>The receipt showing charges for the ropeway from Dhorsing to Thankot and then railway charges from Thankot to Teku customs office. The railway was the Motor Trolley Railway built in 1933 connecting the ropeway terminal at Thankot with the customs office. Courtesy: KAMAL R. TULADHAR</figcaption> </figure>  1950-52 &nbsp;General income from ropeway operations (exclusive of freight on goods belonging to the government, as well as on paddy, salt, etc.) is Rs425,000 each year.&nbsp; 1952-53 &nbsp;Expected ropeway income: Rs700,000; ropeway expenditure: Rs629,000&nbsp; 13 March 1953 Ropeway Tariff from Dhorsing to Matatirtha (per maund)&nbsp; Dhan (paddy) 45 paisa Chamal (husked, uncooked rice) 60 paisa Tori (mustard) 60 paisa Kodo &amp; gahun (millet, wheat) Rs1.40 Lumber more than 6 feet in length and more than 1 maund in weight &nbsp;Rs1.50 Lumber less than 6 feet long and less than 6 maunds in weight Rs1.20 Rahar &amp; mugo (red and green pulse/lentils) Rs2.10 Mas (black pulse) Rs2.10&nbsp; Musuro &amp; khesari (reddish &amp; yellow pulse) Rs1.05 Items that must be carried in double loads/containers Rs3.60 Salt No charge 1954 A 6.4km extension of the ropeway from Matatirtha to the Teku customs house has been completed. But it is not yet operating, because its carriers and spare parts have been cannibalised to keep the original ropeway in operation. July 1954 Floods heavily damage the ropeway. 1955-56 Ropeway’s revised income: Rs661,000, revised expenses: Rs461,000 &amp; Irs38,000. Recurring budget expenses: Rs444,000 and Irs40,000. New budget expenses: Rs26,000 and Irs400,000 (these &amp; figures below from Nepal Gazette). 1955 Wear and tear and the non-replacement of essential parts have reduced the ropeway’s carrying capacity to 5 tons per hour or less. Sixty tons of goods are transported daily, and 75% of the total traffic consists of foodstuffs for the deficit areas of the valley.&nbsp; 1956-57 Budget estimated income: Rs842,000; Revised income: Rs367,000, Revised expenses: Rs436,000 and Irs50,000. 1957-58 Estimated income: Rs928,000. Estimates expenses: Rs564,000 &amp; Rs463,000. January 1959 The 6.4km ropeway extension from Thankot to the Teku Customs Office finally begins operations. April 1959 For the first time, the ropeway begins to carry mail.&nbsp; October 1959 The press reports that ropeway employees have not been paid for the past three years. &nbsp;1961 The ropeway operates for only six months and carries 80,000 tons of goods. Worn-out cables, the lack of spare parts, and grip failures increase the frequency with which carriers derail from the supporting sheaves, and many goods are lost or damaged.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023031712038_2307bd26aa556aacaa90146f9f887c330df9e68097497977fe4189a03cca9b3d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="2023031712038_2307bd26aa556aacaa90146f9f887c330df9e68097497977fe4189a03cca9b3d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1776" height="1176" loading="lazy" alt="New ropeway from Thankot"> <figcaption>The 1923 ropeway was superseded by a new ropeway from Thankot to Hetauda built with US assistance in 1964. (Photo: Daniel W Edwards)</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023031712038_4d9e91707212f2e8d1623469d8b01696314501cb5363f32d38c65b3306b27542.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="2023031712038_4d9e91707212f2e8d1623469d8b01696314501cb5363f32d38c65b3306b27542" data-rendition-name="original" width="960" height="670" loading="lazy" alt="New ropeway from Thankot"> <figcaption>View from Chitlang pass looking down at Kathmandu Valley.(Photo: Daniel W Edwards)</figcaption> </figure>  &nbsp;8 April 1964 The Dhorsing to Matatirtha Ropeway is shut down with the inauguration of the new Hetaunda to Teku (Kathmandu) Ropeway built by USAID. In its last seven months of operation, the old ropeway handled 446,000 maunds (17,840 tons) of goods and took in Rs742,000.&nbsp;

Rust in peace

First the good news: Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB) says Nepal’s foreign exchange reserves have increased from $9.54 billion in June 2022 to $10.5 billion in February 2023.&nbsp;
This is enough to pay for 9 months and 12 days of imports.&nbsp;
This is a result of a spike in remittances and a ban on the import of luxury items after<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-remittances-forex-reserves-drop"> reserves fell</a> last year.
The NRB’s Current Macroeconomic and Financial Situation Report of Nepal last week noted that imports went down by almost 20% during the first seven months of the current fiscal year. Remittance inflow is still <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/more-remittance-more-than-remittance">Nepal’s economic lifeline </a>and it increased by 16.4% in the past seven months compared to the same period last year as foreign employment permits increased by 57%.
Nepal’s balance of payments has also reached a surplus of Rs132 billion, compared to a loss of about Rs274 billion last year, which could show that the economy is on the mend.&nbsp;
But this is the only silver lining as dark clouds gather on the global economy as bank collapses in US spread to Europe, and within Nepal there is a looming threat of mass defaults and depositors cheated by micro-finance lenders and cooperatives.
Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-year-challenge-to-new-government/"> New year challenge to new government</a>, Editorial
The bad news is that government revenue has plummeted, going down by almost 15% till February as compared to the previous fiscal year. Paradoxically, political uncertainty has meant that the government has been unable to spend much of its allocated development budget. &nbsp;
Revenue has gone down to Rs622 billion and the government incurred a shortfall of Rs150 billion in expenditure this fiscal year. This is in sharp contrast to a consistent increase in government revenue over the past decades.&nbsp;
High interest rates have discouraged investment, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/kathmandu-s-unreal-real-estate-prices">real estate</a> transactions are half of last year, and the stock market is in a slump. Decreased imports have had a knock-on effect on economic activity.
“The demand for goods and services has decreased because of high interest rates, bringing businesses to a standstill,” says Shekhar Golchha of the Federation of Nepal Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI). Borrowings have declined, and borrowers unable to pay back loans has gone up. Bank loans to the private sector have only increased by 3.2% this year as compared to a 12.3% increase last fiscal year.
Golchha says a government stimulus package is required to save businesses from recession.&nbsp;
“We need policies to reduce interest rates and facilitate credit,” says Golchha.
Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepals-political-economy/"> Nepal’s political economy</a>, Editorial
Preoccupied with <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/post-presidential-politics">coalition politics</a>, the government is distracted. And the central bank says fears of a recession are exaggerated.&nbsp;
“Our economy was in a precarious position due to the depletion of foreign reserves last year,” explains Gunakar Bhatta of NRB. “But economic activity is increasing and the economy is on the mend.”
Bhatta argues that monetary expansion and credit extension will only lead to an increase in imports, which will send Nepal’s economy back to square one.&nbsp;
Economist Sujeev Shakya also dispels fears of a crisis. He says the private sector is blaming the government for their own business mismanagement.&nbsp;
”Some businesses are facing problems, but to say that the economy has gone into recession is to spread panic,” Shakya notes.
Former Finance Secretary Rameshore Khanal agrees, saying &nbsp;businessmen may be in trouble because of bad investment decisions in real estate and shares, and subsequently failing to sell those assets.
He cautions: “The NRB should not risk being generous with lending just to get businessmen out of trouble. Doing so will increase our imports as well as inflation.” &nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/now-the-economy-stupid">Now the economy, stupid</a>, Editorial

First, the good news

Odd Hoftun, the Norwegian who came to build a mission hospital in Nepal in 1958 and stayed on to develop the country's hydropower died in Norway at age 95 on 14 March. Hoftun first came to Nepal to work for United Mission Nepal (UMN) and its hospital in Tansen, which the organisation is still running and is a model for community medicine in rural Nepal. He devoted his life to developing Nepal’s indigenous capacity to harness water resources and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=14224#.ZBMygi8RqLc" target="_blank">established Butwal Power Company (BPC)</a> which worked on successively larger hydroelectric projects like Tinau, Andhi Khola, Jhimruk. Today, BPC is part of a larger consortium of joint Nepali-Norwegian energy companies that built the Khimti project. And it was this step-by-step growth of engineering and energy capacity that Hoftun envisioned 50 years ago: to make Nepal self-reliant, to spread the risk, and take on ever larger projects as the technical capacity of Nepali engineers improved. "Now you just need to fix your politics, you need a new generation of technocrat politicians to take charge and move forward," Hoftun <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2009/11/19/norwegian-guru/" target="_blank">told Nepali Times </a>in Oslo in 2009 at the launch of his biography, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Power-for-Nepal-review,2884" target="_blank">Kraftverket </a><a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Power-for-Nepal-review,2884" target="_blank">(The Hydropowerplant)</a> which has now been translated into English. Hoftun’s life in Nepal had its tragic side: the loss of his anthropologist son Martin in the crash of a Thai International flight from Bangkok to Kathmandu in 1992. He helped set up the research centre, Martin Chautari, to honour his son. The centre still holds regular discussions on the social sciences, media, education and policy issues. Hoftun was a keen observer of Nepali society, and says in his book that it was evident even when he first arrived that conflict was inevitable. 'Nepal was an innocent society in those days, but the injustice, the discrimination of the caste system were glaring. It was the neglect of these issues that ultimately led to the upheavals of the 1990s,' he recalled. A modest and self-effacing man with a frugal lifestyle, Hoftun shunned interviews and avoided the media. He was also an ardent follower of the principle of 'small is beautiful' and appropriate technology. He believed in a ‘bottom-up approach’ of empowering rural areas first. But Hoftun was always careful to stress that not all big is bad, and that a country and society have to be ready for big projects and make sure the benefits are distributed equitably while supporting national development.&nbsp; You can have a network of small hydro plants but, he used to say, for national-level planning and economies of scale there have to be big hydropower projects too. He also thought power export to India was necessary to reduce Nepal’s trade deficit, but advised Nepal to build its own industrial base at the same time.&nbsp; His father was an engineer, and he was born in 1927 in rural Norway to a religious family that taught him early on to care for the underprivileged. He felt it was his manifest destiny to go to Nepal at a time when the country was just opening up to the outside world. He stayed in Nepal for over 50 years, and was involved in setting up many projects, many of them in energy: Butwal Technical Institute (1964), Tinau Hydropower (1966), Butwal Power Company (1965), Development and Consulting Services (1972), Gobar Gas Company (1978), Andhikhola Hydropower and Rural Electrification (1982), Himal Hydro (1978), Jhimruk Hydropower (1992), Hydro Lab, Himal Power (1992). In a review of Hoftun's biography, engineer Bhola Shrestha <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Power-for-Nepal-review,2884" target="_blank">wrote in Nepali Times </a>in 2016:&nbsp; 'Hoftun was a pioneer and overcame many obstacles: his own colleagues had a different development philosophy, Nepali trainees misunderstood him, there were many technical challenges in building the first hydropower tunnel in Nepal, and the chronic lack of funds. The Hoftuns also raised a family without the facilities and comforts of home. Their second child Martin, was born in Tansen and after a complication in delivery later developed a physical disability.'  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230316160324_5cc5336160b12895f146040292eb877f5b9acac7c8f3b2f797584f9d618e022c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230316160324_5cc5336160b12895f146040292eb877f5b9acac7c8f3b2f797584f9d618e022c" data-rendition-name="original" width="788" height="1492" loading="lazy" alt="Odd Hoftun"> </figure>

Kunda Dixit

Odd Hoftun, missionary engineer

Nepal’s major hospitals are not prepared for emergency response and care in an event of another earthquake or pandemic, according to a recent new study published in the International Journal of Emergency Medicine. The paper lists a serious lack of preparedness at emergency units of hospitals, and compares the capacity of private, government, and teaching hospitals in Kathmandu.
The study was the first of its kind conducted in Nepal and its investigators aimed to build on the Emergency Care Systems Assessment (ECSA) conducted by Nepal’s Health ministry the WHO in 2019. The ECSA report had identified 39 key items to improve emergency care in the country. <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17851#.ZA7O-3ZBy3A" target="_blank">Another survey in 2011</a> had shown that only two of the hospitals in Kathmandu Valley at the time had earthquake resistant buildings.
&nbsp;The cross-sectional pilot study looked into seven tertiary hospitals in the Valley out of which three are academic, two are governmental, and two are private institutions. Included in the study are TU Teaching Hospital, Patan Hospital, Dhulikhel Hospital, Bir Hospital, the National Trauma Centre, Grande Hospital and HAMS Hospital.&nbsp;
Researchers used a cross-sectional mixed-method study to gather data on facility characteristics, human resources, clinical services, and signal functions of seven major tertiary-level health facilities in the Kathmandu Valley.&nbsp;
Read also:&nbsp;
<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/taking-wealth-out-of-health">Taking wealth out of health</a>
<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/in-a-healthy-state/">In a healthy state</a>
Investigators identified three respondents from each of the seven institutions who are directly involved with the emergency department in a clinical care or administrative leadership role. Respondents included physicians, nurses, hospital administrators, and general hospital staff.
Emergency response—which is at the forefront of natural disasters and pandemics—during two major disaster events in the country, the 2015 Gorkha earthquake and the Covid19 Delta wave in 2021, showed that Nepal’s emergency response and care was subpar, write the authors.
“This study was designed and conducted so that we recognise our weaknesses, and start slowly improving them,” said Olita Shilpakar, an emergency physician at TUTH, and one of the authors.
The study concluded that while all the facilities surveyed had general availability of round-the-clock emergency services, there were significant gaps as well as differences in infrastructure, diagnostic, consultant, and human resource availability.
“The WHO estimates nearly 40% of lives can be saved with appropriate emergency care,” said Ramu Kharel, an assistant professor of emergency medicine at Brown University in the USA who led the study. “Improving emergency care is one of the most efficient public health interventions. Our study identified many opportunities for us to improve emergency care at hospital levels.”
Government hospitals were characterised by a lack of a designated triage area, as well as the unavailability of Obstetrics/Gynecology (Ob-Gyn), orthopaedics, paediatrics, or psychiatry consulting services.
Academic hospitals had limited isolation rooms or infectious diseases and were found to not have adequate access to toilet facilities. There was limited availability of social work services and security personnel.&nbsp;
In private hospitals, protocols for time targets in triage, triage for children below five years of age, trauma care, and burn care among other services were found to be missing. Safety protocols for managing hazardous exposures were not there, and there was a lack of protection for staff and patients from violence.&nbsp;
While government hospitals that typically care for low-income populations reported better availability of ancillary services and social care services, private hospitals not supririsngly scored the highest in access to and availability of health infrastructure.
Meanwhile, academic facilities were found to have more written protocols given their increased likelihood for research and teaching compared to governmental and private facilities. However, academic institutions were found to have the highest rating with greater availability of consulting services.
Common barriers across all institutions included a lack of training in key emergency procedures, written protocols, point-of-care testing, and ancillary patient services.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/is-free-health-care-possible-in-nepal/">Is free health care possible in Nepal?</a> S P Kalaunee
Researchers have recommendations regarding the triage system and time metrics, training and education, written protocols for emergency care, and health infrastructure in order for the health facilities included in the study to improve emergency care. Investigators also highlighted a need for specific training, and cross-collaboration between the institutions to strengthen Nepal’s emergency services.
“The findings of this study will allow us to find areas of collaboration between institutions as well. For example, some hospitals have better protocols, others have better triage systems,” said Kamal Thapa, one of the study investigators and an emergency consultant at Grande Hospital. “We need to work together to improve emergency care. Ultimately, our concern is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/poor-health-makes-nepalis-poorer">good patient care.</a>”
Emergency medicine is a new field globally, and especially so for Nepal but evidence from other countries has shown that even simple interventions— like having a good triage system in hospitals— have a significant impact in saving lives.
Said Kharel: “The next step for these hospitals is to use the findings as a guide to take steps towards addressing gaps identified in this report. Furthermore, we need to conduct larger research around the country to look at gaps in emergency care in rural area facilities.”
Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/health-tip-editorial,4032">Health tip</a>, Editorial

Emergencies in Nepal's Emergency Rooms

On Thursday, Ram Chandra Paudel of the Nepali Congress (NC) was elected the third president of Nepal, defeating Subhas Nembang of the UML. Paudel received 33,802 votes out of out of 49,591 cast votes by weightage, while Nembang received 15,518 votes. 831 out of 881 eligible votes were cast in the election. This included 313 out of 332 members of the upper and lower Houses of Parliament as well as 518 out of 550 members of the Provincial Assemblies. The election of Paudel of the as president was a foregone conclusion, but what is less certain now is what the bruising battle for the ceremonial post will now do to Nepal’s fragile politics. Paudel’s candidacy was a quid pro quo between Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoist Centre and the NC’s Sher Bahadur Deuba in which Dahal had to agree to step down as head of government in favour of Deuba and Madhav Kumar Nepal of the CPN (US). And all this was to break the Maoist-UML alliance and prevent K P Oli from being all-powerful. The fight for head of state was just shadow-boxing, the real struggle was over who gets to become the head of government. The UML had fielded lawyer Subhas Nembang, knowing fairly well he did not have the electoral college votes. Despite it being a post bound by constitutional strictures, all parties in the fray have ulterior motives in having a pliable president because of the inherent discretionary powers. And because the struggle to have their own president became so politically fraught that it actually broke the 5-party coalition, there is now a danger that Paudel will be under pressure to let his benefactors extract a pound of flesh. For the same reason, post-president politics in Nepal will be a minefield. The UML’s Oli is still smarting from being stabbed in the back by Dahal and Deuba and will be waiting to exact revenge. Prime Minister Dahal will find it even more difficult to distribute ministerial rewards to his new 9-party coalition for backing him. The RSP, ever eager to be in any government, voted for Paudel, while the royalist RPP abstained. Dahal’s first immediate challenge will be to face a floor test in the House, since he has lost his majority after the UML pulled out.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230309170312_fb2cbac6105697237e0bade3381a54090d6f81c2634b57d1a4e310c2f5d1c52a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20230309170312_fb2cbac6105697237e0bade3381a54090d6f81c2634b57d1a4e310c2f5d1c52a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1498" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Nembang and Paudel"><figcaption>Photo: RSS</figcaption></figure>  With the presidential elections over, fence-sitters of the 9-party coalition will now wait to see what ministerial portfolios will be awarded to their parties in exchange for loyalty. The intriguing coincidence that the Supreme Court hearing on a writ petition against Prime Minister Dahal for war-era crimes was announced on the same day as the presidential election has aroused suspicion that even the current coalition could be short-lived, with the UML and the NC joining hands to expel Dahal. Given the fickleness of past alliances, anything is possible. A single bench of Justice Bishowambhar Shrestha will hear the case filed by advocates Gyanendra Aran and Kalyan Budhathoki seeking investigation into Prime Minister Dahal for his self-confession taking responsibility for 5,000 killed during the conflict. The writ petitioners are conflict victims. On the face of it, it should not matter who is president: Paudel or Nembang. Both have been Speakers and served multiple terms as ministers. They are also largely untainted, and both command respect across party lines. Paudel being president also means there is now a three-way power balance with a UML Speaker and Maoist Prime Minister. theoretically, this could mean more stable politics. Or not. However, Paudel is a career politician, and Nembang is a lawyer and his rise within the party has been relatively rapid. Ram Chandra Paudel, 78, has been representing the NC from Tanahu since the early 1990s. He joined the democratic movement at the age 16. He rose up the ranks in student union politics, and served 13 years in jail. Despite his solid commitment to democracy, he is a part of the old guard that Deuba saw as a threat.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230309170312_3eb7d12c54bf739e987bdb841c0a436fc039363edf1547353e437c7593de4009.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230309170312_3eb7d12c54bf739e987bdb841c0a436fc039363edf1547353e437c7593de4009" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1364" loading="lazy" alt="President Paudel"><figcaption>Photo: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption></figure>  For Paudel, this will be the culmination of six decades in politics, and he lobbied vigorously with Dahal, Deuba, and even Oli. As president, Paudel may not be the yes-man Deuba and Dahal want, unlike outgoing President Bidya Devi Bhandari. Nembang has been politically active in the UML since his student days in 1971 in Ilam. As a lawyer, he was general secretary of the Nepal Bar Association in 1987, and was elected to the House of Representatives in 1999. Nembang served as the Speaker of the House in 2006, and served as the chair of the Constituent Assembly in both 2008 and 2014. He was re-elected Speaker in 2015, and became the UML vice-chair in 2018. Many feel that Nembang would have been a better fit as president because of his persona, legal background as well as the fact that it was the turn of a person from an indigenous background to be president. Nembang is seen as a non-confrontational politician who often mediated to resolve deadlocks in party disputes – even though he was criticised for not speaking out against Oli for his attempt to dissolve Parliament in 2021.