Ranadevi Harijan, 45, had no choice but to borrow money from a village loan shark. He drew up papers for Rs60,000 but gave her only Rs13,000. Later, he demanded Rs100,000 with interest from her.
Seeing no other way out, Harijan and others who had fallen victim to similar extortion walked for weeks from Nawalparasi to the seat of power in Kathmandu for justice. It has been a month since they have been camped out in various locations in the capital.&nbsp;
Prime Mininster Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s coalition is basking in self-glorification for having cracked the fake refugee scam that has led to the arrest of high-profile former ministers and implicated other top political leadership. For the Maoists who preside over the home ministry that is in charge of police investigating the case, the scandal has been a convenient way to distract from their own past wrong-doing, and to put the Nepali Congress and the UML in the firing line.
Otherwise one cannot help but notice a culture of silence among politicians when it comes to corruption cases between them. A Nepali omertà of sorts, if you will.
The financial monopoly of local usurers and the fake refugee scandal may not seem related, but reveal two characteristics of Nepal’s contemporary political-economy: the remnants of feudalism are deep-rooted and powerful, and cronyism has flourished in the neoliberal economy.&nbsp;
In 250 years that Nepal has existed as a nation state, one thing as remained constant no matter whether it is the Shah or Rana regime, the Panchayat or a federal democratic republic, the privileged and new-rich remain in power, while the poor are as neglected as always. The gap has got wider because the political-economy is rigged in favour of an entrenched ruling class.
Economists argue that inequality is an inherent characteristic in a capitalist economy. But it is the long-standing wealth differential that is a root cause of economic inequality. Capitalist countries with a welfare state redistribute wealth and opportunity through a weighted tax system.
Most of Nepal’s wealthiest are from families who have long profited from their ancestors having received favours, influence, and wealth from the rulers of the past. And then there are the neo-rich who are trying to play catch-up.
While Nepal’s affluent class might attribute its circumstance to inter-generational privileges, this accumulation of wealth also has to do with luck and opportunity. These advantages have been enhanced by modernisation, which has meant that the economy is no longer controlled just by real estate tycoons, industrialists, and old money, but also those who have access to information technology.
Not much has changed since the Rana-era licensing policies that enabled individuals to financially monopolise the import trade. Banks, insurance companies, the stock market, and other big businesses still make a profit through dubious license manipulation.
Policies grant tax and other concessions to business lobbyists. Budgets are drafted in clandestine nocturnal meetings with favoured family businesses behind locked doors. Laws are changed to protect wealth amassed by the rich through illegal and criminal means and to facilitate money laundering. Parliament’s committees are infiltrated by political cronies, and it is now difficult to tell the difference between MPs and CEOs in this rent-seeking economy. All of which has concentrated much of Nepal’s wealth within a select few.&nbsp;
Nepal’s new breed of elected representatives have their work cut out to end the centralisation of privilege by the politically connected. They need to be single-minded in the creation of equal opportunities, just access to resources, entrepreneurial development, and redistribution of benefits to the grassroots.
The state needs to intervene and invest in education, health and human resources. The new budget must introduce comprehensive tax reforms to ensure the wealthiest pay more. Economic expansion must go hand in hand with equitable. An inheritance tax should be introduced to prevent inter-generational bonded corruption.&nbsp;
This year’s budget will be presented to Parliament on 29 May. It comes at a time of deep economic crisis, and the government faces a challenge in balancing Nepal’s declining revenue even the import bill and government expenditure grows. Ironically, underspending of the development budget remains a chronic problem that is linked to corruption.&nbsp;
Structural inequality and state-sponsored economic disparity is a form of political violence. It is detrimental to Nepal’s stability and prosperity. If Nepalis decided they have had enough, those at the top of the economic and political food chain will be blamed. &nbsp;
If such a situation were to arise, it would not take long for political or other extremists to weaponise grievances and channel it to a despotic, bigoted and depraved quest for absolute power.
Rabin Giri

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Editorial

Institutionalised inequality

The fake refugee scandal that is rocking the government is only the latest outrage that Nepalis have witnessed. Indeed, they are so inured to corruption in high places that most have taken it as a given.&nbsp;
But even by the standards of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/in-a-federal-kleptocratic-republic-of-nepal">Nepal’s kleptocracy</a>, this one is blatant in its planning and execution, implicating the very ministries entrusted with internal security, and one that has tainted Nepal’s global standing. It is proof that Nepal’s ruling class has lost its moral compass.
For the moment we can only take some comfort from the fact that Nepal’s independent media is taking its check and balance role seriously at a time when the three other pillars of our democracy are tottering. The Police has also so far been conducting their investigations diligently.
Because of the intense scrutiny by the media, civil society and individual Nepalis on social media platforms, any attempt to prevent the prosecution of the culprits will now be seen as an even bigger crime than the scam itself.
In so many ways, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top">fake Bhutanese refugee scam</a> is a reflection of everything that is wrong with the people who have ruled Nepal since 1991, and they tend to be the same people and parties.
Read on: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top">Rot at the top</a>, Shristi Karki
The attempt to trick desperate Nepalis to pay up hefty sums to go to America when third country resettlement of Bhutanese was closed seven years ago itself speaks to the brazenness of the crime.
As Nepal’s newest MP, Swarmin Wagle of the RSP, put it during a discussion in Kathmandu this week: this is fraud, corruption, human trafficking, transnational organised crime, and sedition, all rolled into one.
“There has been a meticulous legalisation of corruption through amendments in Parliament. So we seem to be creating a corruption-friendly regime,” said Wagle. “Our legal system needs to be able to catch up with those who are corrupt.”
The scam was possible in the first place because Nepal’s legal system allows it. Our Parliament is a farce, the judiciary is guilty of abetting the guilty, and impunity prevails upon the land.&nbsp;
Despite widespread concern, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/nepal-s-transitional-justice-and-the-west-s-recalibration">Transitional Justice Bill</a> which allows war criminals to literally get away with murder was rushed through Parliament. It gave a clean chit to Maoists and state-side perpetrators of conflict-era atrocities. The Bill even made the disingenuous distinction between ‘murder’ and ‘extreme murder’.
In 2020, then communication minister <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/alpha-males">Gokul Baskota</a> was caught on tape soliciting a Rs700 million bribe for a security printing press. Less than two years later in the 2022 November federal elections, Baskota was voted to Parliament from Kavre-2.
There are scandals involving Maoist leaders pocketing compensation money meant for their guerrillas, kickbacks on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/aborted-landing-in-nijgad">international airport deals</a>, payoffs for hydropower licenses. The list is so long it will exceed the word length for this Editorial.
Despite all these elephants in the room, Nepal’s conservative male politicians are obsessed about what RSP MP Sumana Shrestha wears in Parliament. The fact that her t-shirt and Chino was even a topic for discussion exposes not just blatant misogyny, but also a collective inability to discern our priorities and address the real issues affecting Nepalis. The contrast to a male MP who dared disrobe on the floor of the House not being an issue could not have been more stark.
Read on: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/in-a-federal-kleptocratic-republic-of-nepal">In a Federal Kleptocratic Republic of Nepal</a>, Shristi Karki
When impunity is rife and morals become elastic, we cannot fault desperate Nepalis attempting to break the law by trying to make fake refugee documents. 
 The scandals are coming thick and fast. A respected 75-year-old agriculture expert in Khotang is caught in a Setopati exposé abusing girls in a school he founded.&nbsp;
Elsewhere, rapper Balen Shah who campaigned as the voice of the impoverished has since started upsetting the apple cart of street vendors in the name of cleaning up the streets. What happened to his election promise of segregating <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/multimedia/nepal-still-mixing-garbage-with-politics">Kathmandu’s garbage</a> at source?
The media also <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/investigation-introspection-and-investment-in-media">needs to self-reflect</a>. Although it was the relentless pursuit of the story <a href="https://ekantipur.com/news/2023/03/27/167988439341418193.html">by Kantipur</a> and other media that the fake refugee scam is throwing up more high profile guilty, the proof of the pudding will be in the persecution of the guilty.
The media cannot be an island of integrity when society has been hollowed out by corruption and wrongdoing. Journalists need to be even more careful to be objective, and not become mouthpieces for the highest bidders. This is even more crucial at a time when populism and ultranationalist sentiments have permeated all sectors of the state.
Sonia Awale

Losing our moral compass

Nepal’s economy is now a<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/more-remittance-more-than-remittance"> migrant economy</a>, and has brought about a deep socio-economic transformation. There are 4 million Nepalis now spread across 180 countries, and they send home an estimated $18 billion a year through formal and informal channels. These remittances make up a quarter of Nepal’s GDP. Nepal’s hinterland is emptying. Young men and women are moving to Kathmandu, waiting here to get their papers before flying out. Yet, this is not a new phenomenon. Nepalis have been migrating for centuries, driven by indebtedness to loan sharks, subsistence agriculture, discrimination and exclusion, or to join foreign armies. Many of these push factors are the same today. &nbsp; According to the World Bank’s World Development Report 2023: Migrants, Refugees, and Societies <a href="https://www.facebook.com/WorldBankNepal/videos/276985014698853">launched in Kathmandu this week</a>, 184 million or 2.3% of the world’s population live in countries they are not citizens of, 80% of them are economic migrants and the rest refugees. Almost half live in low- and middle-income countries. Every day, over 4,000 Nepalis leave for jobs overseas, not counting those crossing over into India. For many, it is not smooth sailing. Cheated by recruiters in Nepal and in destination countries, paid less in jobs not in the contract, working for months just to pay off loans. Government efforts to address this injustice have been ad hoc and lack focus. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/no-country-for-young-men">No country for young men</a>, Shristi Karki But migration is not black and white as the World Bank Country Director Faris Hadad-Zervos put it at the launch event: “It’s not whether migration is good or bad, but rather how we can better manage migration so that it serves as a force for development and prosperity for all countries.” The Nepali media’s largely adverse portrayal of migration is driven by how ‘news’ itself is defined. Journalists are taught to highlight the negative and the unusual. Selection of what we choose to report has its own bias, and distorts the true picture. The media’s coverage of criminal mistreatment overshadows stories of tens of thousands of Nepalis who have struggled, but have done well for themselves, their families and their communities. The stories of abuse and exploitation have become so commonplace that the public is desensitised. &nbsp; This newspaper runs the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/diaspora-diaries">Diaspora Diaries</a> columns about the struggles and successes of migrant workers. The series is now in its 31th episode, and tries to go beyond the statistics to humanise the lives of workers. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/making-overseas-migration-better">Making overseas migration better</a>, Kunda Dixit The migration discourse in Nepal also largely leaves out young Nepalis leaving for higher studies, primarily to Australia, Canada, the UK, Japan, India and the US. Over 100,000 Nepalis left last year, some to never come back. Many Nepalis on student visas are migrant workers. The Nepal government knows this, and so do the host governments – it is supply-demand economics.&nbsp; Nepal is graduating from LDC status, but nearly 16% of the country’s population is out of the country at any given time. Nepal’s population pyramid now shows fewer children, a youth bulge, and a growing proportion of seniors. The population below 14 years is down to 28% from 35% 10 years ago. Those older than 60 has increased to 10%, up from 8%. Nepal has to reap the benefit of its demographic dividend, and has about 20 years before it becomes an ageing society. To prepare for that, we need all the nurses we have gainfully employed in Nepal, not in the UK. Aside from a few new bright sparks, Nepal’s democracy is not bringing up the kind of leadership that understands these challenges. The Bhutan refugee scam shows that the rot is right at the top. The implication for Nepal’s international image and moral standing on the Bhutan refugee issue is incalculable.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/two-decades-of-debate-on-female-migration">Two decades of debate on female migration</a>, Upasana Khadka The other type of migration we must start preparing for are climate refugees. Nepalis are on the move because springs are going dry, monsoons have become erratic, and there are prolonged droughts. Climate collapse will intensify this trend, as the record heat wave across Asia in May proves. &nbsp;&nbsp; Gaia Vince in her book Nomad Country warns of the need for governments to be prepared for global mass migration because it will be too hot for people to survive where they live. For us in Nepal, this means being prepared for people moving back up to the mountains from the Tarai in the coming decades. It may be too much to ask the present crop of politicians to think that far into the future when they cannot even address the immediate concerns of migrant workers including abuse and exploitation of vulnerable aspirants, reintegration of returnees into society, incentives to come back to invest their savings and make the best use of skills gained abroad in productive sectors for job creation. But there may be hope in the next generation of technocrats.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230511120552_1771c3afa938f3c85f06b0117991e7def624111ac31e782afa809cf42dbc04aa.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20230511120552_1771c3afa938f3c85f06b0117991e7def624111ac31e782afa809cf42dbc04aa" data-rendition-name="original" width="4000" height="2000" loading="lazy" alt="labour migration in Nepal"> </figure>  As Prajwal Sharma of the International Organisation of Migration (IOM) said at the report launch: “Nepal can reap the benefit of overseas employment only by investing in skills and building human resources, and with the smarter investment of remittances through the promotion of entrepreneurship, and efficient mobilisation of skills and knowledge of diaspora to ensure brain gain.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/migration-not-a-wish-but-necessity-for-nepalis">Migration not a wish, but necessity for Nepalis</a>, Shristi Karki

Human flight

Us journalists have always believed that informing the public is our job and it is the editors who decide what the public needs to know.&nbsp;
In the past, the modes for sharing information were limited: when something happened, a reporter would go interview witnesses or experts, write up the story, and news agencies distributed the news. This monopoly over selection, production and dissemination convinced media owners that they owned and controlled content, and defined its price.&nbsp;
The media business is about mass producing news and getting revenue from subscriptions and advertisements to pay for it. It was any other product and media companies believed the public should pay for news because it cost them to cover it.&nbsp;
Till recently, we were forced to consume whatever the mainstream media dished out. Gatekeepers at radio, tv and newspapers gave the audience what they thought they wanted, not what they needed. &nbsp;
This left the media ill-prepared for the Internet era when competition became stiff and audiences had the freedom over format and a global reach.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/investigation-introspection-and-investment-in-media">Investigation, introspection, and investment in media</a>
While in a hurry to adopt the next shiny thing, publishers gave away for free what they previously sold. Readers anywhere could access the product, which was regularly updated and more conveniently available on their monitors, free of charge.
Audience habits had changed, but the Nepali media and its business model did not. The new online portals that emerged in the 2000s and 2010s followed the footsteps of legacy publishers, and they are now the legacy media — depending on advertising.&nbsp;
Most users in Nepal are not paying for online news, many are not even going to new sites, but to YouTube and TikTok entertainment. Publishers rarely know how many are willing to pay or can be persuaded to pay.
While surviving on 100% paywalls, membership or subscriptions is still a far-fetched dream in Nepal, reader revenue can help increase accountability among publishers and, in turn, trust from the audience.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/media-melee-in-the-age-of-ai">Media mêlée in the age of AI</a>, Kunda Dixit
Much of the digital boom in Nepali media happened alongside Facebook. Which is why many mainstream publishers did not think about establishing themselves as a destination, a homepage to come home to. They relied instead on traffic that Facebook, Twitter and other platforms brought in.
These same platforms allow people to communicate directly and have proven to be good at helping them to share information. They can now easily find what they need without relying on journalists.
But there is much Facebook users need to know beyond what they share among friends. That is where journalism comes in — to report and investigate, add context and explain, to fact check and debunk assumptions.
Recently social media platforms have been weaponised to deface media itself. This week, Twitter in Nepal has been abuzz with a leaked audio clip of a conversation between a noted tv anchor and an interviewee, in which the latter asks when the interview will be aired. The journalist is heard explaining that while the program is ready, the station was still waiting for sponsors.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/journalism-is-all-about-storytelling-and-money">Journalism is all about storytelling (and money)</a>
Most comments on the thread attack the anchor, saying this is one more proof that the media is for sale and how news is not aired unless there is money involved. There were some journalists and others who defended the anchor, saying that is how tv functions anyway. But the damage was done.&nbsp;
Public trust in the media is wavering. A 2022 survey by Sharecast Initiative showed that &nbsp;for 76% of Nepalis, friends, family and neighbours were the primary source for local news and information: for national and international news it was 50%. Both were followed by Facebook, radio, YouTube and tv.
Media literacy in Nepal is low. Audiences confuse mainstream media for social media, opinion, or unfiltered content for news, and YouTubers for professional journalists. But pushing the accountability towards the audience is not the answer when the question is what can journalists do to change this.
Just when its role in safeguarding democracy and press freedom has become more important than ever before, journalism struggles to survive and retain its relevance. This ends up undermining the independent check-and-balance role of the fourth estate in defending democracy.
All this may look discouraging, but the internet, like all technologies, has always been a double edged sword. The only way out now is to compete with the entertainment-filled social channels and information pages masking as news sites, by focusing both on the content and the medium.
More than ever before, the medium is the message.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/the-new-news-age">The new news age</a>, Sonia Awale

Monopoly on information

Ever since the Panchayat, Nepal has a history of ‘alternative’ candidates being elected to office as a protest vote against non-performing incumbents. But once in decision-making positions, most have proved less than capable. The superstructure of Nepali politics rests on weak foundations, and there is little one candidate can do, no matter how visionary.
The victory of Swarnim Wagle and Rabi Lamichhane in by-elections in Tanahu and Chitwan this week has been greeted with high expectations, but because of our past history, it is tempered with cautious optimism. Even so, the by-elections were a litmus test in which voters made their discontent with the established parties loud and clear.&nbsp;
The results have reaffirmed that Nepalis are finally abandoning inter-generational party allegiances. The reason for that shift is in the behaviour of the main parties in which the Nepali Congress (NC) was asking people to vote for Maoist candidates, or vice versa. Nepalis are now starting to vote for individuals and not parties, especially old men in old parties.
Wagle and Lamichhane are both from privileged caste groups, so their win does not signify more inclusion. But it is an important shift in the public mood which the main parties will ignore at their own peril.
The trend actually started much earlier when non-politicians and relatively unknown candidates were elected in major urban centres in May local elections last year.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/the-reign-god">The Reign God</a>, Santa Gaha Magar
Then, during the November federal election, the independent RSP came out of nowhere with more young political aspirants of varying professions to become the fourth largest party in Parliament.&nbsp;
And it has now added one more parliamentarian to its numbers: Harvard-educated economist Wagle, who defected from the NC to join the RSP in March. Wagle won by a large margin in Tanahu-1, a traditional NC stronghold.
In Chitwan-1, Lamichhane defeated his NC rival by a landslide for the second time despite simmering scandals, proving just how disenchanted Nepali voters were with traditional parties.&nbsp;
The big parties were punished for not seeing the writing on the wall and continuing to play politics as usual. Coalition candidates could only hold one of the three seats after JSP chair Upendra Yadav’s win in Bara-2.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/in-with-the-new-out-with-the-old">In with the new, out with the old</a>, Shristi Karki
NC chair Sher Bahadur Deuba admitted that voters had “stopped showing an interest in old parties”. UML and CPN- Unified Socialist leaders echoed that view.&nbsp;
Only Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoists refused to take the by-election for what it was, blaming the messenger and saying there was a “danger of anarchy and emotion holding sway because of the unregulated spread of social media”. It was no surprise that he shifted the blame to everyone else but himself.
The RSP has maintained its support for the Dahal government but both Lamichhane and Wagle will demand their pound of flesh to fill five remaining Cabinet positions. Lamichhane wants back the Home Ministry which is now occupied by the Maoists who are unwilling to part with a powerful office they bargained hard to get.
Lamichhane is playing coy, saying the RSP did not plan to join the government, and may even withdraw support for the 10-party coalition. This could be a ploy to get the plum post back. The former tv anchor could also be angling for an alliance with K P Oli of the opposition UML.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rise-of-the-independents">Rise of the independents</a>
The RSP is less than a year old, and would do well not to rush into government again, focusing instead on being a strong opposition voice in Parliament which we are sorely lacking. Lamichhane can then use that time to build his nationwide party structure.&nbsp;
The challenge for the mainstream parties until the next federal election will be to stop the slide and not alienate Nepal’s young voter base any more. The older leaders should also make way for younger ones within their own rank and file. Otherwise there may be more defections like Wagle’s from the NC.
The NC, UML and the Maoists need to reinvent themselves. Voters are sick of them. They want them to stop dithering and shuffling the deck. They have given the coalition one last chance to perform in the next five years. Nepal cannot be a proper democracy if political parties themselves continue to be autocratic, exclusionary and corrupt. There are populist reactionaries and extremists waiting on the wings.
Nepal’s ageing career politicians, it is time for you to bow out gracefully. You have failed. Give someone newer a chance.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-gen-next-election">Nepal’s Gen Next Election</a>
&nbsp;Shristi Karki

Old wine in old bottles

Even by Nepali standards, politics the last week of the old year was on steroids. The missteps and scandals came thicker and faster than usual.&nbsp; Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://twitter.com/ShahBalen/status/1644530625599410176?s=20">Balen Shah declared on Twitter </a>that he would start dumping Kathmandu’s garbage inside the Singha Darbar. This was to punish uncooperative national politicians, who he said also needed to be thrown into the landfill site at Sisdole.&nbsp; <div class="embed-block"><blockquote class="twitter-tweet">आज बाट सिंहदरबारको फोहोर उठ्दैन । साच्चिकै देश सफा गर्नु परे, त्यहाँका नेताहरुलाई सिस्डोलमा डम्प गर्नु पर्ने हुन्छ ।&mdash; Balen Shah (@ShahBalen) <a href="https://twitter.com/ShahBalen/status/1644530625599410176?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">April 8, 2023</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script> </div> Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister Narayan Kaji Shrestha went walkabout in the departure hall of Kathmandu airport to talk to migrant workers leaving that day. Someone told him this would be a good social media photo-op to showcase a caring government, but it backfired. The migrant worker Shrestha decided to speak to just glared at him and cringed when the minister tried to tap him reassuringly on the shoulder.&nbsp; <a href="https://www.google.com/url?client=internal-element-cse&amp;cx=011870630917993763279:opm7uqsat-4&amp;q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/losing-the-summit-is-not-just-the-loss-of-a-hotel&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=2ahUKEwiepvGbiaT-AhVWwzgGHV3eBPQQFnoECAAQAg&amp;usg=AOvVaw3EIZJup-nMS4Nta2M6wMVL">Summit Hotel </a>in Lalitpur had for four decades been a leafy refuge for Nepalis and expats alike. Two years ago, it was bought by Nepal’s only self-declared dollar billionaire, and also a Nepali Congress (NC) member of parliament, to erect a pair of 17-story luxury hotel and apartment towers. It turns out he had not got a building permit nor done an EIA, and all the digging led to the collapse of neighbouring homes this week. Nepal’s cybersphere has started leaking like a Melamchi pipe as crucial by-elections in Chitwan, Tanahu and Bara approach. This is an important test for the new RSP and the future of its chair Rabi Lamichhane. The defection of economist Swarnim Wagle from the NC to the RSP after accusing the conjugal kangresi leadership of “grand larceny” has turned Tanahu into the main electoral battleground.&nbsp; In the midst of all this, hospital tycoon Durga Prasai (he, of the ‘red rice’ fame) <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/135229">leaked a WhatsApp conversation</a> with a RSP lawmaker asking for Rs20 million so he (the MP) could give the money to Lamichhane’s advisers to make him health minister. The RSP quickly suspended the lawmaker, who it turns out had more chequered dealings in Pokhara, and went into damage control mode. Meanwhile, Lamichhane made one of his needlessly distasteful remarks by saying he was willing to be sacrificed at Gadimai like hundreds of other buffaloes if anyone could prove he was taking money to make people ministers. By current South Asian standards these are minor infractions. Many in Nepal’s executive, judiciary, legislative, and bureaucracy may all be on the take, but democracy has not derailed. The media can still say the army is bloated and commercialised, and the ex-brass rebuts with politely worded op-eds. Media outrage about the Home Ministry requiring birth registration of offspring of single mothers to be signed by a maternal uncle and not the mother prompted the ministry to quickly backtrack.&nbsp; Nepal’s democracy is work in progress, but it is vibrant and open. Democracy is a mechanism for rule of law by an inclusive elected leadership. It is supposed to empower citizens to bring change through participation so they can reward leaders who perform and punish throw out those who don’t.&nbsp; No other system of government guarantees the right to free expression of political preference. No other system promotes peaceful competition between different ideas. There is a tendency to blame democracy, and not those who abuse it. We throw the baby out with the bathwater. Nepal’s obsolete politicians think that to govern means to rule over, not serve those who elected them.&nbsp; This is why despite living in an open society, human rights continue to be violated, tolerance is decreasing, Constitutional provisions for inclusion are not working as it should, central party leaders have made federalism dysfunctional.&nbsp; Speaking at a program on 10 April, former chief justice Kalyan Shrestha, former ambassador Nilamber Acharya and former house speaker Daman Nath Dhungana agreed that it was time to review the implementation of the Constitution. They blamed the political parties for governance failure that was leading to economic and socio-cultural breakdown.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230412110456_9747ade11de25b5c58212dfaea40665e4ae8b01903bbd5413c532d3933d8f519.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20230412110456_9747ade11de25b5c58212dfaea40665e4ae8b01903bbd5413c532d3933d8f519" data-rendition-name="original" width="800" height="533" loading="lazy" alt="State mechanism and democracy"> <figcaption>Former chief justice Kalyan Shrestha, former ambassador Nilamber Acharya and former house speaker Daman Nath Dhungana at a program on 10 April.</figcaption> </figure>  “The only clauses in the constitution that have been implemented are the ones that directly benefit the political leaders,” Shrestha stated. “No decisions that deliver justice, development and rights have been taken.”&nbsp; Federalism is run by ‘centralists’, the concept of proportional representation is blatantly misused in elections, tickets for candidacies are bought and sold. Acharya feels it is time to review the whole process so that a majority party or the largest party forms a government.&nbsp; Although Dhungana wants the Constitution itself to be reviewed, we think the fault is not in the rules but in people breaking the rules.&nbsp; Nepalis have to be wary of the intolerant and authoritarian winds blowing from the South, and safeguard our hard-won freedoms. Despite the disillusionment with the political leadership, the electoral mechanism is throwing up alternative candidates and parties. And that is why the by-elections are so important.&nbsp;

Last week of the old year

Smack at the start of the tourist season, the government announced with just two week's notice that effective 1 April all<a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/18IIsL4twU4W0z3gBVV2Mlnys28y7y-Q4/view?usp=share_link"> trekkers will need to hire licensed guides</a>. It was not an April Fool’s joke.
Talk about bad timing. Even if a ridiculous and unenforceable decision like this was necessary, it should have been made at least one season in advance.&nbsp;
Another such<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/chopper-vs-chauri-below-everest"> ad hoc announcement</a> was made last week by Pasang Lhamu Rural Municipality to ban all helicopter cargo flights to Everest Base Camp. The restrictions went into force just as expeditions started arriving in Lukla. Now, there are not enough porters, yak and zopkyo trains for the five-day ferry to base camp.&nbsp;
Some expeditions have already switched from climbing Lhotse to other Himalayan peaks, Icefall Doctors are packed ten to a tent because their gear has not arrived.
The ostensible reason was to protect the environment and provide jobs. But herding has been in steady decline in the Khumbu, leading to a lack of yaks. And many young males from Khotang and Okhaldhunga who used to do portering have <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/village-of-the-climbers">migrated to cities</a> or to the Gulf.&nbsp;
No doubt, helicopter traffic over Sagarmatha National Park needs to be regulated. At peak tourist season, the constant sound of choppers flying up and down from Base Camp is a disturbance. Some rescue helicopter operators have been implicated in insurance fraud.
The trekking guide rule was made by Nepal Tourism Board (NTB) and the Minister of Tourism, Culture and Civil Aviation Sudan Kirati. It appears to be politically-motivated to appease unions and trekking agencies. If safety was such a concern, how about first making domestic aviation safer? And how come Nepali trekkers do not have to take guides if it is so unsafe?&nbsp;
Foreign hikers need a Trekking Information Management System (TIMS) card before hitting 14 trails, and it is not available without booking a licensed guide.&nbsp;
Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/chopper-vs-chauri-below-everest">Chopper vs Chauri below Everest</a>, Bhadra Sharma
The Trekking Agencies Association of Nepal which has long lobbied for a ‘one trekker one guide’ rule is in on the deal because it will be managing the card and guides. The TIMS card was also devised to keep track of trekkers and provide emergency assistance, and was already being criticised as being redundant.&nbsp;
Adding the guide provision further bureaucratises trekking, adding to hassles visitors already face and increasing chances of extortion and bribery along the trails.&nbsp;
Trekking and mountaineering are about the freedom of the wilderness. Adding more layers of whimsical rules defeats the whole purpose. There are other ways of increasing employment and earnings from tourism by upgrading facilities and convenience, for which many visitors would gladly pay more.&nbsp;
We should not be milking tourists every step of the way with National Park Fees, Municipality Fees, Trekking Permit Fees, TIMS Card fees, guide fees, or charging three times more than locals for flights.
Trekkers found without a TIMS card or a guide will henceforth be fined Rs12,000, and the operators fined Rs10,000. The apprehending officer will get a 20% cut.
Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/mt-everest-city">My Everest City</a>, Monika Deupala
Most trekkers to Nepal come in groups, and already hire guides and porters. Only a quarter of the 100,000 tourists who come to hike in Nepal every year are ‘Free Independent Travellers’, which means they plan their own trips without assistance from travel or trekking agencies.
Many of these visitors share photos and videos of their travels on social media and are Nepal’s most effective influencers. The TIMS and guide rules have been greeted with ridicule and outrage on social media. Potential tourists have said they are going elsewhere.&nbsp;
This is damaging publicity for Nepal as a destination at a time when the industry is struggling after the pandemic and negative publicity from air safety concerns.
Free and independent travellers tend to spend most of their money in rural areas where tourism income matters the most. Most foreign trekking groups, on the other hand, pay holiday wholesalers in Europe or elsewhere who then hire Kathmandu-based agencies, and very little of that trickles down to where trekking income makes the most difference.
The mandatory trekking guide scheme will suffer the same fate as mountaineering liaison officers, most of whom are hardly ever at base camp and just go along for the ride.

Government is God

After much delay, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal on 24 March made public the full report of <a href="https://censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/results">Nepal’s 2021 National Population and Housing Census</a>. The country’s first official census was conducted in 1911, primarily to identify Nepal’s able-bodied population so the Rana rulers at the time knew the ‘stock’ of able bodied youth who could be conscripted to fight for the British in World War I. Over the last century, each census has documented Nepal’s demographic, economic, socio-cultural, and technological history and changes.&nbsp; The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/everybody-counts-in-nepal">12th national census</a>, Nepal’s most ambitious yet, reflects how rapidly the country’s socio-cultural, economic, and demographic substrate is changing. The National Statistics Office (formerly the Central Bureau of Statistics) made an attempt to be inclusive in the data collection this time to varying degrees of success. Enumerators were selected from local communities with knowledge of languages, 50% of them were women, and included people from the Dalit and minority ethnic communities, as well as people with disabilities.&nbsp; The census puts Nepal’s population at 29,164,578, with the annual growth rate at 0.92% — down from 1.35% in 2011. There are 95.59 males for 100 females. More than 2 million people live in Kathmandu, the most populated district. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230330120316_4687f9ad170b396d5e9da7eb4976ba0ca32548e8975370a3e464cc0b79ff8e7b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230330120316_4687f9ad170b396d5e9da7eb4976ba0ca32548e8975370a3e464cc0b79ff8e7b" data-rendition-name="original" width="830" height="619" loading="lazy" alt="Population growth rate 1911-2021"> <figcaption>Graph: Nepali Times Graphics</figcaption> </figure>  The census has also revealed that<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains"> more than half of Nepal’s population lives in the Tarai</a>, while only 6.08% of Nepalis live in the high mountains. It shows significant internal transmigration from Nepal’s mountains to the plains. This is a reflection of the infrastructure development and increased connectivity in the Tarai, which has experienced the expansion of small towns into urban conglomerations.&nbsp; But the Tarai is now bursting at the seams: fertile farms are being overrun by urban sprawl, there is worsening water scarcity, and pollution has made the cities unliveable.&nbsp; Even so, half of Nepal’s economically active population is still primarily involved in agriculture. But farming contributes only 23.9% to Nepal’s GDP, according to the 2021/22 Current Macroeconomic and Financial Situation of Nepal published by Nepal Rastra Bank.&nbsp; Remittance is clearly running the country, but it is vulnerable to geopolitical tensions, and other global crises. Nepal’s over-reliance on migrant labour was especially clear during the worst of the Covid-19 pandemic.&nbsp; The census also shows that women have been making significant progress socio-economically. Nearly 24% of the total households now have ownership of land or a housing unit or both in the name of a female. One-third of all households are female headed, up by 5.82% since 2011. Women also own 45% of small-scale enterprises because of government financing for women entrepreneurs. Elsewhere, malpractices like child marriage still persist: 7% of Nepalis still get married for the first time between 10-14 years.&nbsp; While the census provides valuable demographic data, there are some questions about the accuracy — especially about the diaspora. The census says Nepal’s absentee population stands at more than 2.1 million, but this appears to be a gross undercount.&nbsp; More than 4.7 million Nepalis have sought labour permits since 2008. While many of them have obviously returned home, 1.8 million Nepalis have renewed their labour approvals since 2011, with an additional 348,867 Nepalis seeking labour permits during the 2021/22 fiscal year.&nbsp; This count does not include Nepalis who have migrated to work in India, where Nepalis do not require a labour permit, nor does it encompass hundreds of thousands of Nepali students who have left to work and study abroad.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230330120320_0ef7f50be80c824d9d6dfcac7c0703097f4f66c891b59a60c7f82d5f02528be6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20230330120320_0ef7f50be80c824d9d6dfcac7c0703097f4f66c891b59a60c7f82d5f02528be6" data-rendition-name="original" width="648" height="706" loading="lazy" alt="Census 2021"> <figcaption>Graph: Nepali Times Graphics</figcaption> </figure>  The 2021 census sought data about Nepal’s sexual and gender minorities by including an ‘other’ option alongside the male and female options under gender. But this attempt at inclusivity shows a lack of awareness about sexual and gender minorities because the ‘other’ option fails to distinguish between sex, sexual orientation and gender identity, and mixes them all up.&nbsp; Moreover, the ‘other’ option has only been limited to the house and household listing, and not the main questionnaire, which only included sexes assigned at birth.&nbsp; While the National Statistics Office did consult with LGBTQIA+ groups to include the question on the census, activists as well as members of the community have said that the question showed a lack of understanding about sexuality and gender, and any data collected through the question would not be completely accurate.&nbsp; Indeed, 2,928 Nepalis (0.01% of the population) identified as ‘other’ gender on the house and household listing, cannot be an accurate representation. The census results do not disaggregate ethnicity and religion. Some anti-secular political parties see a conspiracy in hiding the rising population of Christians due to proselytisation. The census office, however, says the breakdown was not possible because of confusion over respondents who said they were from unlisted ethnicities or faiths. Shristi Karki

Counting on Nepal

In The Survey of the Nepali People conducted by Kathmandu University and Interdisciplinary Analysts last year, 91% of respondents said the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-army-inc">Nepal Army</a> was the institution they trusted the most.&nbsp;
<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/quid-pro-quo-quagmire">Politicians</a> were at the bottom of the heap, and the sample showed great distrust towards social media content as well. We can understand politicians being unpopular, but why is the military held in such high esteem? &nbsp;
Nepal’s army has not been involved in any external conflict since the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-start-of-the-anglo-gorkha-war">Anglo-Nepal War</a> that ended in 1816, although Nepali nationals fight and die in foreign wars to this day. The last time the Army fired guns in anger was during its involvement in the Maoist conflict 2001-2006.
For most of its 260 year history, the Nepal Army has shown <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=7270#.ZB0ZZC8w1KM">loyalty</a> to royalty. Being the army of the founding king, that is understandable. During the Rana period, the Army was under direct command of hereditary prime ministers, but reverted its loyalty to the Shahs after King Mahendra employed the military to stage a coup against a nascent democracy in 1960. &nbsp;
Deposed <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/last-days-with-bp-koirala">Prime Minister B P Koirala’</a>s secretary Kumar Mani Dixit recalls in his memoir how BP expressed his exasperation about the military not being under an elected civilian command. “What can we do when he (Mahendra) has the might of the military behind him,” BP said.&nbsp;
Forty years later, BP’s brother Girija Koirala was also prime minister when the Royal Nepal Army refused to obey his order to mobilise against a deadly <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=10616#.ZB0Y_S8w1KM">Maoist attack</a> in 2001 on a police base in Holeri of Rolpa district. Shortly after, Girija Koirala resigned as prime minister.
In 2009, after the Nepal Army was made to drop ‘Royal’ from its name, the military and the political leadership were at odds once again after Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal tried to fire <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/rookmangud-katawal-memoir,1567">Army Chief General Rookmangud Katawal </a>to replace him with his handpicked Lt Gen Kul Bahadur Khadka. Gen Katawal refused to step down, President Ram Baran Yadav overturned the Prime Minister’s decision, and Dahal resigned.
Perhaps past confrontations between Nepal’s military and elected governments have made the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/why-politicians-pamper-the-military">politicians wary of provoking the Army</a>. So they have co-opted generals in National Pride Projects like the Kathmandu-Tarai Expressway so that the military is also tarred with the same brush as themselves.
Now they are eying the Rs73 billion that has accumulated in the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=11033#.ZB0ZqC8w1KM">Nepal Army Welfare Fund</a>. Some in the top brass want to invest it in banking and real estate, with the active support of political parties.
The report Nepal Kleptocratic Network: Mapping Corruption and Impunity by the Policy Research Institute says political interference <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=5270#.ZB0ZyS8w1KM">corrupts the military </a>and sidetracks it from its primary role in defending national security.
The role of the Ministry of Defence is to strengthen civil-military relations and democratise the military, but it has no say. The <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16287#.ZB0Z9i8w1KM">National Security Council</a> is supposed to strategise on defence and plan on downsizing the Army, but has become a political pawn. &nbsp;
Nepal <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/geopolitical-tug-o-war-over-nepal">borders the two most populous countries</a> with the largest standing armies in the world, and both are nuclear powers. We are not at war with any other country. And yet the Nepal Army takes a big chunk of the annual budget. Can Nepal, like Costa Rica, not have a military at all? We could spend the money on equitable development instead.
While maintaining the trust of the people in the military is important, Nepalis must be made to realise that the Army is not above the Constitution or the laws of the land. The military’s financial dealings should therefore be under scrutiny by civilian courts and the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority.&nbsp;
The army has <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-army-pvt-ltd">no business being in business</a>. No good has come out of any military in the world being involved in profit-making ventures. We have seen in neighbouring countries what happens when the army becomes a private limited company. As BP Koirala put it more than half a century ago, 'Nepal’s military needs a new purpose to establish a prosperous future for our democracy.'&nbsp;
&nbsp;A report by Transparency International UK says this: &nbsp;'Business engagements are detrimental to the professionalism of the armed forces, as it serves as a major distraction from its core duties. One of the most harmful consequences of such practices is that the element of profit-making breeds corruption within the military. As evidenced from the case studies in the literature, the scale and type of corruption varies. In more extreme cases, corruption encompasses embezzlement of state funds, tax fraud and even brutal coercive practices on workers. Once the military begins to engage in economic activities, it is often difficult to end such practices.'
Those lines could have been written with Nepal in mind.

Defence mechanism

President Ram Chandra Paudel. Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Speaker of the House Dev Raj Ghimire. Army Chief Prabhu Ram Sharma and Police Chief Dhiraj Pratap Singh. Acting Chief Justice Hari Krishna Karki. Nepal Rastra Bank Governor Maha Prasad Adhikari. The most powerful people in Nepal today are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/political-patriarchy">all men</a>, and all from dominant caste groups.&nbsp; Top leaders of all major political parties are also all men: Dahal, K P Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba, Baburam Bhattarai, Madhav Nepal, Rabi Lamichhane, Rajendra Lingden, Mahanta Thakur, Upendra Yadav.&nbsp; The 2015 Constitution has strict quota provisions for the representation of women, Indigenous people and Dalits in Nepal’s legislature, government and bureaucracy.&nbsp; Prithvi Nayaran Shah called Nepal a ‘garden of diverse ethnicities and castes’ but this is reflected nowhere in the corridors of power today.&nbsp; To be sure, affirmative action and Constitutional provisions for inclusion mean better representation than before of marginalised groups in all sectors. The 2015 Constitution mandated that 33% of MPs had to be women. In the 2017 elections, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal">women were elected to every local unit</a> as either a mayor or deputy mayor, or both. The Constitution also has a quota for Dalit representation in every ward. True, many women and minorities tended to be nominal nominations to ceremonial posts just to fulfil quota requirements. But electoral alliances between political parties with diametrically opposing views in the 2022 elections to all three levels of government meant women and minorities did not even get those token positions.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230316110312_df226f81be265abaf121ee43c90aebfe1a54bcfd527488ff43903ef1819613ca.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230316110312_df226f81be265abaf121ee43c90aebfe1a54bcfd527488ff43903ef1819613ca" data-rendition-name="original" width="859" height="766" loading="lazy" alt="under-representation"> </figure>  There is also pushback from dominant caste groups against reservation, arguing that it goes against meritocracy and that more qualified individuals miss out on opportunities to rise up the ranks. But for a country where the scale of social justice is so skewed, historically-excluded groups need to be given a chance to catch up through proportional representation. A quota system gives a much-needed push for the underserved to at least be more visible, even if they do not immediately become decision-makers. Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/political-patriarchy">Political patriarchy</a>, Editorial&nbsp; Yet, reservation laws can be abused. Former president Bidya Devi Bhandari was <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/interpreting-article-76-5-of-nepal-s-constitution-52msrghp">openly doing the bidding </a>of UML Chair Oli when he was prime minister. There are many examples of women deputy mayors who are not equipped to fully perform the required roles.&nbsp; Which is why it is crucial that women, Indigenous people, Dalits and other minorities are empowered to function. This can be made to happen through education, training, financial independence and exposure.&nbsp; The very first step will be to recognise just how lopsided the whole process is. As the largest party in Parliament, the Nepali Congress (NC) and the third largest Maoist Centre gave tickets for just one woman candidate each in direct elections last year. In Karnali and Sudurpaschim Provincial Assemblies there is not a single woman elected through direct ballot. Even though women have 20% of jobs in the bureaucracy, they have only 4% of the topmost positions. Brahmins make up only 12.7% of Nepal’s population, but hold 70% of higher jobs in civil service.&nbsp; Janjatis are 32% of the population but have less than 2% of senior positions. Dalits make up 15%, but are even less represented, with only 0.7% of special and gazetted jobs.&nbsp; To solve any problem, we have to first recognise there is a problem. In Nepal, under-representation of the historically-excluded is a problem. Given platforms, women have generally proven to be better at governance. Jumla and Hupsekot of Nawalparasi were two municipalities in which women were voted both chair and deputy in the 2017 local election. They helped improve &nbsp;education, agriculture, conservation, and had effective Covid-19 response in their localities. Nepal’s <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-women-envoys-make-a-mark">female ambassadors</a> have been exemplary in dealing with migrant issues, tourism promotion and economic diplomacy. Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/post-presidential-politics">Post-presidential politics</a>, Shristi Karki Kulman Ghising, Sanduk Ruit and Mahabir Pun are lauded by Nepalis as national heroes. All three belong to Indigenous groups — proof that inclusion is not just morally right, but that there is strength in diversity. &nbsp;&nbsp; Eventually, we have to move beyond quota-enforced inclusion to one that includes and engages all groups by default. Till then, because some are more equal than others, the excluded need that extra weightage. The election for Vice President is slated for Friday 17 March. Two of the three candidates are women: Asta Laxmi Shakya of the UML and Mamta Jha of CK Raut's Janmat Party. But Ram Sahay Yadav of Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) is the heavy favourite to win, even though the Constitution recommends that the vice president should be female if the president is male. Need we say more? Sonia Awale