The debate about who is less accountable to the public: politicians or bureaucrats is as old as Nepal’s democracy itself.
Some blame politicians for being beholden to the businessmen who finance their electoral campaigns, and are forced to return the favour with contracts and kickbacks when in power.&nbsp;
Others say it is civil servants who are neither civil nor servants, and know the inner workings of the system to exploit loopholes – they then teach ministers, MPs, mayors, or ward chairs which juicy projects can be squeezed. And everyone gets their share.
In reality, it is probably not a case of either, or. Both have their hands deep in the honey pot. Corruption is now such a given that yet another exposé in the mainstream press, like the latest visit-visa scam, does not raise eyebrows anymore.
We may have to edit Lord Acton’s famous quote to say that in Nepal we do not even need absolute power to corrupt absolutely. The ruling cartel has divvied up the spoils, so that no one ever faces charges. The three parties all know about the skeletons rattling in each other’s closets, and they cancel each other out.
Politicians and bureaucrats get all the blame for taking bribes, but what of the givers of bribes? In this crony capitalism, businesses invariably need political patrons in an elaborate <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-only-growth-industry-private-sector-corruption" target="_blank">national network of give-and-take</a>.
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-only-growth-industry-private-sector-corruption" target="_blank">Politicians and businesses work hand-in-glove</a> so that conflict of interest in contracts, insider trading, cartelling, and non-performing assets of banks become the norm. Our survey after the 2017 local election showed that out of the 753 newly-elected local government chairs, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/elected-contractors" target="_blank">nearly 300 were contractors</a> involved in sand-mining, quarrying, or transportation syndicates.
Nepal’s tycoons have discovered that instead of donating to election war chests of politicians, it is a much surer return on investment to spend the money to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-business-of-politics-in-nepal" target="_blank">become legislators and politicians themselves</a>.
In democracies, there are checks and balances to control corruption when it becomes endemic. The Nepal Police and Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) are supposed to do the detective work without political interference. The courts are required to be independent in dispensing justice and punishing crooks.
But the less said about the judiciary the better. A writ petition in the Supreme Court last week accused our sister magazine <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/" target="_blank">HimalKhabar</a> of contempt of court for two stories: one about how high courts have been overturning a majority of verdicts of district courts in cases of rape, and another about the Biratnagar High Court clearing a self-proclaimed holy man, Krishna Bahadur Giri, of rape despite police presenting physical evidence.
The doctrine of the separation of powers stipulates that it is when the other three pillars in a democracy are compromised that the role of the free press becomes even more vital. The world over, as soon as populist autocrats are elected to the executive, their first order of business is to co-opt the legislature and the judiciary. Then they buy off, intimidate, or neutralise the media with Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPP).
Nepal’s officialdom seems to be taking midnight Zoom lessons from other despots on how to gag the media. Last month, popular talk show host Dil Bhushan Pathak was served an arrest warrant by the Kathmandu District Court for <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-CntsnTrtG8" target="_blank">a YouTube explainer</a> about the alleged involvement of the son of Foreign Minister Arzu Deuba Rana in a reported purchase of Kathmandu’s Hilton Hotel.
The Lalitpur District Court ruled that Pathak could not be arrested without fair trial, but this week the Kathmandu District Court filed another case against the journalist based on a complaint by the Cyber Bureau, and put him on a fugitive list.&nbsp;
Without going into the veracity of Pathak’s explainer, it is deeply problematic that the Electronic Transaction Act has been invoked – proof that politicians are getting the courts and investigating agencies to make an example of a high profile journalist.&nbsp;
The intention is to silence media investigations into the fake refugee scandal in which the main partner in the ruling coalition is implicated, and in which one of its former home ministers was jailed last year.
The Kathmandu High Court has been mysteriously active in targeting journalists these days. <a href="https://bizmandu.com/" target="_blank">Bizmandu</a> and <a href="https://nepalkhabar.com/" target="_blank">Nepalkhabar</a> were served a notice last month <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/no-freedom-after-expression-y4inku06" target="_blank">to withdraw a story they did</a> on the Chair of the <a href="https://www.sebon.gov.np/" target="_blank">Security and Exchange Board of Nepal (SEBON</a>) Santosh Narayan Shrestha allegedly demanding kickbacks from hydropower investors.&nbsp;
Incredibly, the court even asked the two portals not to report on the subject anymore – a ruling so absurd that the Patan High Court overturned it a week later.&nbsp;
The allegations against Shrestha were made in a public meeting of the <a href="https://www.ippan.org.np/members/3060/bungal-hydro-ltd" target="_blank">Independent Power Producers Association of Nepal (IPPAN)</a>, and MPs demanded a <a href="https://myrepublica.nagariknetwork.com/news/parliament-demands-probe-into-sebon-chairman-over-alleged-commission-demand-40-32.html" target="_blank">Parliament inquiry</a> into the regulator. <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/144523/santosh-narayan-shrestha" target="_blank">HimalKhabar</a> reported this week that while Shrestha was reportedly demanding commissions from private investors for IPOs, he cleared primary share sales in Bajhang’s 10.75MW <a href="https://www.ippan.org.np/members/3060/bungal-hydro-ltd" target="_blank">Bungal Hydro</a> in which his family members have investments, company records show.
And then just on Monday, bureaucrats hoodwinked MPs by deleting references in a bill requiring a two-year ‘cooling off’ period under which retiring civil servants could be barred from holding constitutional positions for two years.
The contest for who is more corrupt: bureauacrats, politicians, or the private sector is on.
Kunda Dixit

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Editorial

SLAPPing Democracy

Ukraine. Sudan. Gaza. Iran. This may not seem like a world war, but we are getting dangerously close to one.&nbsp;
Here in Nepal, we may think we are far removed from it all, but there are about 2 million Nepalis in Israel and the Gulf states, and an escalation would devastate our remittance-driven economy.&nbsp;
The Israeli attacks on Bandar Abbas and Iran’s threat to mine the Strait of Hormuz, set off some panic buying at petrol stations in Kathmandu this week. Petroleum makes up a quarter of Nepal’s import bill.
Ten Nepalis were killed in the Hamas attack on 7 October 2023, and one is still held hostage in Gaza. Nepali soldiers in the Russian Army are fighting and getting killed on the Ukraine front.&nbsp;
There are Nepali green card holders enlisted in the US military, and some of them took part in the Pyongyang-style military parade in Washington DC on 14 June. While the DPRK tries to deter enemies with military might, Trump’s parade was a warning to his own citizens not to step out of line.
In the background are warlike warnings on ‘Truth Social’ from the leader of a global superpower about joining Israel to bomb Iran.
Meanwhile, the other superpower is hitting apartments in Kyiv with guided missiles. Tv talk show guests in Moscow talk flippantly about nuking London.&nbsp;
Ukraine’s audacious drone attacks on Russia’s strategic bomber fleet proved what had been obvious for some time — &nbsp;the nature and scope of warfare has changed.
India and Pakistan in May also used UAVs and missiles against each other. And in a new twist, Pakistani J-10 fighters are said to have &nbsp;shot down two Indian aircraft, at least one of them a French-built Rafale jet.
Even if those reports are not true, air forces around the world are reassessing the capability of Chinese weaponry.
In both the India-Pakistan aerial combat in May and the ongoing Israeli raids on Iran, some of the targets were nuclear installations. We have to see if President Trump follows through on his warning to evacuate Tehran, but analysts see the US possibly deploying bunker buster bombs on underground Iranian nuclear weapons facilities.
Iran’s leaders have warned of retaliation, and US bases in Bahrain, Qatar and UAE could be targets. If that happens, all hell will break loose. While hoping that saner voices prevail, the world has to prepare for the three flashpoints that carry the danger of crossing the nuclear threshold: Russia-Ukraine, Israel-Iran and closer to home, India-Pakistan.&nbsp;
Nuclear deterrence may have prevented New Delhi and Islamabad from incinerating each other’s cities with atomic weapons, it also showed how a small miscalculation could have led to such escalation.
Both countries had primed their populations through propaganda and mass media to bay for blood. On social media Indians and Pakistanis were already nuking each other with hate speech, exhorting their leaders to press launch buttons.
In all three conflicts, that is where the danger lies: public so consumed by manufactured hatred magnified by the social web that the notion of nuclear deterrence has become meaningless.&nbsp;
Ukraine’s drone attacks deep within Russia and India’s use of loitering munitions have changed conventional warfare. Expensive stealth bombers, main battle tanks, surface-to-air missile launch sites are all obsolete because these legacy weapons can be destroyed by drones which can be ordered online on Amazon.&nbsp;
The way these three world wars are being waged, and the loss of America’s nuclear umbrella have also triggered a rearmament race. Money has been diverted from development, climate mitigation (and in a tragic irony) famines unleashed by wars.
We in Nepal worry about radioactive fallout from a limited or all-out nuclear exchange between India and Pakistan. But there is also the danger of a showdown between a wounded Iran and nuclear-armed Israel, or even Russia’s use of tactical nuclear weapons in Ukraine. There is also the ever-present danger of nuclear terrorism by non-state actors.
And if all that was not worrying enough, here is another danger: the spread of millions of drones equipped with AI targeting.&nbsp;
As Stuart Russel at the University of California Berkeley warns in his film Slaughterbots, the world may need another disarmament treaty to control weapons that are not controlled by humans.&nbsp;
Kunda Dixit

World wars

They say you can choose your enemies, but not your neighbours. This rings true especially for small nation states bordering much larger ones.
And that is also what Mao Zedong told King Mahendra in Beijing in 1967, and it is the message successive Chinese leaders have given to Nepal’s rulers ever since: be clever, don’t rock the boat, learn to live with India.&nbsp;
In Beijing in 1988, Deng Xiaoping and Rajiv Gandhi demarcated each other's &nbsp;spheres of influence: south of the Himalaya India calls the shots, and north of it (including Tibet) China does.&nbsp;
Lila Nyaichyai, who did her PhD on Chinese Public Diplomacy in Nepal from Yunnan University, says China’s main concern in Nepal is stability.
“As a country grows to become a global power, its aspirations do too,” she says. “But China hasn’t cared much about whether Nepal is a monarchy, a democracy, or a federal republic as long as it is politically stable for development.”
Nepal’s royal rulers navigated the Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States successfully, getting both to contribute to the country’s development. But the dramatic rise of India and China as global powers, and the fact that they are rivals in Nepal’s immediate neighbourhood has made the need for balance much more critical now.&nbsp;
A template could be the way Finland survived the Cold War between next door Soviet Union and the West. It did not join the Warsaw Pact, but its reference group was the other Nordics. The country decided to keep Moscow at arms length by appeasing it — a strategy that came to be called ‘Finlandisation’.
“Finlandisation was this attitude of yielding to pressure from a big brother,” Finnish journalist and author Katri Merikallio explained to me during a recent visit to Helsinki. “Finland remained independent, but its sovereignty was narrowed. There was a price to pay. We must acknowledge the risks that such a balancing involves, both for the sovereignty of a nation but also for internal politics.”
It was a survival tactic that saved Finland from being arm-twisted by the Soviet Union, like Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968. But today with the Russian invasion of Ukraine, ‘Finlandisation’ is not in vogue anymore and Finland has joined NATO.
Nepal’s strategy of ‘equidistance’ between New Delhi and Beijing is somewhat similar to how Finland survived the Cold War. But it is a little more complicated than that. Indian strategists do not like the term ‘neutrality’ to characterise Nepal’s dealings with its regional rivals China and Pakistan.&nbsp;
South Asia is now in America’s blindspot with Trump’s turbulent second term, and without Washington’s countervailing presence geopolitics has become much more slippery than Prithvi Narayan Shah’s yam analogy.&nbsp;
Back in Kathmandu, former Foreign Minister Bimala Rai Paudyal of the UML contends that despite their differences, bigger countries do come to an understanding, often at the expense of smaller neighbours. An example of this is China’s refusal to get involved in Nepal's Limiyadhura dispute with India.
“It will not be easy, but we must maintain our policy of equidistance in dealing with India and China,” Rai Paudyal told us. “We must assure both that we are not a security threat, and that Nepal’s prosperity and stability is in their national interest as well.”
Nepal is the oldest nation state in South Asia, and has survived invasions, expansionist empires, and neighbours who do not see eye to eye with each other thanks to master strategists like Jang Bahadur Rana, Chandra Shumsher and King Mahendra.
Today, Nepal is one of the few remaining open societies in Asia with a free press, and a fragile yet rambunctious democracy. Yet feckless governments with leaders unskilled to steer a safe course in a volatile region means Nepal has never been as vulnerable to outside interference as it is today (page 1).
Here in Helsinki, NATO membership has finally finished off Finlandisation. It is a lesson for Nepal about how quickly the geopolitical terrain can shift and upend a nation’s established foreign policy doctrine. &nbsp;
Nepal needs to be supple and agile, pragmatic and self-confident. This will require monumental political reform marked by greater accountability, transparency, and good governance at home.&nbsp;
In other words, secure relations with our two giant neighbours needs sturdier domestic politics.
Sonia Awale in Helsinki

Love thy neighbours

Fresh off the Sagarmatha Sambaad international climate conference last week where Nepal committed to lofty goals for electric mobility, one would think the Finance Ministry would have taken a big leap forward to promote electric public transport.
But the bright side is that Finance Minister Bishnu Paudel did not take a step back and kept the status quo in excise and import taxes for electric vehicles. He did not build on the gains to push more aggressively on public transport.
Past tax cuts on electric cars boosted battery-powered vehicles, and this year Nepal was only behind Norway for the highest percentage of new electric car sales. More than 75% of vehicles sold in Nepal last year were electric — with 1,400 imported in just the past month because of worries that the budget would raise taxes.
Tax rebates, monsoon power surplus, time of day metering, and improved range of EVs have contributed to the phenomenal increase in electric mobility. Even though car owners make up less than 3% of the population, there has also been a massive increase in electric vans on intercity public transport routes. And regardless of who owns EVs, conversion helps reduce Nepal’s petroleum import bill — which makes up 25% of all imports. 
Taxing outsized luxury electric SUVs would have been reasonable, but much more urgent are tax subsidies on big battery-powered buses. 
Replacing diesel buses with an efficient electric public transport network would also lessen air pollution and reduce road congestion. Furthermore, the life cycle cost of electric variants is much lower than that of those with internal combustion engines (ICE), and will be even more affordable as battery technology evolves.
When Nepal Rastra Bank increased the ‘Loan-to-Value (LTV) Ratio’ for electric vehicle financing to 40%, up from 20% in March, it dampened sales of public electric vehicles — showing extreme price sensitivity of buyers.
The constant flip-flopping on EV taxes over the years because of the need to compensate for revenue shortfalls has confused consumers. The Finance Ministry often takes an easy short-term fix to boost government income by increasing the tax on EVs, but does not look at the huge medium-term gain from reduced petroleum imports. 
During the monsoon, battery-powered cars are using electricity that would have been wasted. The benefits to public health and national productivity from reduced street-level emissions with more EVs is incalculable. 
More importantly, the discourse on sustainable transport in Nepal is limited to fiscal taxes, when it should be on regulating transportation management. 
Nepal imports most of its vehicles from China and India, and both countries will soon be switching completely to electric 4- and 2-wheelers. We have no choice but to transition accordingly, and have the charging infrastructure and transport regulation in place. Furthermore, Nepal might soon be in a position where it could ban all private petrol cars and switch to only battery cars and tax them at the current rate on ICE vehicles.
For now, the government must urgently come up with a long-term financing and subsidy mechanism for electric buses, and it could start by using the Rs3 billion in ‘pollution tax’ that it collects every year from diesel and petrol sales.
Our National Transport Policy dates back to 2001, and it prioritises road infrastructure rather than transport management.
The former mayor of Bogata Enrique Peñalosa who implemented a successful bus rapid transit system for his city once said: “An advanced city is not a place where the poor move about in cars, rather it’s where even the rich use public transportation.” We could paraphrase that to ‘electric public transportation’.
Public transport is a public service, and the onus lies on the government to ensure reliable and efficient electric buses. At present public transport is almost entirely provided by private companies with the government only setting fares.
True to its name, the Department of Roads is all about building roads, and even that it does so poorly that 2,500 Nepalis are killed on dangerous highways every year. The Department of Transport Management keeps itself busy only issuing driving licenses, and is a hotbed of corruption with people waiting years for their licenses.
This year’s budget could have turned things around. The coalition government’s main preoccupation seems to be staying on in power and countering pro-monarchy rallies fuelled by discontent when it should have focused on improving public services. 
Sonia Awale

Nepal needs a new green energy policy

India and Pakistan are twins separated at birth. Tensions between them have been at a hair trigger ever since independence and has erupted into full scale conflict at least four times in the past 80 years.
The 22 April terrorist attack in Kashmir that killed 25 Indian tourists and a Nepali citizen, threatens to escalate tension between the two nuclear-armed nations. India has squarely blamed Pakistan for the attacks, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has given his military “operational freedom” to respond. Pakistan has said it has credible intelligence of an Indian military strike and its officials have promised a “full spectrum” response — a code for a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/thinking-the-thinkable">nuclear retaliation</a>.
For Nepal, the killing of its national in the Pahalgam attack comes as another stark reminder that in conflicts from Afghanistan to Iraq, from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-to-agree-an-armistice-in-ukraine">Ukraine</a> to Israel, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/10-nepalis-from-one-town-fighting-in-ukraine">Nepalis are getting caught in the crossfire</a>. The last time full-scale fighting broke out between <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/peacemongers-at-india-pakistan-border">India and Pakistan</a> on Kargil in 1999, at least 22<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/india-s-trial-by-fire-for-soldiers-from-nepal?%27%5C%22="> Nepalis fighting for the Indian Army</a> were killed in action.
Three of Nepal’s immediate neighbours (China, India, Pakistan) have nuclear weapons, and they do not have good relations. With China supplying weapons, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/war-and-warming">missile technology</a> and other support to Pakistan, this triangular friction could set off a regional conflagration.&nbsp;
<a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s43016-022-00573-0" target="_blank">Research at Rutgers University</a> has calculated that even a week-long tactical nuclear exchange between India and Pakistan would throw up so much smoke and debris into the atmosphere that it would block out the sun for years, and lead to a collapse of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/grow-nourish-sustain-together-world-food-day">global food system</a>. This does not take into account the radioactive fallout that prevailing winds would blow up to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lives-on-the-line-in-the-himalaya">the Himalaya</a>, contaminating glaciers that are the sources of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/saving-what-is-left-of-himalayan-rivers">Asia’s main rivers</a>.
The impact of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/climate-breakdown-linked-to-thame-flood">climate breakdown </a>on High Asia was already ringing alarm bells about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/himalayan-icecap-melting-faster-than-thought">shrinking ice cap</a> reducing the dry season flow of water downstream. Water was going to be the next strategic commodity, geopolitical experts warned, and the next wars in Asia would be over water.
That water war is already happening. India retaliated to the Kashmir attack by suspending the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/24/world/asia/india-pakistan-indus-waters-treaty.html" target="_blank">Indus Waters Treaty</a> of 1960 mediated by the World Bank that has withstood at least three wars between India and Pakistan. The treaty gives India control over the three eastern tributaries of the Indus (<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beas_River" target="_blank">Beas</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ravi_River" target="_blank">Ravi</a> and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sutlej" target="_blank">Sutlej</a>), while Pakistan got water from the Indus and two of its western tributaries (<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indus_River" target="_blank">Indus</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chenab_River" target="_blank">Chenab</a> and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jhelum_River" target="_blank">Jhelum</a>.
Pakistan was assured of 70% of the annual flow, and India could use a reasonable amount of water for<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15231"> irrigation and hydropower</a>. &nbsp;Within days of its threat, India stopped water flowing down to Pakistan from the Chenab river and is reportedly preparing to do the same on the Jhelum.
The sabre-rattling has reached a crescendo. Besides threats and counter-threats there are also symbolic drills, with the Indian Air Force practicing landing on an expressway in Uttar Pradesh by its Rafale, Su-30 and Jaguar fighter jets to demonstrate ‘operational readiness’. In response Pakistan test-fired its Abdali ballistic missile that can carry a nuclear warhead and has a range of 450km.&nbsp;
The danger is that with ultra-nationalist rhetoric and the beating the war drums by both sides, India’s government and Pakistan’s military may have to ‘do something’ to appease domestic public opinion. But any tactical strike, an artillery exchange, or territorial incursion could quickly escalate out of control.
Expecting an Indian retaliation for the Pahalgam killings, Pakistan is using<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/interfaith-collaboration-for-nuclear-disarmament"> nuclear deterrence </a>and warning of “catastrophic consequences”. The two neighbours came close to a nuclear exchange in 2019 after an attack on the Indian military in Kashmir, and prompt international intervention led by the United States cooled tensions.&nbsp;
This time, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trump-shock-wave-hits-nepal">Trump administration</a> is too distracted and not as engaged. Pakistan has denied it was responsible for the terrorist attack and called on Washington to stop a possible Indian retaliation. India and Pakistan have stopped overflights by each other’s airlines, and some international carriers have even stopped flying over Pakistan fearing an air war.
Washington, Beijing, the UN and the EU have all urged restraint. Iran, which has good relations with both India and Pakistan has sent its foreign minister to urge both countries not to go into a tit-for-tat war. Iran has its own nuclear flashpoint to worry about with tensions in Israel, &nbsp;Yemen and Syria.
India and Pakistan both share similar problems of joblessness, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/why-nepal-s-poverty-rate-is-stuck">poverty </a>and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/climate-change-new-threat-to-nepal-s-rhinos">environmental threats</a>. Neither side needs the threat of a senseless war, and we in the neighbourhood do not need it either.&nbsp;
Kunda Dixit
This Editorial is brought to you by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/" target="_blank">Nepali Times</a>, in collaboration with <a href="https://inpsjapan.com/en/" target="_blank">INPS Japan</a> and <a href="https://sgi-peace.org/" target="_blank">Soka Gakkai International</a>, in consultative status with UN ECOSOC.

Nukes in the neighbourhood

The Canadian media philosopher <a href="https://www.marshallmcluhan.com/biography/">Marshall McLuhan</a> was way ahead of his time in foreseeing how <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/addressing-nepals-digital-divide">the digital age </a>would transform the public sphere. The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-message-is-the-medium-z5w3ekk2">medium was indeed the message</a>, and today the messaging app is the message.
On <a href="https://www.unesco.org/en/days/press-freedom">World Press Freedom Day</a> on Saturday 3 May, journalists must remind ourselves that it is not only our freedom that needs to be protected. Freedom of press guarantees the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/20-years-ago-this-week/media-in-crisis">public’s right to know</a>, journalists are just defending the freedom of their fellow-citizens.&nbsp;
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/no-freedom-after-expression">Democracy and freedom of expression</a>, by definition, go hand-in-hand. There can be no democracy without participation, and there is no participation without open communication.&nbsp;
But today, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/populism-vs-pluralism">democracy is in retreat across the world</a>, a trend that has gone hand-in-hand and has been abetted by the uncontrolled spread of social media platforms.&nbsp;
The world’s two most populous countries to Nepal’s north and south now have converging political systems and media landscapes. China’s phenomenal economic progress seems to have convinced its admirers that democracy and development are antithetical. &nbsp;
Over the past century, the United States demonstrated that a free press and the free market were two sides of the same coin — open society needed to be defended to ensure accountability and economic growth. The First Amendment to the US Constitution laid down that the legislature should make no laws that infringed on complete <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/jail-the-messenger">freedom of expression</a>.
Yet, the United States is proof now of how too much freedom can kill freedom. We now know that the liberty to say anything can mean we end up saying nothing. There can be so much freedom that the truth can be buried in an avalanche of lies. The free-for-all on the internet is merely an illusion of freedom.
Democracy allows citizens even the freedom to destroy democracy itself. With democracies in decay worldwide, media as the fourth pillar of democracy is turning into a pillar of authoritarianism.
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/democracy-s-discontents">Hyper-local digital media content is so polarised</a> that it paralyses democracy and pierces the armour protecting the free press. Algorithms reinforce and further radicalise entrenched beliefs, muffle public debate, and muzzle journalists.
The truth is then drowned in a cacophony of toxic trolling, hate speech and disinformation. AI has made it possible for deep <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/balancing-free-expression-with-fake-news-on-social-media">fake content</a> to be even more potent and pervasive.
Democracy and social networking sites, alas, are not compatible. We have been reluctant to put it so bluntly before because agreeing to social media bans in Nepal (<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rattled-by-criticism-nepal-bans-tiktok">like the government did with TikTok</a>) would mean infringing on constitutionally guaranteed freedom of expression. Such control could lead to creeping censorship of digital content by a thin-skinned government.
The age of AI-driven algorithms coincides with democratic reversal globally, and an existential crisis in the mainstream press. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/south-asia-2040-qxr16oup">Journalists are no longer sole gatekeepers</a>, ‘content creators’ and ‘influencers’ now give ‘users’ what they want, not what they need to make informed choices — for example about mitigating climate breakdown.
As a press freedom activist said at a recent gathering: “We do not go to a citizen doctor when we are sick, so why do we need citizen journalists to tell us what is happening?”
Yet publishers and editors are stuck in their old ways, unable or unwilling to adapt to new storytelling styles and multimedia packaging formats. With falling revenue, there is less money for investigative reporting which was already jeopardised by corporate conflict of interest.
The free press must survive so that democracy is made more accountable, and pluralism can <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-populist-party-balenist">prevail over populism</a>. For this, journalism must fight back. Smaller, isolated pockets of independence and professionalism need support to resist. Even practicing independent journalism in this day and age is a form of resistance.&nbsp;
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/media-melee-in-the-age-of-ai">AI will embolden techno-fascists</a>, replacing physical death squads with cyber lynch mobs. Governments do not need to censor the media, journalists can be silenced by corporate takeovers and mass trolling. They do not need to kill journalists anymore, they can just let journalism die.
Free speech is no longer about journalism, ‘free speech’ is what is on YouTube or TikTok. Journalism used to be governed by rules about verification, double-checking, about credibility and trust. Posts on X do not have to abide by any of those rules, and the tyranny of the algorithm remakes McLuhan’s global village with tribalism.&nbsp;
Media freedom has ended up killing freedom, as another philosopher of resistance, <a href="https://janisjoplin.com/">Janis Joplin</a>, once sang 60 years ago: “Freedom is just another word for nothing left to lose.”
Kunda Dixit

Messaging is the Message

It is perhaps only when they become a part of the story they are reporting that journalists realise just what a narrow segment of reality they depict in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/journalists-reflect-on-a-year-of-crisis-coverage">coverage of a crisis</a>. This is especially true when foreign correspondents report on a disaster like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/11-56-25-april-2015-wkc9q2an">the earthquake that hit Nepal on 25 April 2015</a>.&nbsp; For the first seven days, as <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/photos-nepal-earthquake-2015,2207">videos and photographs of a devastated city</a> were broadcast around the world on TV and the internet, my family got frantic calls from friends and relatives. They seemed surprised that we were still alive, that our house was intact, we had food and water, or that they could even make that phone call. &nbsp; Like everyone else, they had seen images of Kathmandu Valley’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/in-with-the-old-in-nepal">historic monuments</a> reduced to rubble, piles of bricks where people’s homes used to be, and photographs taken from <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Insurance,361">rescue helicopters </a>of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/earthquake-vacates-villages-in-nepal">destroyed villages</a> clinging precariously to steep mountainsides. These apocalyptic scenes had convinced them that nothing was left. Yet 80% of the houses in Kathmandu Valley were intact. Even in the historic heart of the city, the main temples and palaces were still there. The only thing different in most neighbourhoods after the earthquake was that there weren’t the usual traffic jams. In fact the first foreign correspondents to parachute in the next morning were surprised on the drive into the city that they didn’t spot a single ruined building. Had they flown into the wrong hotspot by mistake? Many of us in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/media-matters">the media</a> are accused of distortion by being selective in what we choose to report. Some foreign correspondents are careful not to fall into that trap -- trying instead to break away from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-does-the-nepali-media-cover-rape?fb_comment_id=2170690649622056_2288366001187853">stereotypical coverage</a> and catch a deeper understanding of what is really happening beneath the surface, or away from the spotlight. Still, there is a formula for news and it’s hard to file a story that doesn’t fit it. Which is why after every disaster it is, quite literally, t<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/deadly-Jure-landslide-presaged-earthquake-delayed-rehabilitation,2486">he same old story</a>. The international media arrives in herds and hunts in packs. Everything has to conform to a preordained script: you parachute in and immediately find good visuals of ‘utter devastation’; recruit an English-speaking local who does not need subtitling; trail <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/it-better-be-better-next-time">the rescue teams </a>with sniffer dogs you flew in with. Then it’s back to the hotel bar to swap stories of derring-do, before calling the desk to plan tomorrow’s story of slow government response, and the day after tomorrow’s account of yet another survivor pulled out alive. After that, get a ride in a rescue helicopter for the out-of-town visual of utter devastation in a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/from-nowhere-to-nowhere">remote mountain village</a>. To my knowledge no foreign correspondent went around shooting streets in which all the buildings were still standing. They did not have time to look at farmers <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=10241">harvesting potatoes</a> by the roadside as they rushed to pan across more historic ruins. Few ever reported that only 14 of Nepal’s 75 districts were affected.&nbsp; No-one found it extraordinary or newsworthy that the phones were working, that they could tweet even from the hinterland, or that Kathmandu got back electricity in three days. Such bits of information didn’t fit the script.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250425040416_33825cb2cbfd900de54a5df2188747755745c613c67c29968ca8f4093bfc6a33.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20250425040416_33825cb2cbfd900de54a5df2188747755745c613c67c29968ca8f4093bfc6a33" data-rendition-name="original" width="1058" height="528" loading="lazy" alt="Disaster journalism"> </figure>  TV crews from the BBC, Al-Jazeera and others had pitched their tents (with their own Honda generators) next to each other in Kathmandu’s Darbar Square, to frame the ruins of the Hanuman Dhoka palace as the backdrop to invited talking heads. No wonder TV news programs are called ‘shows’. One interviewee was asked if he could dim the lights for a Skype interview to make it look like things were really dark in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/rebuilding-better-than-before">post-earthquake Kathmandu</a>. A scheduled live stand-up with a local journalist by CNN’s Anderson Cooper was cancelled at 4am local time because they were rioting in Baltimore. Such <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Between-the-lines/nepali-journalists-reported-on-disaster-with-compassion,500">disaster reporting</a> distorts the scale of destruction, either exaggerating the damage or not highlighting the areas where things are much worse. Because competing TV channels are in the same helicopter, there is a temptation to over-dramatise, embellish and overstate. And countries like Nepal better have their disasters on a slow news day in North America. Soon, it was time to leave and travel to another <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/past-disasters-foretold">disaster zone</a>. Many international reporters had left by the time the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/after-the-aftershocks-the-survivors,3006">aftershock hit on 12 May</a>, destroying homes already weakened by the main quake. The media distorts reality by disproportionate coverage. Facts do not add up to the truth when we are selective in choosing what to report. Facts, in fact, can lie. Similarly, when the scale of the disaster is too big to comprehend the screen is just not wide enough to show the immensity of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/five-years-after-avalanche-langtang-is-locked-down">an avalanche</a> that obliterates a village of 500 inhabitants, like it did in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/langtang-after-10-years">Langtang</a>.&nbsp; The challenge now is to keep the international spotlight on Nepal as the country rebuilds. But the media pack has left, and with it the headlines that keep the crisis alive. Already, donations for relief and rehabilitation have started tapering off. Kunda Dixit Reprinted from BBC Academy on 26 May 2015. For a longer version of this piece, go to <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/webarchive/https%3A%2F%2Fwww.bbc.co.uk%2Fblogs%2Fcollegeofjournalism%2Fentries%2Fae5fd09c-c333-48b5-9b35-06238d7f9e71">BBC Academy Blogs</a>.

Disaster Journalism

A high-level meeting between the energy secretaries of Nepal and India last month agreed to build six high-voltage cross-border transmission lines to facilitate the export of up to 18,000MW of electricity by 2035. The government’s recently-approved Energy Development Roadmap and Action Plan envisages exporting 15,000MW to India and Bangladesh within the decade, and generating 28,500MW by 2035. At present Nepal has agreements to export 941MW to India and 40MW to Bangladesh. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/blueprint-for-nepal-india-electricity-trade">Exports to India </a>happen only during <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/monsoon-deluge-in-nepal">the monsoon </a>when there is <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/an-energy-windfall-for-nepal">surplus energy</a>, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/more-than-half-of-nepal-s-electricity-imported-from-india">Nepal imports power</a> during the dry season. This month, Nepal is generating only one-third of its installed capacity of 3,400MW because of low river flows.&nbsp; Generation will exceed 4,000MW by year-end, and another 3,906MW of projects are under construction with more projects worth 3,899MW in the pipeline after <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=10871">power purchase agreements</a>.&nbsp; That Nepal is now capable of generating and exporting <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-precious-electricity-going-waste">surplus electricity</a> has been seen as a significant development for a country that was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/how-they-kept-nepal-in-the-dark-ages">plagued by power cuts</a> for up to 18 hours daily until just eight years ago.&nbsp; In the past 20 years, many energy strategies were formed to power growth through exports. As regional countries look for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/right-climate-for-nepal-s-energy-transition">clean energy to meet climate targets</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-first-hydropower-from-a-glacial-lake">Nepal’s hydropower</a> could be in high demand. Electricity exports can also help offset the country’s huge <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/balance-of-power">trade deficit</a> with India. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/balance-of-power">Investment</a>, or the lack of it, stands as the biggest hurdle in achieving Nepal’s ambitious energy export targets. Generating 28,500MW of electricity would cost Nepal $46.5 billion — four times the annual budget. Capital investment could come from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/home-is-where-the-heart-is-yqkvf5vx">overseas Nepalis</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/sacking-of-nea-chief-exposes-cronyism">the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA)</a>, the private sector or from<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/business/green-bond-option-for-climate-finance"> ‘green bonds’</a>. But even if investment is forthcoming, there is no guarantee that the energy will find a market at an acceptable price. India has increased its quota every year to allow the NEA to sell 941MW of electricity produced by 28 projects under the competitive market and medium-term power sales agreements. It does not buy power from projects with Chinese involvement, and has a strategic monopsony status.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025032710034_ac849c5d570b132afcdb2e4ba432a423dc40bb80ad9f900e0d1a26eed1a5dbec.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="2025032710034_ac849c5d570b132afcdb2e4ba432a423dc40bb80ad9f900e0d1a26eed1a5dbec" data-rendition-name="original" width="997" height="784" loading="lazy" alt="Hydrocarbon to hydropower NT"> </figure>  The country exported more electricity than it imported for the first time in 2023/24 fiscal year, selling electricity worth Rs17.06 billion to India. But this is a drop in the bucket in comparison to the country’s total trade deficit. Nepal imported goods worth Rs1.59 trillion, while exports were only Rs152 billion in the same fiscal year. The amount earned from exporting electricity was just 1.2% of Nepal’s trade deficit. While this could increase in future, it will not go up by much. As it stands, Nepal buys electricity from India at almost the same rate as it sells. Indian state-owned companies are <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/decentralising-hydro-power">developing hydropower projects</a> with a combined capacity of 8,000MW, mostly on the Arun basin. The agreements give 21.9% of the electricity from these plants for free for 25 years before they revert to Nepal. Hydropower experts have long argued that Nepal should increase domestic consumption for value added manufacturing rather than exporting raw power. This means <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/securing-nepal-s-electric-future?%3D">making electricity affordable and accessible</a> for household appliances, transport and industries. To be sure, proactive government policies on tax rebates for electric vehicles have seen remarkable results. Until January of this fiscal year, Nepal imported 6,256 electric four-wheeled vehicles in comparison to 2,662 petroleum ones. Nearly 70% of all EVs sold were from China. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/blueprint-for-a-net-zero-nepal">Blueprint for a net-zero Nepal</a>, Sonia Awale&nbsp; Continuous <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ev-year">increase of EV imports </a>will eventually reduce Nepal’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-energy-policy-in-2023-and-beyond">dependence on India for fossil fuel</a>, which currently makes up 18% of all imports and the largest item. Promoting <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/charging-nepal">electrical appliances </a>and manufacturing them in the country would reduce the increasing <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/what-s-cooking-in-nepal-besides-politics">dependency</a> on LPG, which is heavily subsidised. Only 0.5% of Nepali households use<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/people-power/nepal-turns-on-the-electric-switch"> electric stoves</a>, if 5.6 million households were to use induction stoves for three hours every day, the country would use 825MW of electricity, displacing LPG consumption entirely, also reducing <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-doubles-its-carbon-footprint">Nepal’s carbon footprint</a>. But all this requires a better transmission and distribution system in the grid so that they reach the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/life-and-livelihood-in-remote-nepal">remotest areas</a> to double <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/power-to-the-people">electricity consumption</a>. Scaling up fast charging stations for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-journey-to-electric-public-transport">battery-powered transportation</a> would meet the growing demand for EVs. Extending tax rebates to also include large electric buses would reduce <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17315">diesel demand</a>, which has also been growing. Nepal also has to look beyond conventional hydropower to solar-powered <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/pump-water-store-energy">pump storage to generate electricity</a>, which would be cheaper and faster to build. Such schemes would also be less destructive to the ecology of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/geopolitics-of-nepal-s-rivers">the country’s rivers</a>. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-climate-crisis-is-a-water-crisis-in-the-himalaya">The climate crisis is a water crisis</a>, and Nepal must plan for a future in which the Himalayan icecap will be further depleted. Rivers are not just a source of energy but ensure equitable <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-needs-to-plan-for-plenty-and-scarcity-of-water">water supply for irrigation</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/aid-rarely-aids-agriculture-in-nepal">agriculture</a>, and household use. &nbsp; Ramesh Kumar

Hydrocarbon to hydropower

777,593,567. That is the number of confirmed <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-has-no-health-minister-as-covid-19-cases-rise-again">Covid-19 cases</a> worldwide before they stopped being reported last year. The total fatalities were 7,089,976 before WHO declared that it was no longer a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/declare-a-health-emergency">public health emergency</a> of international concern. Covid-19 has tapered off, but it could be a sign of even bigger health crises to come. Alas, governments and people suffer from short-term memory loss.&nbsp; Remember? The world came to a grinding halt: businesses, banks, schools, travel and tourism, sports, restaurants shut down overnight. Millions of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/helping-hands-for-nepali-migrants-in-distress">migrant workers </a>were displaced. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-designates-more-hospitals-for-covid-19-treatment">Hospitals were overwhelmed</a> and there were mass burials. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-locks-down-again">Lockdowns</a> to contain the virus inflicted more suffering.&nbsp; Read also:<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/lockdown-5-utlzqtvs"> Lockdown+5</a>, Sonia Awale What worked was the world coming together to develop and distribute <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-begins-covid-19-vaccination-drive">vaccines</a>. It significantly reduced the number of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/three-years-of-living-dangerously">deaths worldwide</a>, especially among the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/protecting-nepal-s-elderly-from-covid-19-c6e60vp6">elderly</a>, children and people with comorbidities.&nbsp; Not only have some governments <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/lessons-not-learnt-homework-not-done">not learnt their lessons</a>, but they <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/why-is-there-vaccine-hesitancy-in-nepal">actively refuse to admit that vaccines were our last line of defence</a>. In his <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trump-s-second-coming">second term in office</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trump-shock-wave-hits-nepal">Donald Trump </a>picked Robert Kennedy Jr, an avid anti-vaxxer, as Secretary of Health and Human Services. The United States has recorded the first measles deaths in 10 years. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/trump-s-first-month">Trump caused enough harm in his first term</a> when he repeatedly downplayed the severity of the pandemic, infamously claiming that hydroxychloroquine (and even bleach) cured Covid-19, and blatantly refused to mask up. The United States recorded 103,436,829 confirmed cases of Covid-19 with 1,219,038 deaths, one-sixth of all fatalities worldwide. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/life-time/to-vax-or-not-to-vax">Vaccine deniers</a> are in the same cult as climate deniers, and scientific evidence will not sway them. Trump has pulled the US out of WHO and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/how-usaid-cut-affects-nepal">funding cuts at USAID</a> threaten to undermine decades of progress in preventing vaccine-preventable infections, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/newborn-deaths-and-a-vision-for-a-post-pandemic-nepal">maternal and child health</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/disastrous-preparedness">emergency preparedness</a>, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/support-for-reproductive-health-of-nepali-women">reproductive health</a> in countries like Nepal.&nbsp; Many of these grants were also going into research and surveillance which played a big part in combatting the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-real-cost-of-nepal-s-second-wave"> Covid-19 pandemic</a>, and will be crucial as we monitor and control new emerging threats like the H5N1 bird flu, which has now spread in neighbouring India.&nbsp; The UN’s Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) warned on Tuesday that the continued spread of avian influenza across the world was not just a serious <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/poor-health-makes-nepalis-poorer">threat to public health</a> but also ‘an unprecedented <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/food-security-is-national-security">food security </a>risk’ as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/are-you-sick-of-chicken">poultry farms </a>are forced to cull millions of chicken. The Covid pandemic improved <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/is-free-health-care-possible-in-nepal">Nepal’s healthcare</a> capacity with diagnostics, laboratory infrastructure, sequencing and pathogen genomics, and emergency care.&nbsp; But, wait, what happened to all those <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/donated-ventilators-gather-dust-in-nepal">ventilators and oxygenators</a>? Where are the HCUs and Hi-ICUs? Plans to decentralise the infectious diseases hospital away from Teku? Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lessons-not-learned-from-the-pandemic">Lessons not learned from the pandemic</a>, Dhurba Basnet While the priority is human health, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/life-lesson-from-the-pandemic">lesson from Covid-19</a> is that we have to also be mindful of animal health. Infections spread from wildlife to livestock factory farms and cross the species divide because of anthropogenic activities. We must therefore apply a ‘one health approach’ which addresses the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/documenting-the-anthropocene">interconnectedness of human, animal, and environmental health</a>. At the same time, Nepal must also buttress its drive towards ensuring universal health care. With greater and faster connectivity, the world is a global village more than ever before. No country is an island. No country, even those with vast resources, can build barriers to stop infections that emerge from the other side of the planet. That is the lesson from the Covid-19 pandemic that we ignore at our own peril.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250323030332_bcfd3df1e6e6053fc3bb3983cd3ac47442dad11eed7aa5a52d7df623617f0a49.jpg" data-media-id="editor_28" data-image-id="20250323030332_bcfd3df1e6e6053fc3bb3983cd3ac47442dad11eed7aa5a52d7df623617f0a49" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="568" loading="lazy" alt="When denial goes viral"> </figure>  Another lesson is that the world has to come together to defeat global crises: whether it is another pandemic, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/climate-breakdown-linked-to-thame-flood">climate breakdown</a> or <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/pandemic-of-poverty">poverty</a>. The resources that industrialised countries, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/india-china-rail-race">China and India</a> invested to rapidly develop vaccines against Covid-19, and multilateral mechanisms like GAVI that ensured their just distribution to the poorest and remotest regions worked well.&nbsp; At a time when such <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/global-crisis-local-solutions">global action</a> is needed more than ever before, we see unilateralism and isolationist ultra-nationalism taking root in the world’s most powerful nation.&nbsp; Here in Nepal, we are now better prepared. We can even regard Covid-19 as a rehearsal for future transboundary <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/emergency-in-nepals-emergency-rooms">health emergencies</a>. It built the capacity of our <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/3rd-covid-wave-infects-nepal-s-frontliners">doctors, nurses and paramedics</a>, and helped upgrade infrastructure outside<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/cost-of-living-in-a-big-city"> urban centres</a>.&nbsp; The pandemic and lockdowns increased awareness of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/covid-19-nepal-and-the-hygiene-hypothesis">personal hygiene</a>. Most people are now habituated to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/after-lockdown-we-will-need-masks-more-than-ever">wearing masks</a> and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/covid-19-revives-nepal-s-wash-drive">hand washing</a>, which in turn has reduced the incidence of other <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/dhanvantari/silver-linings-in-the-covid-cloud">pre-existing infections</a> including those caused by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/air-pollution-is-more-dangerous-than-smoking">air pollution</a> and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/too-little-too-much-or-too-polluted">contaminated water</a>.&nbsp; As we keep track of emerging diseases, we must not lose sight of common infections and risk factors that kill many more across the country every year than Covid-19 ever did. Only then, would we have achieved health for all. Sonia Awale

When denial goes viral

A cabinet meeting last week appointed former journalist Sharad Ojha as the chair of the Nepal Insurance Authority, the regulator of the sector. Ojha has no qualifications for the post as required by Nepal’s Insurance Act.&nbsp;
His family ties to Nepali Congress president <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/deuba-5-qh371fm4">Sher Bahadur Deuba</a> has been cited as the reason he got to bypass appointment criteria.
This is just the latest example. Bending the law to appoint <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-crony-communism-exposed">cronies</a> and special interest groups to leadership positions in regulatory bodies has <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/crony-communism">become the norm in Nepal</a>.
Ojha’s predecessor was former Home Secretary Surya Prasad Silwal, who was suspended two months before the end of his term in December after the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ciaa-traps-small-fish-lets-big-ones-go">Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA)</a> filed a corruption case against him in the Special Court. Days after Ojha’s appointment, the court cleared Silwal of corruption charges.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/search?q=corruption+case">Nepal’s corruption carousel</a>
Before Silwal, the Nepal Insurance Authority was led by Chiranjivi Chapagain, a relative of Chandra Dhakal of the IME Group. Chapagain is accused of granting approval to 10 insurance companies under dubious circumstances and favouring <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/business/ime-insurance">IME Life Insurance’</a>s approval.
Meanwhile, intense lobbying by interest groups with ties to both <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-government-changes-again">Prime Minister Oli</a> and PM-in-waiting Deuba allowed Santosh Narayan Shrestha’s appointment as the chair of the Securities and Exchange Board of Nepal (SEBON) in December. Shrestha promptly paid his dues to the groups that put him in office by making preparations to grant them permission to operate stock exchange.
Shrestha was preceded by hotelier Ramesh Kumar Hamal, the recommendation procedure and committee for whom were changed to ensure his appointment.
During his tenure, Hamal hastily amended a law that allowed specific companies to sell premium stocks amid ongoing debates, &nbsp;and another one allowing the operation of stock exchanges with private sector investment instead of public companies. None of this raised eyebrows.
Hamal’s predecessor Bhishma Raj Dhungana, a former Nepal Rastra Bank official, was dismissed as SEBON chair following allegations of irregularities.&nbsp;
Most of these recent individuals were appointed heads of regulatory bodies under PM Oli and Finance Minister Bishnu Paudel and probably at their behest.
The appointments at the Nepal Insurance Authority and SEBON reflect a blatant disregard for the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/federalism-rule-of-law-and-the-judiciary">rule of law</a>. Such practice is also rampant in the cooperatives and real estate sectors, where <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-risks-being-blacklisted-on-money-laundering">illegal financial dealings</a> and bad faith business is modus operandi.
Meanwhile, Energy Minister Deepak Khadka, also a hydropower entrepreneur, is set on ousting <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/more-than-half-of-nepal-s-electricity-imported-from-india">Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA)</a> managing director <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/latest/kulman-ghising-to-stay-on">Kulman Ghising</a>. He previously ordered the removal of Dudhkoshi Hydropower Project CEO Bimal Gurung for criticising him on <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/no-comment">social media</a>.&nbsp;
The minister has a major conflict of interest because of his involvement in private energy sector, and is pressuring parliamentary committees and regulatory bodies to amend the law to allow the sale of 50% of the shares of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/missing-pieces-of-the-hydropower-jigsaw">hydropower projects </a>during the so-called 'lock-in period', which prevents the sale of promoter shares.
Now, lobbyists have set their sights on the Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB). Maha Prasad Adhikari’s tenure ends in April, and the same groups behind the appointment of the chiefs of regulatory bodies like SEBON and Nepal Insurance Authority are going door to door of governing coalition leaders to have their candidate appointed.&nbsp;
The book Why Nations Fail by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson—co-winners of last year’s Nobel Prize for Economics with economist Simon Johnson—describes how public institutions are misused, weakened, and pushed toward failure by those with access to power.
Regulatory bodies are crucial to maintaining fair competition and ethical market practices. They exist to serve Nepal’s public. However, they are being deliberately undermined by special interest groups paying off authorities for plum positions that will enrich them and their political patrons. &nbsp;
The government ordered the Department of Money Laundering to ‘wait’ as the body sought permission to take action against Ajeya Sumargi for illicit dealing.
It was thus unsurprising that the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) placed Nepal on its grey list in February for failing to take effective and result-oriented action to prevent money laundering.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/black-white-and-grey">Black, white and grey</a>, Ramesh Kumar
The international community has raised a red flag against malgovernance, political interference, conflicts of interest, and impunity. The world is watching, but Nepal’s politico-corporate interests are too deep in greed to care.
Ramesh Kumar

Public-Private Collusion

The sudden and massive flood on the Bhote Kosi early Tuesday morning washed away a strategic bridge on Nepal’s main border crossing with China for trade, tourists and pilgrims. Slurry from the nearly 10m high debris flow left 9 dead and 20 missing, 12 of them Nepalis and six Chinese nationals, and 150 others were rescued by helicopter.&nbsp; Four <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-smarter-himalayan-infrastructure">hydropower plants</a> Rasuwagadi, Trisuli III, Trisuli, &nbsp;Benighat and the Trisuli substation sustained heavy damage, knocking &nbsp;out 230MW of Nepal’s power supply – approximately 8% of the total. Over 100 cargo trucks and new electric vehicles parked at &nbsp;Timure Dry Port were swept away. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mapping-kangchenjunga-glacial-flood-risk">Mapping Kangchenjung glacial flood risk</a>, Gabe Allen Officials had initially thought &nbsp;the Bhote Kosi had flooded due to heavy rain in Tibet. However, the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology (DHM) and the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Authority (NDRRMA) now say a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/living-below-nepal-s-melting-mountains">Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF)</a> is likely.&nbsp; NDRRMA spokesperson Suresh Sunar said it was too early to tell which one, but the flood was most likely the result of one of the glacial lakes in Tibet. Bhote Kosi begins on the north slope of the Ganesh Himal near the Nepal-China border, and its tributary Lende drains the catchment area north of Langtang. The slurry flood on Tuesday was on the Lende (map).&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250709110720_bbc99c5f3e3d61a3d340892e0273fee3605a8d334a2beb354126137bcf0c8d27.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250709110720_bbc99c5f3e3d61a3d340892e0273fee3605a8d334a2beb354126137bcf0c8d27" data-rendition-name="original" width="629" height="759" loading="lazy" alt="Bhote Kosi flood map"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250709110720_39e2f574ff8c12cecda2e5a999d2ba8a0310f599f6b2261dcad7dd43f94df2a1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250709110720_39e2f574ff8c12cecda2e5a999d2ba8a0310f599f6b2261dcad7dd43f94df2a1" data-rendition-name="original" width="997" height="613" loading="lazy" alt="Bhote Kosi flood map"> </figure>  “Preliminary study suggest that the disaster was not caused by rain in Tibet, but by a glacial lake burst, or another accident,” said Kamal Ram Joshi of the DHM. The level of water at a self-monitoring station in Timure in Rasuwa increased by 3.5m at 3:10AM on Tuesday morning while 13km downstream in Syabrubesi, the level rose by 3.65m at 3:30AM. The same station recorded 5.37m ten minutes later, after which it stopped giving a reading, possibly because the station was also washed away. The flood reached <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/neither-side-lost-both-sides-won">Betrawati</a> by 5AM, and some of the debris flow reached Mugling during Tuesday. DHM’s Flood Forecasting Division noted that there was no major precipitation in the Bhote Kosi watershed in Nepal and China in the 24 hours preceding the flood.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250708100724_313a684b65fc5317064779e47409a40f2bbce2c0c84db995e7f8fc6e1c142105.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250708100724_313a684b65fc5317064779e47409a40f2bbce2c0c84db995e7f8fc6e1c142105" data-rendition-name="original" width="3600" height="1662" loading="lazy" alt="Bhotekosi flood"> <figcaption>The Miteri bridge before it was swept away by the flood in Bhotekosi on the Nepal-China border. Photo: SUBASH DHUNGANA / RSS</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250708100732_ec43f13bae979f7b61bc0db939db4157dc93d3f0767ed527f564bd5c3d12be27.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20250708100732_ec43f13bae979f7b61bc0db939db4157dc93d3f0767ed527f564bd5c3d12be27" data-rendition-name="original" width="720" height="432" loading="lazy" alt="Bhotekosi flood NT 2"> <figcaption>The bridge after the flood.</figcaption> </figure>  On Wednesday, several remote-sensing experts using Copernicus &nbsp;satellite images pinpointed the cause of the flood to Purepu Cangbu where supraglacial ponds had merged in June to form a large lake which did not burst, but overflowed &nbsp;and found a channel through englacial conduits to the headwaters of the Lende. The river meets the Bhote Kosi at the Nepal-China checkpoint in Rasuwa.&nbsp; “Analysis of weather forecasts and satellite data shows the Tibet region did not receive enough rain to cause this scale of flooding,” explained Binod Pokharel, associate professor of hydrology and meteorology at Tribhuvan University. “The flood could have been caused by a GLOF."&nbsp; Two weeks ago, Chinese officials had reportedly warned the Rasuwa District Administration in Nepal to be on high alert for floods on rivers that originate in Tibet. It could be that Chinese scientists had observed the alarming<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-climate-crisis-is-a-water-crisis-in-the-himalaya"> expansion of glacial lakes</a> in the Lende and Bhote Kosi catchments. If that was the case, it is an example of the kind of trans-boundary forewarning that would be critical to save lives in future.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250708100736_1710142917b30d4f85b343ed52743554d723db918c708f0bade8a0491ba999b2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20250708100736_1710142917b30d4f85b343ed52743554d723db918c708f0bade8a0491ba999b2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1001" height="500" loading="lazy" alt="Bhotekosi flood"> </figure>  However, Rasuwa’s Assistant Chief District Officer Dhruv Prasad Adhikari seems to have no knowledge of any warning from the Chinese side, either formally or informally. &nbsp; “The Chinese Embassy has said the cause of the flood is unknown that it will coordinate with Nepal to find the cause," Adhikari told us. Chinese Ambassador Chen Song and Prime Minister Oli visited the border on Tuesday (pictured). &nbsp; The sharing of real-time trans-boundary rainfall and river flow data would be crucial in early warning about the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mapping-kangchenjunga-glacial-flood-risk">risk and consequences of GLOFs</a> to reduce human and material loss. But Nepali officials say China has been reluctant to share weather-related information and data not just in this disaster, but in the past as well. “There is no mechanism or system in place for us to obtain hydrological and meteorological data of the Tibetan region,” said DHM Director General Joshi. The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/for-destruction-ice-is-also-great-and-will-suffice">Himalaya is melting twice as fast as the rest of the world</a> due to a phenomenon called ‘elevation dependent warming’, and receding glaciers have led to an increasing number of transboundary GLOFs.&nbsp; According to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/danger-nepal-s-glacial-lakes-are-filling-up">a 2018 ICIMOD study</a>, of the 47 of the most dangerous lakes that threaten Nepal, 25 are on glaciers in China, 21 in Nepal and one in India. Many of these glaciers are expanding rapidly due to global warming. One of the authors of the report, glacial lake expert Samjwal Bajracharya, says that the report was prepared based on data from 2015. But climate change has accelerated since then. Moreover, seismic activity has further destabilises the landscape, adding to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-glacial-lakes-in-danger-of-bursting">GLOF risk</a>.&nbsp; “Considering the rapid rate of snowmelt and consequent increase in size of Himalayan glaciers, studies should be conducted every year, and a monitoring system should be set up on the glaciers,” says Bajracharya. “However, no studies have been conducted in the Himalaya in a decade, which has been our biggest weakness.” &nbsp;

Rasuwa flood likely a GLOF

Recent outrage in Sikkim over an Indian Army expedition climbing <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/saving-kangchenjunga">Kangchenjunga</a>, the world’s third-highest peak, has spiked attention to the need to balance mountaineering jobs with indigenous reverence for sacred landmarks. Kangchenjunga (8,586m) is not a peak as much as it is a mountain range with 16 peaks above 7,000m on the border between India and Nepal -- the word itself means ‘five treasures of the snows’ in Tibetan. Some of the highest prominences like Kangchenjunga West and Kangbachen are in Nepal, while the Main, Central and South Peaks are on the border. Climbing the peak from the Indian side has been banned since 2001 because the indigenous Lepcha community there regard the mountain as the abode of Dzoe-nga, the patron deity of Sikkim, which was an independent Himalayan Kingdom until it was annexed by India in 1975.&nbsp; Buddhists in Sikkim say their saint, Padmasambhava, recognised the mountain as a protective spirit. The state has declared the base of the mountain Kangchenjunga National Park, which covers an area one-third of Sikkim. ‘The act of scaling this sacred peak is not only a matter of serious concern but also a violation of both the prevailing legal provisions and the deeply held religious beliefs of the people of Sikkim,’ read a letter from Chief Minister Prem Singh Tamang (Golay) to Amit Shah, India’s Minister of Home Affairs and Cooperation.&nbsp; Tamang continued: ‘We further request Your Honour to take up the issue with the Government of Nepal to ensure that no future expeditions are permitted on the sacred mountain, in deference to the deeply held beliefs and cultural values of the people of Sikkim.’ Kangchenjunga was climbed for the first time exactly 70 years ago by a British team who told King Tashi Namgyal, the Choegyal of Sikkim, that they would not set foot on the summit. Since then, there have been about 532 successful climbs of the peaks and 52 have died while trying.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250628060616_5c268e08cf49f36b79ef9b31933fc2d9bf9a6f65414e7ca06dd028bf04e7ccc1.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250628060616_5c268e08cf49f36b79ef9b31933fc2d9bf9a6f65414e7ca06dd028bf04e7ccc1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1782" height="1178" loading="lazy" alt="Kangchenjunga: too sacred to climb NT"> <figcaption>Indigenous communities in Sikkim held purification ceremonies following the Indian expedition to Kangchenjunga. Photo: THE VOICE OF SIKKIM / FACEBOOK</figcaption> </figure>  <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/peak-climbing-season-2025-s4abrxny">This spring climbing season</a> alone, there were 70 climbing permits for foreigners issued for Kangchenjunga by the Nepal government, and made it to the top while one French climber died.&nbsp; One of the expeditions this year was an Indian Army team led by Col Ranveer Jamwal, who has summited the highest peaks on all seven continents, and Mt Everest thrice. Jamwal’s team was on the final leg of a ‘<a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/india/nimas-summits-mt-kangchenjunga-concludes-historic-har-shikhar-tiranga-mission-successfully/articleshow/121341315.cms?from=mdr">Har Shikhar Tiranga</a>’ (The Tricolour on Every Peak) mission to plant the Indian flag at the highest points of each of India’s 28 states. Kanchenjunga was the last peak they had left, and the hardest, but the expedition put five climbers on the summit. What seems to have incensed the Sikkimese is that while it has banned climbing the mountain from its side, it was an Indian military expedition that went to Nepal to climb the mountain. After news broke of the climb in May, the Sikkim Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association asked people to observe purification ceremonies in temples across the state. Mayalmit Lepcha of the association acknowledged that the Sikkim government was also partly at fault: “I don’t think such an expedition could have gone forward without the state government being informed, so it could have done something to intervene. It shows weakness. What’s done is done, all we can do is carry out these sanctification ceremonies.”&nbsp; In 2000, one year before Sikkim’s ban, the state allowed an Austrian team to attempt Kanchenjunga’s northeast face for a fee of $20,000, on agreement that they would stop 10m before the summit. Despite this, there was outrage over the expedition on the grounds that it violated Indian laws regarding the defiling of religious sites and Sikkim’s rights to maintain its culture after merging with India. The Indian Army expedition was also seen to have circumvented Sikkim’s law and violated religious sensibilities by going through Nepal. While the team may have thought they were respecting Sikkim’s beliefs by finding a way to complete the mission, the people of Sikkim saw it as defilement.&nbsp; The somber mood of the Sikkim people at the ritual contrasts sharply with Jamwal’s sense of accomplishment. “Without a doubt, the most difficult summit of my life,” he told reporters after the climb. “It tested every ounce of our will.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250628060616_ccfe079c78dab788d19fe2080ee8a5d5dcb11de4157316f6d94e5964da097157.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250628060616_ccfe079c78dab788d19fe2080ee8a5d5dcb11de4157316f6d94e5964da097157" data-rendition-name="original" width="787" height="377" loading="lazy" alt="Kangchenjunga: too sacred to climb NT"> <figcaption>Prayer flags along the Sikkim-Kangchenjunga trekking route. Photo: TREKKINGININDIA.COM</figcaption> </figure>  The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">controversial Nepali-British mountaineer Nirmal Purja</a> was also on Kangchenjunga this spring the mountain, on a mission to summit all 14 8,000m peaks for a third time. He echoed Jamwal about the tough conditions: “The conditions above camp were extremely tough, with deep snow and challenging terrain—more crevasses than usual.” Nepal’s government has not said anything publicly, but it is unlikely that it will ban climbing on Kangchenjunga, since it is becoming popular with expeditions because of its technical challenges, and overcrowding on Mt Everest. Nepal does have bans in place for some of its mountains out of respect for local beliefs. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/to-open-machapuchre-for-mountaineering-or-not">Mt Machapuchre</a> (6,990m) the imposing pyramid that looms over Pokhara, for example, is seen as an icon of purity by the Gurung people and a symbol of Vishnu by the Hindu communities who live at its base. A strict climbing ban has been in place since 1957, when a British expedition led by Col Jimmy Roberts stopped 45m short of the summit – either because the last bit was too difficult or out of deference to local sentiments.&nbsp; Khumbila that stands above Namche Bazar is only 5,761m high, but like Kanchenjunga is considered the protector deity of the Sherpa people. Gauri Shankar on the Nepal-China border, called Chomo Tseringma by the local community, was off-limits between 1965 and 1979 due to its association with Lord Shiva and Gauri, his consort. Although expeditions are now allowed, there are not too many takers. In Tibet, climbing Mount Kailash is prohibited by the Chinese government because it revered by the Hindus, Buddhists and followers of the Bon faith. Even Mt Everest is regarded as sacred, and its Sherpa name is Chomolungma, Goddess Mother of the Earth.&nbsp; Economically, climbs on Kanchenjunga bring in decent revenue. This climbing season, the 41 permits, at $1,800 each, brought in $73,800. This is somewhat comparable to Makalu, Lhotse, and Annapurna I, but these numbers are dwarfed by the $4 million in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-everest-industry">Everest permits</a>. Revenue from Kanchenjunga climbing permits is something Nepal could potentially forgo if necessary, but the expeditions also provide jobs to hundreds of high altitude guides, porters, base camp support staff and other logistical costs.&nbsp; As the third highest mountain in the world and the tallest in India, there will always be significant motivation to climb it from the Nepal side, especially as climbers are drawn by the technical climbing at high altitude.

Kangchenjunga: too sacred to climb?

In 2023, northern India suffered record-breaking heat. In 2024, it broke its own record. In 2025, the Indo-Gangetic plains and the Nepal Tarai suffered a prolonged pre-monsoon heat wave and humidity, forcing closure of schools and workplaces. This week, <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/europe-heat-wave-intensifies-as-fresh-warnings-issued/live-73108302">southern Europe is suffering the worst heat wave</a> since temperature records began. Football matches, tennis tournaments have been affected, and tourist sites have been closed off. Qatar has ordered a midday work curfew for Nepali and other migrant workers are the maximum temperature this week touched 45°C.&nbsp; Kathmandu Valley experienced its highest temperature in 25 years in May 2024 at 35.3°C. This year, the maximum temperature exceeded 30°C on many days — heat that till a decade ago would be considered unusual. Rains in early June also meant that towns in the mountains sweltered under high heat plus humidity.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250703090748_6975cfc2ad573f3a09ca301a299a9e92a420da7f1c5c90b8e4d061a2053dcd3e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250703090748_6975cfc2ad573f3a09ca301a299a9e92a420da7f1c5c90b8e4d061a2053dcd3e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1935" height="801" loading="lazy" alt="maximum average temperature in Kathmandu"> <figcaption>Source: DHM</figcaption> </figure>  Measuring just temperature does not give a true picture of how hot it is. When humidity is factored in, the heat index this summer has been much higher in northern India and Nepal. Also, the hotter the air temperature the higher the concentration of water vapour in it. “We feel it is getting hotter, and our statistics back that up,” says Shanti Kandel at the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology, which issued two heat wave warnings this year, compared to 11 last year. “We need more research to analyse how humidity is make this situation worse.” <a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/india/india-faces-alarming-30-rise-in-moist-heat-stress-over-40-years-affecting-wide-swath-of-country-imd-study/articleshow/109376863.cms?from=mdr">A recent analysis</a> by the Indian Meteorological Department has found that heat stress in that country has increased by nearly 30% over the past 40 years. Similarly, India’s Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW) noted that cities like Delhi, Chandigarh, Jaipur, and Lucknow have experienced a 6-9% rise in relative humidity in the last decade.&nbsp; It also states that <a href="https://www.reuters.com/sustainability/climate-energy/majority-indian-districts-face-high-heatwave-risk-study-shows-2025-05-20/#:~:text=%22About%2057%20per%20cent%20of,usual%20number%20of%20heatwave%20days.">60% of Indian districts</a>, home to three-quarters of the country’s 1.3 billion people face a high to very high risk from extreme heat, with rising night-time temperatures and humidity. The heat index is also called ‘<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/north-indian-heat-wave-hits-nepal">wet-bulb temperature</a>’ and is a measure of how hot the human body feels when humidity levels are also high — usually much hotter than the recorded temperature. For example, a wet-bulb temperature of 35°C is considered the maximum limit of heat and humidity that humans can handle, beyond which the body cannot cool by perspiration, leading to death. One indicator of increasing humidity is a rise in average minimum temperature, and Nepal recorded the highest figure since 1981 last year, with a peak of 15.8°C. Higher minimum temperature denotes warmer nights, which in turn is an indication of heat stress caused by increasing humidity, which in turn is a result of global warming. Aside from higher average temperatures worldwide this year, what makes heat and humidity more unbearable is that cities are always hotter than their surroundings. This is due to the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/preparing-for-kathmandu-s-heat-waves">urban heat island (UHI) effect</a> – for example the temperature inside Kathmandu’s Ring Road can be hotter by <a href="https://www.epa.gov/heatislands/what-are-heat-islands">up to 4°C during the daytime and by 1 to 3°C in the evening</a> compared to the outskirts. “Climate change is one reason for rising temperature, but there are other factors like increased heat in urban spaces due to concrete buildings and infrastructure, emissions from vehicles, industries, and home appliances,” explains urban planner Bhushan Tuladhar. He adds: “Much of this comes down to how we have developed our cities, not just our roads and buildings but also our water system, waste management, culture and customs as well as economy.” There is a feedback loop at work: as it gets hotter, more energy is used for fans, coolers, and air-conditioners which in turn add to the urban heat bubble. The way to reduce the UHI effect is to have more parks, tree-lined streets and water bodies to cool cities down.&nbsp; <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S2212095525002093">A recent study published in the journal Urban Climate</a> by Nepali researchers at the University of Massachusetts, Tribhuvan University, University of Groningen, etc showed that even within Kathmandu, urban forests cooled neighbourhoods by as much as 1.2°C while ponds reduced the temperature by up to 0.85°C compared to nearby houses.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250703090748_e4de75dbdfb5fcfdeb0935eda364dc16b5dca8857ba335ab0f4586ebdc5093a9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250703090748_e4de75dbdfb5fcfdeb0935eda364dc16b5dca8857ba335ab0f4586ebdc5093a9" data-rendition-name="original" width="2580" height="1038" loading="lazy" alt="urban heat island in Kathmandu"> <figcaption>Source: URBAN CLIMATE et al.</figcaption> </figure>  ‘Our results demonstrate that blue-green spaces provide significant cooling benefits across the Kathmandu Valley, with distinct patterns by type, size, design, and urban context,’ concluded the paper, whose lead author is Saurav Bhattarai at Jackson State University in the United States. The old towns in Kathmandu Valley with traditional brick and tile architecture, ponds and trees managed hot summers better. Compact houses around a courtyard gave people just the right amount of sunlight, and use of clay mortar and bricks insulated houses in winter while cooling them in summer. There were open spaces, fertile land along the floodplains for farming, and brick pavements that allowed for seepage. “Our cities were planned taking nature into account,” says Sangeeta Singh, a professor of urban planning at the Institute of Engineering. “Kathmandu Valley is now built up, but we can still reintegrate blue-blue spaces into town planning with vertical gardening, urban forestry, using local material and harvesting rainwater.”&nbsp; Kathmandu’s municipalities have by-laws controlling building design and structure, but strict enforcement of land use and zoning are missing. Extreme heat disproportionately affects the urban poor who may not have access to fans or air-conditioners, exacerbating poverty.&nbsp; Cities in the plains have it even worse. As heat and humidity rise simultaneously, it could <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/garmi-se-behal-chalo-nepal">reverse the current mass migration</a> of people from the mountains to the Tarai, where 53% of Nepal’s population lives. <a href="https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/92fbbbc6180238e18e7b239fad83e38a-0280032024/original/12-DHNT-Temperature-poverty-inequality-September-2024.pdf">A World Bank study</a> put the cost of a 1°C rise in temperature at 17.1% increase in poverty globally. Estimates put the total number of urban poor in developing countries exposed to the worst heat extremes at 26 million presently, this number is bound to grow to 215 million by mid-century, an over eight-fold increase. Meanwhile, 489,000 health-related deaths occur each year, 45% of them in Asia alone. “Heat has to be seen from a class perspective,” says Singh. “Those with money can afford gadgets and appliances to keep their homes and offices cool, but not day labourers or poor families living in cramped housing with poor ventilation.” Climate breakdown is going to widen the class divide in cities, as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/unthinkable-in-the-current-climate">summers become unliveable</a>. Says Singh: “We need policy intervention to address this class injustice. Our building by-laws and new town development must urgently integrate climate and energy efficiency elements.”

SLAPPing Democracy

World wars

Love thy neighbours

Nepal needs a new green energy policy

Nukes in the neighbourhood

Messaging is the Message

Disaster Journalism

Hydrocarbon to hydropower

When denial goes viral

Public-Private Collusion

Rasuwa flood likely a GLOF

Kangchenjunga: too sacred to climb?

In the heat of the moment

SLAPPing Democracy