Nepali Times spoke to Manoj Kumar Gyawali, CEO of Nabil Bank about the post-GenZ economic condition of the country. Excerpts:
Nepali Times: With COP30 in Brazil having failed to agree on tangible goals on phasing out fossil fuels, how important is the concept of sustainable banking in Nepal?
Manoj Kumar Gyawali: Sustainable banking is not optional anymore for countries like Nepal. It’s essential. We are one of the most climate-vulnerable countries in the world, and our financial decisions today will determine the kind of Nepal we leave behind.
When Nabil joined the Partnership for Carbon Accounting Financials (PCAF) it encouraged us to take a much closer look at our financed emissions. And the truth is, once you start measuring your impact, you can’t unsee what the numbers tell you. It naturally pushes you to rethink how and where you deploy capital.
For Nabil Bank, sustainable banking is about more than compliance, it’s about directing finance toward sectors that safeguard the environment, uplift communities, and strengthen governance. Frameworks like PCAF give us a credible, globally recognised way to measure and manage our ESG impacts. 
That level of transparency and accountability not only improves our own decision-making, it also positions Nepal to tap into blended finance and other concessional funding streams that reward responsible, forward-looking investments.
So, for Nepal, sustainable banking is not a niche activity - it’s central to how we operate.
But is sustainable banking itself sustainable, given that international commitment to climate financing is not adequate to tackle climate breakdown?
This is a concern I hear quite often, and it’s valid. Global climate finance must increase, especially for countries like Nepal. Our economy is already feeling the impact of climate change across agriculture, hydropower, tourism. But sustainable banking, in my view, does not depend solely on external funding.
For us, it’s fundamentally about managing climate and environmental risks more intelligently, understanding the footprint of our own portfolio, and reallocating capital toward climate-positive and resilient sectors. These are things we must do anyway if we want long-term financial stability. It also means embedding strong ESG practices into our daily operations, supporting social impact, advancing financial inclusion, and driving sustainable economic development.
So even if global climate finance remains inadequate, sustainable banking is planned to be sustainable for Nepal in long run. It strengthens the resilience of our financial system, safeguards our clients, and positions banks to tap into emerging opportunities in the green economy. More importantly, it ensures that Nepal’s development pathway remains environmentally responsible, socially inclusive, and anchored in good governance. For now, we are not looking at whether sustainable banking is sustainable financially but considering our responsibility as the leading bank of Nepal.
Nepal’s banks, including yours have a lot of exposure in hydropower. Is there not a need to diversify Nepal’s energy mix
Hydropower is and will remain Nepal’s strongest natural advantage. At Nabil, we have financed 56 hydropower projects across 37 rivers in 21 districts with a total installed capacity of over 3,000 MW, so we understand the scale and importance of this sector.
But we also cannot ignore the realities of climate change — unpredictable rainfall, increased glacier melt, more frequent glacier lake outburst incidents, floods, and landslides. These risks make it clear that while hydropower is essential, Nepal must diversify its energy mix to remain resilient. 
The good news is Nepal has enormous solar potential and wind corridors. Our national commitments already call for at least 15% of total energy demand to come from clean energy, with 5–10% from solar and other renewables. This creates real opportunities for banks like Nabil to support solar, wind, and emerging clean technologies alongside hydropower. We have already approved financing of 5 solar projects having a total capacity of 120 MW.
Tax rebates on EVs allowed Nepal to take a lead in adopting battery-operated vehicles in Nepal. How can we build on this to reduce our petroleum import bill?
The EV push has already shown results—we saw a reduction of nearly Rs22 billion in our petroleum import bill in 2024/25. That's a notable achievement.
But if we want to truly scale EV adoption, we need three things: More charging infrastructure that is reliable, widespread, and commercially viable, Local assembly and value creation we should be assembling EVs here, and Stable policy that gives people and businesses confidence to invest.
We are ready with financing models for EV fleets, public transport, and charging infrastructure. With the right ecosystem, Nepal can significantly cut its oil dependency.
The GenZ uprising showed the urgent need for transparency in government and investment in productive sectors to create jobs. What would be the banking sector’s role in this? 
The GenZ movement is more than a protest, it’s a clear message. Young Nepalis are demanding transparency, good governance, and real opportunities at home, and their concerns could be considered justified. The banking sector has a major responsibility: we need to direct more lending toward the real economy, sectors that create jobs, build productivity, and strengthen long-term growth, while also encouraging businesses to adopt stronger ESG practices.
Our financing has helped support around 112,000 direct jobs, with nearly 30% held by women. And through initiatives like the Nabil School of Social Entrepreneurship and our wider CSR programs, we’re working directly with communities to uplift the most vulnerable and nurture the next generation of entrepreneurs.
Across Nepal we also see evidence of haphazard over-development, at Nabil do you have guidelines about projects that result in environmental degradation?
Absolutely. We cannot afford to support development that harms the environment, it eventually becomes a financial risk as well. Environmental stewardship is one of our core priorities. Haphazard development may look profitable in the short term, but it leads to long-term economic, social, and ecological losses and ultimately becomes a financial risk. 
Nabil has a strong Environmental and Social Risk Management (ESRM) Guideline, a clear exclusion list in our credit policy, and a Sustainable Banking Policy to guide our decisions.
Every project we finance must meet both local regulations and international standards. If it doesn’t, we simply don’t fund it. Our goal is straightforward: to support development that is responsible, sustainable, and in Nepal’s long-term interest.
Nepal’s macroeconomy is looking good, remittances are up, but the economy is not growing as fast as it should. Banks have cash, but no one is borrowing. Do you see a light at the end of the tunnel?
Nepal’s economy today carries both optimism and caution. As you say, remittances are strong, reserves are healthy, and liquidity is available. Yet investment appetite remains subdued because of structural issues like political instability, slow government spending, and weak investor confidence.
That said, I do see early signs of improvement. Lower interest rates are beginning to restore public and business confidence. Rising remittances provide a safety net and fresh investment capacity for households. And if government capital expenditure continues to improve, it will act as the essential boost for private sector activity.
From Nabil’s side, we are ready to finance strong, bankable projects. With stable policies and timely execution, I believe Nepal is on a path toward gradual but meaningful economic recovery. The road ahead may be challenging, but the lights are definitely there.

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News

Sustainable banking protects the ecology and economy

The September protests and worry about what is in store for Nepal in 2026 have added more uncertainty to a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-needs-to-use-its-money-better">struggling economy</a>. Real estate transactions are stagnant, industries are operating below capacity because of declining domestic demand, the construction sector is slack, and investors are in wait-and-watch mode. In contrast, total bank deposits increased by Rs124 billion in the month before mid-October to Rs7.4 trillion. Official remittance inflows hit a record $13 billion in the past year. Nepal’s banks are flush with cash, with nowhere to put it. &nbsp; “The economy has flatlined. Non-performing assets are up, and real estate is at a standstill,” said Ashoke SJB Rana, CEO of Himalayan Bank.“There is excess liquidity in the market, with not many places to invest.” The main reason seems to be that both <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/relocate-reallocate-recover">domestic and foreign investors were spooked</a> by the targeted violence of 9 September, and are so worried about the runup to elections in March that they are holding on to their wallets. Not just businesses, the political uncertainty is keeping individuals &nbsp;from making big financial decisions.&nbsp; Sujeev Shakya, author of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/retrofitting-nepal-for-future-shocks">newly-released book Nepal 2043</a>, notes that the current doldrum is due to Nepalis playing it safe with their money. &nbsp; “People are holding on to their assets, and keeping their cash,” he says. “They are not investing in real estate, and avoiding buying gold because it is so volatile.”&nbsp; One sector in which banks have a lot of exposure is hydroelectricity, but even here recent floods have shown that this investment is <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/global-warning-bell-in-belem">increasingly at risk from climate breakdown</a>.&nbsp; Nabil Bank, with its focus on sustainable banking, for instance, has financed 56 hydropower projects with an installed capacity of 3,000MW.&nbsp; Says Nabil CEO Manoj Kumar Gyawali: “We cannot ignore unpredictable rainfall, increased glacier melt, more frequent glacier lake outburst floods, and landslides. These risks mean that while hydropower is essential, Nepal must diversify its energy mix." &nbsp;&nbsp; An open secret in the banking sector is that much of the liquidity is supected laundered money. Banks also have close ownership links with big businesses, and this means that even with a slow economy, banks lend to themselves or to each other to keep transaction volumes up.&nbsp; This is one reason for a high default rate. In the first three months of this fiscal year, 4.86% of bank loans were non-performing, meaning one out of about every 20 borrowers had defaulted. A year ago, this figure was 4.04%. Banks are therefore reluctant to lend, dampening the overall investment climate. &nbsp; Ironically, the high default rate is keeping mainstream newspapers in Nepal afloat at a time when the media business is also in crisis. Even as they suffer from a massive drop in advertising revenue, most daily newspapers often add pages to fit notices to borrowers about repayment, or announcements of bank auctions of collateral property. “While banks may be making a much smaller percentage of income compared to a few decades ago, they are still making a profit,” notes Shakya. “And so they are actually quite happy to be in this low-risk situation. Banks are conservative organisations after all.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251128041136_b33dd18d7ce221e273bd18d8a5c4ba4c9196f762b95b87fd24c60df6c2426065.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20251128041136_b33dd18d7ce221e273bd18d8a5c4ba4c9196f762b95b87fd24c60df6c2426065" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1022" loading="lazy" alt="Banks"> <figcaption>Illustration: BHANU BHATTARAI / NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE</figcaption> </figure>  Among the most striking videos of the September protests that was shared globally by tens of millions of people was the Hilton and Hyatt hotels and the Ncell building burning. That recognisable international brands were targeted did not just cause huge losses to owners, but also damaged Nepal’s overall investment climate. Looting Bhat-Bhateni and homes of businessmen also sent a negative message, spurring capital flight.&nbsp; “That was very bad optics for potential investors, you simply worry about the security of your investment when you see things like that,” says Himalayan Bank CEO Ashoke SJB Rana.&nbsp; Nepal will graduate to Middle Income Country status next year, and donors are set to move from aid to private investment. While this could reduce misuse of money, it could dry up grants and soft loans to the health and education sectors.&nbsp; But the harm may go deeper than just the aftermath of the September events. The recent<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/double-trouble-with-taxes"> double taxation issue</a> involving the Dolma Impact Fund, and an earlier controversy over Ncell’s capital gains tax have also put Nepal’s business climate in negative spotlight internationally.&nbsp; The banking sector is firmly on the side of investors. Says Ashoke Rana at Himalayan Bank: “This is a tax regime, it is absurd to order the payment of these taxes retrospectively. When investors see that the rules of the game can change arbitrarily, they won’t really want to put their money here. ” &nbsp; One of the positive changes in the ways Nepalis are using money is digital transactions through QR codes and mobile banking. With smartphones making up 70% of all mobile phones, QR transactions are easy and have become a part of daily life. ONLINE BANKING&nbsp; Most businesses and ride shares have this feature on board, and people do not need to carry a lot of cash or multiple bank cards. But as digital payments become the norm, the days of free transactions may be coming to an end.&nbsp; “Right now these transactions are free for the most part. This is a subsidy by the banks, because of course, it does cost something to make sure the payments go through,” says Rana at Himalayan Bank. “However, as income decreases, banks may have to look for ways to make money, so they may charge small percentages on each QR transaction.”&nbsp; Rapid digitisation has changed not only how customers use money, but also how banks think about their offices. Himalayan Bank’s new Thamel branch, for example, has cancelled plans to redesign the office for 20 tellers.&nbsp; “We realised that people were able to do so much of what they wanted digitally that we plan to have only four tellers,” says Rana.&nbsp; But cutting down on facilities and staff has not always made for a better customer experience at some bank branches.&nbsp; Economist Sujeev Shakya conducts ghost customer experience checks for banks which involves decoys entering banks to evaluate what it is like for somebody to set up a bank account.&nbsp; The stealth missions found that standards of service have regressed, with banks having a working environment reminiscent of government offices.&nbsp; Shakya points out that the general experience of going to the bank should be much better. “Sometimes it’s a knowledge issue -- banks may try to ask for non-disclosure contracts even when they don’t know why they want them,” he says.&nbsp; Despite digitisation, many banks still require paper-based forms and documents. Bankers and customers alike note that it feels archaic, almost absurd, to have to carry multiple copies of documents, sometimes only in Nepali lokta paper, across several family members and fill out what seems to be the same form over and over even though digital files exist. That could soon be changing as well. As more and more Nepalis adopt the National ID, banks have adopted pilot programs that use it to create bank accounts, replacing the myriad documents that customers had to previously present to officials, making all banking transactions more efficient and less of a hassle for the customer.&nbsp; DIGITAL SECURITY As Nepalis move their cash online, digital infrastructure needs to become more secure as well.&nbsp; Bankers spend quite a lot to make sure necessary digital security infrastructure is in place, but some banks could be using pirated software which are not trustworthy.&nbsp; There has to be better regulatory oversight to prevent phishing and fraud as online payments and digital banking spread across Nepal.&nbsp; Banks must also be innovative and ambitious. Says Shakya: “Nowhere else in South Asia are bank loans such a high ratio of the nation’s GDP. &nbsp;This actually points to a well-developed financial system and we have to take advantage of it."&nbsp; Shakya also notes that many bank executives in foreign countries, like Myanmar are actually Nepali, and that banks from Nepal could use their staff and know-how to partner with or acquire banks overseas.&nbsp; While these innovations are all welcome, it is unclear how Nepal's banking sector can jumpstart economic activity in the country. Nepal’s political future looks uncertain and stability is not a guarantee.&nbsp; In the face of continuing progress in hydro electricity and the IT sector seems to be the way forward to stimulate the economy.&nbsp; The GenZ movement was a wakeup call also to financial institutions and the need for greater transparency. Nabil Bank CEO Manoj Kumar Gyawali says the September protests sent a clear message that young Nepalis want an end to corruption, good governance, and real opportunities at home: "The banking sector has a &nbsp;responsibility to direct more lending toward the real economy, sectors that create jobs, build productivity, and strengthen long-term growth," he says.&nbsp; Despite a subdued investment climate, Gyawali is optimistic. "I do see early signs of improvement. Lower interest rates are beginning to restore public and business confidence. Rising remittances provide a safety net and fresh investment capacity for households," he says. "If government capital expenditure continues to improve, it will boost private sector activity."&nbsp;

Vishad Raj Onta

Cash rich, but poor

<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/run-sunmaya-run">Nepal’s ultra-marathoner Sunmaya Budha</a> won her fifth gold medal of 2025 at the Ultra-Trail Cape Town 100km championship in South Africa on 22 November and claimed the World Trail Majors title, marking one of the biggest achievements ever recorded by a Nepali trail runner.&nbsp;
Budha completed the 99km trail with an elevation gain of 4,676m in 12 hours 25 minutes and 55 seconds, and was nearly an hour ahead of her second-placed competitor.&nbsp;
The 27-year-old t<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepali-trail-running-champions">rail endurance runner</a> has ran six races in 2025, and has been racking up outstanding performances across the world.&nbsp;
In September, Budha earned a silver medal at the 3rd World Mountain and Trail Running Championships, becoming the first Asian athlete to have ever finished that high in the Long Trail competition at the World Championships.&nbsp;
Additionally, Budha claimed gold medals at the Anta Hong Kong 100 in January, the Chengdu Trail 60 in March, the Ultra-Trail Mount Yun 30K in April and Annapurna Marathon 42K in June.
Budha comes from a farming family in Nepal’s remote Jumla district, and trained as an ultra marathoner on Nepal’s rugged mountain terrain.&nbsp;
"I have traveled to many countries, but the best place I can train is in my village, Jumla," Budha said following her victory last week. "I have a big team supporting me — without them, it would not be possible to be strategic and consistent. This win is for everyone who believes Nepali runners deserve a future as professional athletes."
The athlete is part of the Asia Pacific Adventure Group, led by team director Ryan S. Blair and coach Andy Dubois. She is ranked world 8th for 100km category events and 17th in the world by the International Trail Running Association (ITRA).
"As countries with strong sporting traditions celebrate their athletes as national treasures, Nepal must do the same — honouring runners not only when they win, but throughout their demanding professional careers," says Preeti Khattri, Director of Nepal Trail Series Pvt Ltd and team lead for the Nepali contingent, who manages local operations for APA's professional Nepali trail runners.&nbsp;
She added: "Athletes like Sunmaya carry the nation's identity, discipline, and resilience onto the world stage. Their presence brings immense pride to all Nepalis- which can be a big advantage for the tourism industry too."&nbsp;
SUNMAYA BUDHA - 2025 SEASON&nbsp;
1. Anta Hong Kong 100 (18 January)&nbsp;
● Distance: 102km, 4,882m elevation gain&nbsp;
● Result: 1st place (Winner)&nbsp;
● Time: 11:11:47&nbsp;
● New course record (27 minutes faster than previous record)&nbsp;
2. Chengdu Trail 60 (29 March)&nbsp;
● Distance: 58.2km, 2,650m elevation gain&nbsp;
● Result: 1st place (Winner)&nbsp;
● Time: 05:41:48&nbsp;
● Overall: 9th out of 926 runners&nbsp;
3. Ultra-Trail Mount Yun by UTMB - 30K (20 April)&nbsp;
● Distance: 29.7km, 1,751m elevation gain&nbsp;
● Result: 1st place (Winner)&nbsp;
● Time: 03:10:12&nbsp;
● Overall: 3rd out of 1,144 runners&nbsp;
4. Annapurna Marathon 42K (3 June)&nbsp;
● Distance: 42 km&nbsp;
● Result: 1st place (Winner)&nbsp;
5. World Mountain and Trail Running Championships - Long Trail (27 September)&nbsp;
● Location: Canfranc-Pirineos, Spain&nbsp;
● Distance: 82 km, 5,413m elevation gain&nbsp;
● Result: 2nd place (Silver Medal)&nbsp;
● Time: 10:23:03&nbsp;
● Winner: Katie Schide (USA) - 9:57:59&nbsp;
6. Ultra-Trail Cape Town 100k (22 November)&nbsp;
● Distance: 99km, 4,676m elevation gain
● Result: 1st place (Winner) - World Trail Majors Champion&nbsp;
● Time: 12:25:55&nbsp;
● Nearly one hour ahead of 2nd place

Nepali ultra-marathoner claims World Trail Majors title

It should not be surprising that negotiations here at the COP30 climate summit is stuck over a clause calling for phasing out fossil fuel in order to save the biosphere from climate breakdown. After all, the past two summits have been hosted by petro-states, and Brazil itself is now the largest producer of oil in Latin America. Talks on final resolution were also delayed by a fire that broke out on Wednesday in one of the tent venues. The climate conference has now been extended by a day.&nbsp; But the disagreements go much deeper. On the one hand, the main petroleum exporters don’t want any reduction in fossil fuel use, while developing countries do not want to phase out unless compensated for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/global-warning-bell-in-belem">switching to renewables</a>. In all this, the impact of climate breakdown on the Himalaya, the Alps and other mountain ranges has again fallen by the wayside. Mountains are accurate barometers of climate change, and the High Asia is the largest repository of fresh water stored as ice after the polar regions. “Mountains and mountain communities are the most impacted in terms of climate justice. Mountain communities have contributed to nature and water resources, yet they face the greatest hardships,” said Nepal’s delegate Maheshwar Dhakal.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122061112_45e75506818eff60f9c496de760ef44ef668f366c5037a01a92b396638ca27ee.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251122061112_45e75506818eff60f9c496de760ef44ef668f366c5037a01a92b396638ca27ee" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Making molehills out of mountains at COP30 NT"> <figcaption>Nepal's Minister of Agriculture and Livestock delivering remarks at COP30 in Belém.</figcaption> </figure>  At COP28 in the UAE two years ago, Andorra and Kyrgyzstan pushed for mountain regions of the world to be high on the agenda. Nepal could have led this agenda, but it lacked diplomatic strategy and leadership. By COP29 in Baku last year, Nepal, Andorra, Bhutan and Kyrgyzstan raised the mountain agenda. But action on this is moving at a glacial pace. In Baku, President Ram Chandra Paudel called for international unity to tackle climate change and stressed the urgency of supporting mountain nations, which are bearing the brunt of the climate crisis despite historically contributing the least to global emissions. Now at COP30, mountain nations have collaborated to lobby for support and highlight the vulnerabilities of mountain regions. Nepal initiated the Sagarmatha Sambad, a call for action that emphasised the need for a dedicated fund to safeguard mountain ecosystems-though its launch in May, but foreign participation was low-level.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122061112_b24a1e3205033325dc04f2baed56fe161d418d362f3e43b861b46483e353341b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251122061112_b24a1e3205033325dc04f2baed56fe161d418d362f3e43b861b46483e353341b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1333" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Making molehills out of mountains at COP30 NT"> <figcaption>Meeting of mountain nations at COP30</figcaption> </figure>  Nepal has been branding Sagarmatha Sambad across negotiation rooms, meetings, and side events in Belém, but it does not look like it is getting much traction even though the Nepal delegation <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/cop-must-cop-to-its-failures">has been leading mountain countries</a>. Nepal’s negotiator Manjeet Dhakal says that after many rounds of interventions and support from other highland nations, the term ‘mountains’ has been included in the new Global Stocktake text. Himalaya, Andes and other mountain countries participated in the Presidency’s consultations on mountains and climate change which will pave the way for a special dialogue at the June 2026 session in Bonn.&nbsp; The COP Presidency has also requested the subsidiary bodies-SBSTA (science/technical advice) and SBI (implementation) to hold a formal dialogue on mountains and climate impact in Bonn. The dialogue may then decide whether to establish an annual dialogue within the COP process. SBSTA and SBI chairs must appoint two co-facilitators-one from a developing country and one from a developed country.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122061112_b02db373d3f60b0d1c2e3c547dd0663013147dac0b2bcf2774a45840824da9a3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20251122061112_b02db373d3f60b0d1c2e3c547dd0663013147dac0b2bcf2774a45840824da9a3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Making molehills out of mountains at COP30 NT"> </figure>  This is a first step toward potentially creating an annual mountain dialogue within the climate process — an important move for regions like the Himalayas. Kyrgyzstan has been particularly clear and vocal about its mountain priorities.&nbsp; Dinara Kemelova, Special Envoy of the President of Kyrgyzstan on the Mountain Agenda, said: “We have been promoting the creation of a Global Mountain Resilience Center in Kyrgyzstan — an international platform for science, early warning, data sharing, adaptation technologies, and training for mountain countries.” Kyrgyzstan has also demanded better access to climate finance, saying mountain countries remain severely under-funded.&nbsp; David Forné Massoni, Secretary of State for Energy Transition, Transport and Mobility of Andorra, said there was now “one mountain voice” sharing experiences and collaborating on policies that support mountain livelihoods and ecosystems. Nepal has been vocal on the mountain agenda, but it continues to lack clear priorities and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/climate-of-tragedy-and-apathy">strong action on the global platform</a>. Still, through the representation of mountain communities, Nepal is gaining visibility, which is positive step forward.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122061112_37b9fb5fd13eae18cde82494bbbdb238d32f0cfc9869f7f9b18f398a03d659b9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20251122061112_37b9fb5fd13eae18cde82494bbbdb238d32f0cfc9869f7f9b18f398a03d659b9" data-rendition-name="original" width="1433" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Making molehills out of mountains at COP30 NT"> </figure>  1.5°C OR 2.9°C? Mountain regions of the world are warming faster than the global average. The Himalaya, for example, is heating up 0.7°C more rapidly than elsewhere due to what is called ‘altitude effect’. Warming threatens mountain ecosystems, accelerates glacier melt that feed rivers, and increases catastrophic risks downstream. The <a href="https://wedocs.unep.org/bitstream/handle/20.500.11822/48854/EGR2025.pdf?sequence=3&amp;amp;isAllowed=y">UNEP Emissions Gap Report 2025</a> states that even if all countires meet their voluntary commitments, global temperatures are still projected to rise 2.3–2.5°C by 2050.&nbsp; The report concludes countries are dangerously overshooting the limit warming to 1.5°C. UNEP Executive Director Inger Andersen said: “We are already off the target, but not out of time.”&nbsp; To limit overshoot to about 0.3°C with a 66% chance and return to 1.5°C by 2100, emissions must fall 26% by 2030 and 46% by 2035. For mountain nations like Nepal this means rising temperatures in high altitudes, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/hydropower-on-thin-ice">increasing GLOF (glacial lake outburst flood) risks</a>.&nbsp; Nepal has experienced more frequent and destructive GLOF events in recent years. Changing rainfall patterns have heavily impacted mountain communities. Water scarcity in some regions and unusually heavy rainfall in Manang and Mustang are signals of climate stress accelerating in mountain environments.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122061112_8aa588e19fb927946066fd9e4f251fa9bcf463206008fb3469fcb237e6026555.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20251122061112_8aa588e19fb927946066fd9e4f251fa9bcf463206008fb3469fcb237e6026555" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Making molehills out of mountains at COP30 NT"> </figure>  Nepal on a <a href="https://www.germanwatch.org/en/cri">list of the 10 most at-risk countries</a> to climate impact in 2024. Bill Hare, Director of Climate Analytics, says keeping global temperature rise to 1.5°C, as promised in the Paris Agreement, is “almost certainly impossible.” This is due to the failure to cut emissions between 2020 and 2025 and because the climate system appears to be running hotter than expected. He notes that if emissions are cut by 50% by 2030, the climate response could still keep warming to around 1.5-1.6°C. If emissions are not halved by 2030 but strong action is still taken, peak warming could be limited to 1.6–1.7°C — an achievable ambition. Hare suggests deep methane reductions could significantly limit peak temperatures. He argues that 1.5°C must remain the benchmark because current warming is already causing devastating impacts globally.&nbsp; Keeping 1.5°C within reach minimises risks, losses and damage. The <a href="https://climateactiontracker.org/documents/1353/CAT_2025-11-%2019_Briefing_COP30_EnergyMethaneGoals.pdf">Climate Action Tracker </a>suggests three near-term actions to bend the warming curve below 2°C: Reducing methane, Tripling renewable energy, Doubling energy efficiency. The steps taken at COP30 will remain small and insufficient to meet these targets. This year, progress came mainly through interventions from Kyrgyzstan, Andorra, Nepal and Chile. The mountains are in crisis, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/reconstructing-the-china-india-climate-diplomacy">meaningful action</a> to address their vulnerabilities is still far behind what is urgently needed. This story was produced as part of an Internews Earth Journalism Network and the Stanley Center for Peace and Security fellowship.

Making molehills out of mountains at COP30

Youth protestors who sustained injuries at the hands of state security forces during the September protest staged a sit-in at Maitighar Mandala on Friday, protesting what they have called the interim government’s inadequate efforts to address the demands of the GenZ movements. The demonstrators also sought to bar the UML from gathering at Maitighar, where party chair K P Oli was expected to announce its Youth Volunteer Force on Friday. The organisers consequently relocated the event. Friday’s demonstration at Maitighar comes as UML and GenZ representatives agreed to sit down for talks in Simara, where a curfew was imposed this week after youth protestors and party cadres clashed near the airport as demonstrators sought to stop UML leaders from flying in for a political event to Simara from Kathmandu.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131148_c0b3bfb861f73bee456efbd12f523af55ce3c258742c39e1dea7dbf768774ea5.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251121131148_c0b3bfb861f73bee456efbd12f523af55ce3c258742c39e1dea7dbf768774ea5" data-rendition-name="original" width="2160" height="1440" loading="lazy" alt="GenZ Maitighar"> <figcaption>Youth protestors who sustained injuries at the hands of state security forces during the September protest staged a sit-in at Maitighar Mandala on Friday. Photos: SUBASH SHRESTHA</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131152_85f3606728d137b334d782ac1b5d1ed6383544493f96ebcc0398fcd9f0c5add7.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251121131152_85f3606728d137b334d782ac1b5d1ed6383544493f96ebcc0398fcd9f0c5add7" data-rendition-name="original" width="2160" height="1439" loading="lazy" alt="GenZ Maitighar"> </figure>  &nbsp;Nepal’s interim government is increasingly cautious about the nation’s sensitive security situation in the lead-up to the 5 March election, as evidenced by pro-monarchy businessman Durga Prasai’s midnight arrest earlier this week over his inflammatory remarks as he called for protests this month. On Thursday, the Supreme Court ordered the government to present Prasai before the court within 24 hours.&nbsp; As it stands, the UML’s inauguration of a youth collective amidst its disregard for the demands of Nepalis for party reforms and a change in leadership highlights party chair and former PM K P Oli’s continued lack of remorse for the excesses of 8 September.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131144_aaa296e2e812ef5f6473064bc4b679bf605e14e06ac0ec9be1d6d047b56f96f9.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251121131144_aaa296e2e812ef5f6473064bc4b679bf605e14e06ac0ec9be1d6d047b56f96f9" data-rendition-name="original" width="2560" height="1707" loading="lazy" alt="UML Youth Volunteer Force NT"> <figcaption>The UML launched its Youth Volunteer Force on Friday. Photos: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131148_bfa8df3fc382195b4cdb9c4804cd67e169d2d9c0b8d218e61bbef0c4c9dbdaad.png" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251121131148_bfa8df3fc382195b4cdb9c4804cd67e169d2d9c0b8d218e61bbef0c4c9dbdaad" data-rendition-name="original" width="2560" height="1706" loading="lazy" alt="UML Youth Volunteer Force"> </figure>  Families of those killed and injured on 8 September have demanded that the ousted PM and home minister be held accountable for state brutality.&nbsp; This week, Human Rights Watch published a <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/11/19/nepal-unlawful-use-of-force-during-gen-z-protest" target="_blank">comprehensive report</a> concluding that security forces fired indiscriminately on youth-led protestors on 8 September.&nbsp; The human rights watchdog urged the Sushila Karki-led interim government to investigate the excessive use of force as well as arson, vandalism and mob attacks on individuals on 9 September. The government has created a judicial commission to inquire into the deaths of 76 people over two days of protests.&nbsp; “The recent violence in Nepal included serious human rights violations, and those responsible should be held accountable, whether they are security forces or political actors,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch.&nbsp; She added: “The government should ensure that the investigations are independent, time-bound, and transparent, and that no one found responsible for breaking the law is unfairly protected from proper prosecution.” HRW’s investigation was based on testimony from 52 witnesses, victims, journalists, healthcare workers, politicians, and sources close to security forces. Researchers also verified photos and video footage shared on social media and with researchers; and visited the scenes of protests, properties subjected to arson and vandalism, and hospitals.&nbsp; A police officer said that officers opened fire with lethal force five minutes after the District Administration Office declared an emergency curfew around Parliament. Witness accounts and analysed footage did not show grave and imminent danger to life that would justify the intentional use of lethal force, stated the human rights watchdog in the report.&nbsp; The protestors and witnesses identified security forces who fired live ammunition at the protestors by their uniforms as members of the Armed Police Force (APF) and Nepal Police’s Special Task Force (STF). &nbsp; “They literally aimed at us and started shooting,” said one witness who sheltered behind a barricade as police continued shooting.&nbsp; A retired senior police official said police had failed to follow procedures for dispersing protests and using lethal force.&nbsp; Pathologists at a Kathmandu morgue told HRW that they determined 35 cases of death caused by “high velocity gunshot wounds” to the head, neck, chest, or abdomen.&nbsp; The witness recounted being taken into custody along with 33 other protestors by STF officers in riot gear, and said that police police personnel beat him with batons. Detainees were threatened and their IDs destroyed. Several witnesses said that the mob attacks on businesses, politicians, media companies, and educational institutions were very targeted, noting the absence of security personnel on 9 September as arson and violence raged across the capital.&nbsp; Some suggested that the violence may have been instigated by infiltrators associated with various political movements.&nbsp; On Discord, the platform where a significant number of demonstrators organised, participants noted that while there were calls for peaceful movement in the days leading up to the protest, some on the platform advocated for violence.&nbsp; Human Rights Watch has said that any credible allegations of criminal acts contributing to the violence must be investigated.&nbsp; Said Ganguly: “The authorities should recognise that widespread impunity for human rights violations in the past helped enable the violence that occurred this time in Nepal. It is crucial to reverse the decades-long tendency by successive governments in Nepal to bury investigations and stall prosecutions, and to bring about accountability and security sector reform.”

Security forces targeted protestors disproportionately: HRW

The Tokyo High Court this week ordered the Tokyo Metropolitan Government to pay over JPY39 million ($250,000) in damages to the family of Nepali migrant worker Arjun Bahadur Singh who died in police custody eight years ago.
The order brings justice to the family of Singh, who was 39 when he died after being handcuffed and restrained following his arrest in Tokyo in March 2017.
With help from Japanese human rights lawyers, Singh’s widow Ambika had filed a lawsuit claiming a JPY62 million compensation for her husband’s death at a police station, allegedly due to mistreatment.
The Tokyo District Court had initially ordered a compensation of only JPY1 million to the family citing reciprocity for Japanese nationals in Nepal, but after the Tokyo Metropolitan Government appealed that decision, the court slapped a much bigger amount.
“Police violated their duty to ensure that Arjun was not restrained too tightly than necessary, and it was this action that restricted his blood circulation, leading to his death,” the court order said.
It justified the higher compensation saying it calculated Singh's salary in Japan before returning to Nepal, and added: “Strict adherence to reciprocal compensation could lead to injustice and violation of international human rights law.&nbsp;
<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/nepalis-from-chitwan-to-chidoya,4110" target="_blank">Arjun Singh</a> first came to Japan in 2011 as a migrant worker to work in a Nepali restaurant in Saitama Prefecture. With his savings, he supported his two daughters and wife in Bajura district in Nepal. But he fell sick and went back to Nepal where he could not pay back his debts.&nbsp;
He re-migrated to Japan, but could not hold on to his job and police picked him off the Tokyo sidewalk where he was living. In his possession, police found a credit card, which they accused him of stealing, although he had just found it on the street and had not used it.&nbsp;
Police said Singh was disorderly and violent in detention, and had to be restrained before being interrogated at the Tokyo Prosecutor’s Office. They said his handcuffs were taken off just before he collapsed and was rushed to hospital where he was declared dead. No cause of death was determined.&nbsp;
Japanese lawyer Tohru Takahashi who works for Solidarity Network with Migrants Japan, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/worker-s-widow-sues-japan-government" target="_blank">told Nepali Times in 2018</a> that a doctor's testimony showed that being handcuffed and shackled for a long period was the cause of death due to muscle necrosis.&nbsp;
Takahashi and another activist Azuma Toyohisa took Singh’s body to a Zen temple in Nagoya for an autopsy before cremation. The two activists took care of the expenses and also flew in Ambika Singh from Nepal for his funeral.&nbsp;
“If it wasn’t for the Japanese people who helped me, I would never have been able to take my husband’s ashes back to Nepal, I hope no one has to go through what I did. I couldn’t tell whether I was living a nightmare or a reality,” Ambika had told Nepali Times in 2018 after returning from Japan.
One of the Japanese lawyers defending Singh, <a href="https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2018/07/27/national/crime-legal/wife-nepalese-man-died-interrogation-sues-state-tokyo-metropolitan-government/#.W1xJsi0Q0Wo" target="_blank">Ryutaro Ogawa, told the Japan Times</a>: “This is about how foreign workers don’t get the support they need when they lose their job … I think there is a lot to learn from this case.”
The number of Nepali migrating to Japan has surged in recent years as the country sees a shortfall of workers due to a calling birthrate. There are said to be <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/nepalis-from-chitwan-to-chidoya,4110" target="_blank">nearly 200,000 Nepalis</a> in Japan, mostly working in the service sector, manufacturing and studying. &nbsp;

Compensation for death of Nepali worker in Japan

Double-taxation, profit repatriation and capital gains tax have always been a headache for foreign investors in dealing with rent-seeking that Nepal is infamous for.
When Dolma Impact Fund, the only international venture capital company in the country, applied last year for exemption from capital gains tax citing Nepal’s Double Taxation Avoidance Agreement (DTAA) with Mauritius, bureaucrats at the Finance Ministry gave it the runaround.&nbsp;
But the interim government’s Finance Minister Rameshore Khanal, himself a respected former bureaucrat, is someone who knows that international treaties take precedence over national law.&nbsp;
On 30 October he gave Dolma a strategic capital gains tax break, convinced that Nepal needed to restore investor confidence especially after videos of the arson, vandalism and looting of the Hilton and Hyatt hotels and businesses on 9 September went all over the world.&nbsp;
Dolma’s stakeholders include other investment funds in the UK, US, Japan, Netherlands, Finland, Austria, Sweden as well as the World Bank. Nepal needs investment for future large infrastructure projects, and to tap those funds it has to &nbsp;streamline its bureaucracy, increase transparency and adhere to international obligations.
The argument is that making it easier for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is a much more efficient way to spur the economy and create jobs than the government raising revenue mainly through taxation, since the chances of that money being leaked through corruption or wastage in Nepal is high.&nbsp;
After news of Finance Minister Khanal’s decision on 3 October exploded in the media, Prime Minister Sushila Karki inquired about it. Chief Secretary of the GoN Eaknarayan Aryal clarified that the decision was not in the minutes of the Cabinet.
TAXING TWICE
Critics like economist Pushkar Bajracharya argue that it is important for Nepal to have a consistent taxation policy for FDI, and apply it uniformly so it does not deter investors. The Dolma decision could encourage other offshore investors to demand similar treatment, hurting Nepal’s tax base.
“Besides, the evidence just isn’t strong that tax cuts lead to higher investment, or more jobs,” Bajracharya adds.
Nepal has double-taxation avoidance treaties with 11 countries, and there are reports of moves to end the DTAA with Mauritius signed in 1999. But just like with the Ncell’s capital gains row and the controversy over the US-funded Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) there has also been nationalist flag-waving in Nepal.&nbsp;
“We were raising a fund that could have brought $1 billion in for energy, and we had to stop it due to the reputational damage to Nepal by not upholding an international treaty,” Tim Gocher, CEO of Dolma, told Nepali Times on the phone from London.
Dolma claims that Nepal’s DTAA with Mauritius means profit arising from sale of shares should be taxed only in the resident state and not in Nepal, and also cited the Treaty Act 1990 which states that treaties signed by Nepal supersede domestic law in case they contradict each other.
Gocher said it makes sense for his fund to be based in Mauritius: “When you have investors from all over the world, you have to choose a domicile, and Mauritius is probably the most popular for development finance institutions due to strong governance, anti-money laundering laws and treaties with developing countries like Nepal.”&nbsp;
Nepali officials, however, see Dolma as a conduit company sourcing funds from outside Mauritius or Nepal and label it as possible ‘treaty shopping’. A similar case involving the sale of Ncell ownership went to the Supreme Court and all the way to the International Tribunal at The Hague, and both ruled against exemption to DTAA.
Officials argue that approving an exemption for Dolma would contradict that precedent. The Attorney General’s office cited Section 73 of the Income Tax Act of 2002 which states that to avoid double taxation, more than half of the company has to be owned by individuals residents of both Nepal and a foreign country.
Bureaucrats also seem to be wary about being hauled over the coals at the Commission for the Investigation of the Abuse of Authority (CIAA) if they agree to Dolma’s demands, even though there is a legal argument that the Nepal treat act stipulates that in case of disagreement international obligations take precedence over domestic laws..&nbsp;
“It was when the new government decided to uphold the treaty that the whole hoo-hah started,” said Gocher. “It is crystal clear, and the way international treaties are dealt with all over the world.”
Chief Secretary Acharya, who is retiring next week, seems to want to avoid being haunted by any whiff of controversy before he leaves, but also faces intense lobbying by the international community for Dolma’s exemption.&nbsp;
Dolma currently invests in companies such as Chirayu National Hospital, CloudFactory Holdings Limited, Foodmandu, FuseMachines, Rhododendron Biotech, Setikhola Hydropower, and Solar Farm Nepal.&nbsp;
Dolma has asked to be exempt from being taxed twice: in Nepal, where it invests, and in Mauritius, where it is based, and points to a law that says international treaties override domestic law in the case of a contradiction. Government officials point to the Ncell precedent saying it will be illegal. But the government is not giving in, due to the Ncell precedent and to prevent others in future asking for similar exemptions.&nbsp;
<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uNdMuD_4yGw&amp;t=5s" target="_blank">Watch interview</a> on Nepali Times Studio with Tim Gocher.

Double trouble with taxes

Nepali Times spoke to Director General Kamal Ram Joshi of Department of Hydrology and Meteorology (DHM) about weather extremes and changing rainfall patterns. Excerpts: &nbsp;
Nepali Times: Is the risk of glacial lakes bursting as serious as it is made out to be?&nbsp;
Kamal Ram Joshi: Analysing meteorological data of the past 30 years we see that average temperatures in Nepal are rising at o.o56 Celsius per year. That may not seem like a lot, but it adds up over the decades. More worryingly, the rise in average temperature is much higher: 0.086 Celsius a year. The Himalaya is therefore more at risk from global warming. 
 
This means 24% of our glaciers retreated between 1977 to 2010, and in many of them glacial lakes are expanding. Of total 47 glacial lakes categorised as potentially dangerous for Nepal, 21 are in Nepal, 25 in China and one in India. Since many of our rivers start in China, the impact of glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs) is transboundary.&nbsp;
In the past 60 years 27 major GLOFs have been recorded in Nepal. Of them, 15 were from lakes in Nepal and 12 originated from Tibet. Lately, we have seen that even smaller unnoticed supra-glacial lakes have turned out to be a serious threat downstream – for example, recent floods in Thame of Khumbu, Namkha of Humla and Bhote Kosi in Rasuwa. 
 
So, what can be done to reduce the risk from GLOFs?&nbsp;
In 2000, with the support of The Netherlands the DHM lowered the level of Tso Rolpa glacial lake by 3.4m. Sixteen years later, we lowered the water level of Imja glacial lake in the Everest region. We have installed automated early warning systems in downstream areas based on precipitation data.&nbsp;
Based on the experience with Imja and Tso Rolpa, we proposed to the Green Climate Fund to reduce the risk of four other dangerous glacial lakes: Thulagi, Hongu 2, Lower Barun and Lumding Tso. It will cost of $50.44, GCF has approved $36.1 million with the UNDP and Nepal government co-financing it. 
 
How easy was it to secure GCF funds?
The Imja lake lowering was with support from the Green Environment Fund, and this experience allowed us to get the GCF on board to lower the water level of four more glacial lakes. We have also prepared a national adaptation plan based on which we can approach other donors and the international community.&nbsp;
 
Does Nepal graduating from a least developed country affect access to more funds for climate adaptation? 
 
Despite being a climate vulnerable country, Nepal has made good progress especially in the mitigating glacial lake outburst floods. India, Bhutan and China have not lowered their glacial lakes yet. Nepal has a lot of experience that it can share, for example 20 years ago we started an SMS early warning service to save lives from floods. Others can also follow our model. Lowering glacial lakes in Nepal means less risk for downstream countries.&nbsp;
Irrespective of financial and human resources that we have and our topography Nepal has done quite an impressive job in the field of disaster management. We have much more to do making our infrastructure more climate resilient. But we have done our best to disseminate information to save lives.&nbsp;
For example, in August a glacial flood started in China at 3am. If we had been warned, the nine lives we lost on the Bhote Kosi could have been saved. The flood arrived at Rasuwagadi at 6am, and we immediately warned settlements downstream saving lives. So, data sharing is important especially to prevent transboundary disasters. If China doesn’t share data with us, we will not know there is a flood coming.
Neither our northern nor southern neighbours are generous about sharing meteorological data. In Nepal, we share real time data on our official website. It is in the public domain and more people outside Nepal access them than Nepalis. Why? For any flood that originated in Nepal it takes three days to reach India, three more days to reach Bangladesh. We are sharing data on humanitarian grounds, but it is not reciprocal.
 
How do you plan to lower the remaining four glacial lakes?&nbsp;
We have started an implementation plan defining roles and responsibilities of implementing agencies, finalising project designs, total cost and structures. Based on that, selected firms will lower glacial lake levels and we will install early warning awareness and hydrometric stations. The core objective of this approach is to ensure an end-to-end early warning system and last mile communication. Next, we also protect watersheds after lowering water levels.&nbsp;
 
What is in Nepal’s national adaptation plan?&nbsp;
Access to global climate finance is evidence-based. No donor will give money without data justifying your claim. Our experience with Tso Rolpa and Imja is proof to potential donors that we have experience and evidence to back it up. At Cop27, we had pledged to ensure early warning for all by 2027, we have now extended that to 2030.&nbsp;
&nbsp;For that, we will expand our forecasting and early warning so that the death and destruction following the tornado in Bara and cloud burst in Manang in 2022 could be prevented. Manang saw 300mm of rain in Manang in June when the average rainfall for that month is 42. The Melamchi flood in 2021 is taken as a disaster of multi-hazard cascade effects.&nbsp;
Last year, an unprecedented 624mm was recorded in Kanchanpur. Because of timely information and rescue, there was zero casualty. But this year 97 people died in flood whereas 34 died in Kathmandu valley despite timely information. That was because of the public ignoring the warnings. It is worth noting that more than 1300 people had died when a similar rainfall volume was recorded in 1993.&nbsp;
Timely information about extreme weather caused by climate breakdown can save lives.&nbsp;

“Neighbours not keen on sharing met data”

With Saturday's deadline on Malaysia’s announcement of new criteria for selecting private recruiting agencies for migrant workers having lapsed, Nepal and Bangladesh have rejected the conditions.
The Malaysian move three weeks ago came in the aftermath of deadly GenZ riots in September, when Nepal’s interim government does not have designated heads in the Foreign Ministry and the Labour Ministry.
Interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki instructed the Labour Ministry to examine the implications of the standards and recommend appropriate steps to address them, but it has said it cannot send Nepali workers to Malaysia based on those criteria.
“In line with Nepal’s foreign employment policy and regulations, we are currently unable to accept or implement the proposed criteria,” says Pitambar Ghimire, spokesperson at the Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security in Kathmandu.
In response to the government’s request for their opinion on the Malaysian stipulation, the Nepal Association of Foreign Employment Agencies (NAFEA) has also flatly rejected the criteria, saying it could create a harmful syndicate and restrict fair competition, violate Nepal’s Constitution and laws, and increase recruitment fees that workers must pay.
On 25 October, the Malaysian Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent letters to the governments of Nepal, Bangladesh, Burma, Pakistan and India with 10 criteria meant to ‘rationalise the number of licensed private recruitment agencies permitted to facilitate recruitment and placement of workers to Malaysia’.
The proposed criteria include: at least five years of operating experience, deployment of 3,000 workers in the past three years of operation, experience sending workers to at least three countries, valid licenses and good conduct certificates, five employer testimonials, operating their own training and accommodation centres, and even a requirement for the staffing agency to have a 10,000 sq m office maintained for three years.
“We have communicated our views to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and have proposed discussing various labour related matters with our Malaysian counterparts diplomatically through bilateral dialogue and negotiations including renewal of the Nepal-Malaysia labour agreement,” Pitamber Ghimire said.
NAFEA has urged the government to prevent this measure from moving forward using diplomatic channels, and has held &nbsp;several gatherings and press conferences opposing the proposal since the Malaysian letter was received three weeks ago.
“We have taken commitment letters from members that they will not be engaged in activities related to the syndicate,” said Sujit Shrestha of NAFEA. “And if they break the commitment, they will face consequences including the revocation of their NAFEA membership. These letters also send a strong message to the government that this is irrevocably and collectively rejected by the industry.”
Bangladesh has also not accepted the proposal despite the 15 November deadline to send a list of recruiters that meet the criteria. That in itself would have been an impossible task to complete to begin with even if the government had accepted the proposal.&nbsp;
According to media reports, Bangladesh has sent a letter to the Malaysian government requesting that three of the proposed criteria be relaxed. This includes flexibility regarding the requirements for a 10,000 sq ft office, a dedicated training center, and the condition of having deployed 3,000 workers in the last five years. Despite the official request to Malaysian authorities, the Bangladeshi Government has also been collecting applications from recruiters who meet Malaysia’s proposed criteria, raising confusions about the contradictory stance.&nbsp;
Just like NAFEA, the recruitment association in Bangladesh, the Bangladesh Association of International Recruiting Agencies (BAIRA) has also outright rejected the proposal including in a letter to the Bangladeshi government, calling the criteria ‘unprecedented and exclusionary, unreasonable, discriminatory and syndicate-driven &nbsp;that would effectively disqualify 99% of legitimate agencies from participation’.&nbsp;
Now that the ball is back in Malaysia’s court and the proposal has not gained much support from two of the major origin countries, it will be interesting to see how they respond.

Nepal, Bangladesh reject Malaysian conditions

The Madi River in Nepal flows down from the Annapurna range on which there are four hydropower plants being built in a cascade. One of the schemes displaced the indigenous Gurung people from their ancestral land in the once-thriving village of Chansu. There are many other Chansus across Nepal where infrastructure projects have forced local communities from the land of their forebears. Many have been relocated to sites which are vulnerable to landslides, floods and extreme weather as a result of climate breakdown. Halfway around the planet from Chansu in the Brazilian city of Belém at the gateway of the Amazon, Nepal’s delegation to this year’s COP30 climate summit is hoping with other developing countries to negotiate a deal on being compensated for loss and damage from climate-related disasters.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251115151136_7f4ed4da802e8f744fa392ae03a842213ce8de07d5dcc859ce1d44ba7c3ba93a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251115151136_7f4ed4da802e8f744fa392ae03a842213ce8de07d5dcc859ce1d44ba7c3ba93a" data-rendition-name="original" width="2220" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="COP30 NT"> <figcaption>A hydropower plant was built on the Madi river, displacing the indigenous Gurung community of the Chunga village in Kaski. Photo: HUM GURUNG</figcaption> </figure>  Nepal’s delegate spoke also on behalf of Bhutan and Bangladesh to present a joint position, emphasising that the survival of the planet hinges on the fulfilment of the 1.5°C goal, urging nations to revisit the 2035 Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to reduce their emissions to bridge the gap between ambition and implementation of global climate commitments. But even as countries negotiate their climate commitments at global fora like COP30, indigenous communities continue to be at the bottom of the priority list.&nbsp; The sixth edition of The State of the World’s Indigenous Peoples reveals a stark imbalance: although indigenous peoples make up just 6% of the global population, they safeguard 80% of the planet’s remaining biodiversity. All the while, native communities receive less than 1% of international climate funding. For its part, Nepal &nbsp;has improved on its second Nationally Determined Contributions to make its NDC 3.0 more inclusive of indigenous and underserved communities. At least 60% of Nepal's forests will be community-run by 2035, with operational structures consisting of 50% women, and proportional inclusion of Dalit and indigenous people in key management positions.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251115151136_a95002faf7233572fbbb79d6841240f682feb2903b5c2c91313b5fd6e48c20d4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251115151136_a95002faf7233572fbbb79d6841240f682feb2903b5c2c91313b5fd6e48c20d4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="COP30 NT"> </figure>  NDC 3.0 also ensures that women, local communities, and Indigenous people get fair and equitable benefits from sustainable forest management and biodiversity conservation. Additionally, local and indigenous knowledge of climate change mitigation and and their cultural heritage is set to be fully integrated into school curricula in the coming years.&nbsp; This progress has been possible through continued efforts and advocacy from native communities, but the conversations were far from easy, and those in-charge of making decisions were not entirely open to feedback, experts say.&nbsp; “For those with indigenous knowledge it was difficult to participate in talks — from handling technology to understanding the jargon of policy,” says Tunga Rai, Director of the Climate Change Program at the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities. “At times our participation felt superficial, it was indigenous washing.” “Our concerns were not easily accepted, we faced challenges in encompassing issues of land and territories into the climate action process,” she adds.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251115151136_442cb706bce56acac1ad912d8abbb9ebbe88e4e1c8c385ffd72826f9af6259bb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251115151136_442cb706bce56acac1ad912d8abbb9ebbe88e4e1c8c385ffd72826f9af6259bb" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="COP30 NT"> <figcaption>Tunga Rai, Director of the Climate Change Programme in the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities, at a discussion during COP30 in Belém.</figcaption> </figure>  Indigenous people make up more than 35% of Nepal’s population, and are limited to the role of spectators in climate action efforts, activists say. They still do not get seats at the decision-making tables. Nepal’s delegation at COP30 does not have a single member from an indigenous group.&nbsp; This is not just limited to Nepal, native peoples are being neglected at the world’s biggest climate platform — from the foothills of Himalaya to the forests of the Amazon. Indigenous groups from Brazil and the region are making their voices heard in Belém, after failed expectations from local communities that climate issues important to native peoples would gain greater attention at the heart of the Amazon. On the second day of the conference, members of the Tupinambá community blocked the main entrance of the COP venue, declaring: “Our land is not for sale.” Ketty Marcelo Lopez, president of the National Organisation of Indigenous Andean and Amazonian Women of Peru points out that Indigenous communities have always been at the forefront of the climate crisis “As we move forward with Nationally Determined Contributions, indigenous rights have not been protected,” says Daria Egereva, of the Center for Support of Indigenous People of the North (CSIPN). “Indigenous rights must not be limited to documents, but also reflected in real steps.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251115151136_86d6f2451e38e78fc7cf7d1d1be4f31832bf0d69810827c07418732b2bf179cf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251115151136_86d6f2451e38e78fc7cf7d1d1be4f31832bf0d69810827c07418732b2bf179cf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="COP30 NT"> <figcaption>Indigenous representatives demand climate justice at COP30.</figcaption> </figure>  This year, the most climate-vulnerable countries are demanding that the Loss and Damage Fund be expanded to $1.3 trillion. At the same time, indigenous people are demanding proportionate access to climate financing, urging authorities to ensure that climate action funds reach the people most impacted by the climate crisis. But climate finance negotiations at COP have more often than not been defined by developed nations manipulating deals at the expense of developing nations. Gideon Sanago, an advisor at the Santiago Network, urges communication and collaboration between Indigenous communities and policymakers so that climate financing is easily accessible to Indigenous communities. Meanwhile, indigenous leaders like Onel Inandinia say that the Global North must facilitate access for the Global South in ways that support native peoples, integrate native communities into climate financing, and create Indigenous-led funds. This story was produced as part of an Internews Earth Journalism Network and the Stanley Center for Peace and Security fellowship.&nbsp;

Going native at COP30

There were two Bhutans on display during Narendra Modi’s visit this month. The first: a trusted partner, modernising rapidly with Indian support, inaugurating hydroelectric projects, and signing healthcare deals. The second: a nation that <a href="https://www.fmreview.org/gazmere-bishwo/#:~:text=In%201990%2D91%2C%20about%20a,are%20therefore%20not%20Bhutanese%20citizens.">ethnically cleansed 17% of its population </a>and has never been held accountable.
Modi chose to see only the <a href="https://kuenselonline.com/news/pm-modi-concludes-bhutan-visit-with-prayers-for-peace-and-prosperity">first </a>during his <a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/india/india-announces-rs-4000-cr-concessional-credit-line-to-fund-energy-projects-in-bhutan/articleshow/125253915.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&amp;utm_medium=text&amp;utm_campaign=cppst">11-12 November visit</a>, granting $450 million in credit, offering birthday tributes to Fourth King Jigme Singye Wangchuk, and inaugurating another hydropower project.
New Delhi has opted for strategic silence on Bhutan’s systematic persecution of the Lhotshampas in the 1990s. The displaced remain scattered across the world and in refugee camps in Nepal, their property seized, their citizenship revoked.&nbsp;
Now, on that same contested land Bhutan is building the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/small-bhutan-dreams-big">Gelephu Mindful City (GMC)</a>, a megaproject intended to <a href="https://kuenselonline.com/news/pm-modi-announces-inr-40-billion-credit-line-new-rail-links-and-land-for-bhutanese-temple-in-varanasi">connect directly to Indian infrastructure</a>. The victims are gone, and democratic India’s values remain conspicuously absent.&nbsp;
With no Lhotshampas left to challenge the official narrative and India unwilling to raise it, Bhutan continues to suppress dissent with impunity.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, social media influencer Raghu Pati Subedi was arrested on the Assam side of Gelephu after returning from a visit to relatives in India. His family members reportedly came under intense pressure, including threats of arrest, accusing them of hiding his whereabouts. After his arrest, he was transported to Thimphu and imprisoned.
This was not an isolated incident. It is part of systemic repression that first gained international attention in the 1990s, when over 100,000 Nepali-speaking Lhotshampa were systematically stripped of their citizenship and forcibly exiled. This mass expulsion, which human rights organisations have characterised as ethnic cleansing, created a decades-long refugee crisis that continues to define the regional political and human rights landscape.&nbsp;
EXODUS
The Lhotshampa crisis of the 1990s was not a spontaneous event but the culmination of years of state-led discrimination. Through a series of legislative acts, notably the 1985 Citizenship Act and the 1989 Driglam Namzha, the ‘One Nation, One People’ policy, the Bhutanese state systematically dismantled the rights of its Nepali-speaking citizens.&nbsp;
The use of the Nepali language was suppressed, the traditional dress of the ruling ethnic group was mandated, and citizenship was revoked en masse, rendering a significant portion of the population stateless in their own homeland.
The new manuscript I am editing has harrowing accounts by the authors of those atrocities. The parallels with what happened to Subedi recently are striking and troubling, showing that even after 35 years the regime has not changed its spots. The methods may have evolved, but the repression against dissidents remains disturbingly consistent.
This refugee exodus was an immense and unasked-for burden on Nepal. Despite being a country grappling with its own political instability and limited resources, Nepal accommodated them on humanitarian grounds. Nepal has consistently advocated for a durable solution centered on the refugees’ right to safe, voluntary, and dignified repatriation.
For years, it engaged in bilateral talks with Bhutan, culminating in a joint verification process. However, these efforts ultimately foundered on what Nepal described as ‘continued rigidity and non-implementation of the agreed decisions by the Bhutanese side’.
Nepal fulfilled its moral and humanitarian duty, but the international community largely failed to hold Bhutan accountable. Bhutan’s rulers deflected global attention with the masterful narrative of Gross National Happiness (GNH), while the grim reality in the refugee camps persisted.&nbsp;
Ultimately, with repatriation proving impossible, Nepal acquiesced to a third-country resettlement program led by a group of eight countries, including the United States, Canada, and Australia. From 2007 to 2016, more than 113,500 Bhutanese refugees were resettled in <a href="https://www.unhcr.org/media/nepal-factsheet">one of the largest group resettlement programmes globally</a>, though 6,365 remain in refugee camps in eastern Nepal.
While this solution provided a lifeline for thousands, it was a tragic capitulation to Bhutan’s ethnic homogenisation project. The refugees’ right to return to their homeland has been denied. It is a cautionary tale about the limits of international diplomacy in the face of state intransigence.
Bhutan’s global brand is one of its most successful exports. The <a href="https://www.gnhcentrebhutan.org/">Gross National Happiness </a>doctrine, which promotes holistic well-being over just economic growth, has captivated the Western imagination and policymakers. It offers a vision of a mindful, environmentally conscious, and peaceful Himalayan kingdom. This carefully cultivated image has historically aimed to shield Bhutan from the level of scrutiny applied to other nations with similar human rights records.
The GNH facade, however, cracks under the weight of documented evidence. The same kingdom that champions ‘happiness’ has, for decades, maintained a justice system that human rights groups allege relies on torture, coerced confessions, and draconian laws to silence opposition.
The 1992 National Security Act, with its vague definitions of ‘treasonable acts’ against the Tsa-Wa-Sum (King, Country, and People), has been a primary tool for suppressing political dissent, particularly from the Lhotshampa.
Overlooked by the international community and ignored by global powers including India, in responding robustly to the ethnic cleansing of the 1990s sent a clear message to Thimphu: such actions could be undertaken with impunity. The monarchy emerged unscathed, its reputation burnished rather than tarnished.&nbsp;
This historical impunity now echoes in the case of Raghu Pati Subedi and the <a href="https://www.cijnepal.org/new-list-of-political-prisoners-expected-to-set-off-discussion-on-bhutans-human-rights-record">continued imprisonment of dozens of political prisoners</a> of conscience. The global community’s reluctance to challenge the GNH narrative has, in effect, become a form of complicity.
The arrest and sentencing of a social media influencer demonstrates how old tactics have been adapted for the digital age. Subedi, 40, was a new kind of threat to the state-controlled narrative and he had to be made an example of.&nbsp;
As the founder and administrator of the popular Facebook page ‘The Don of Asia’, he bypassed traditional, state-influenced media to speak directly to about 78,000 followers. His content, informational and satirical videos on rural poverty, corruption, and the GMC project, was the kind of social media activism that was deemed intolerable.
Subedi was arrested in early 2025 and sentenced to 24 years in prison. The charges allegedly stemmed from Subedi’s social media criticism of the GMC, a flagship project of Nepal-born Bhutanese fifth King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck.&nbsp;
For <a href="https://thenewamericansmag.com/2024/11/18/the-kings-gelephu-mindfulness-city/#:~:text=Ganga%20Lamitare%2C%20who%20owns%20four,ancestors%20in%20building%20the%20nation.">Bhutanese refugees like Gangaram Lamitare</a>, the GMC represents a bitter irony, a development rising on their confiscated ancestral lands.&nbsp;
Gangaram, who owns four acres where the GMC’s international airport is now under construction, says: “Many people from villages fled at night in 1990, leaving everything behind to escape oppression. Now, the Bhutanese king and ministers are spreading falsehoods worldwide, calling this land vacant, which actually belongs to those forced to leave the country.”&nbsp;
There are signs that international support that has benefited Bhutan may be waning. The United Nations has become increasingly vocal and last year the <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/issues/detention-wg/opinions/session101/a-hrc-wgad-60-2024-bhutan-advance-edited-ve.pdf">UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention</a> said the detention of several Bhutanese political prisoners was arbitrary and illegal under international law.&nbsp;
In April 2025 from a group of six UN human rights experts raised grave concerns about the use of torture, denial of fair trials, and the ‘severe chilling effect’ of Bhutan’s legal framework on civic space. These developments owe much to the consistent advocacy of the Hague-based Global Campaign for the Release of Political Prisoners in Bhutan (GCRPPB) since its formation.
However, they also reflect broader shifts in international human rights scrutiny. This places Bhutan’s key international partners, particularly the European Union, in a critical position. Bhutan enjoys lucrative benefits under the EU’s ‘Everything but Arms’ trade scheme, which grants developing countries tariff-free access to the EU market contingent on respect for human rights.&nbsp;
The EU is also a significant provider of development aid to Bhutan which provides it with substantial leverage. In April 2025, members of the <a href="https://bsky.app/profile/saskiabricmont.bsky.social/post/3lmrn5mkmrs2q">European Parliament formally called on Bhutan</a> to release all political prisoners. This action signals a growing recognition that trade and partnership cannot be divorced from human rights obligations.&nbsp;
“Bhutan’s international partners and investors, including the EU, should make it clear that they expect Bhutan to comply with its human rights obligations and release them without further delay,” says Meenakshi Ganguly, of Human Rights Watch.&nbsp;
Bhutan stands at a crossroads. Its desire for deeper global economic integration is colliding with its unresolved history of human rights abuses. The international community now has a choice: either continue being charmed by the myth of a happy shangri-la or insist that the kingdom adheres to democratic values it professes to the world.&nbsp;
Nepal’s recent Gen-Z uprising offers a lesson to Bhutan. In September, when authorities attempted to ban 26 social media, Nepali youth took to the streets and, within hours, toppled the entire pro-establishment political apparatus. Their message was clear: in an age of digital connectivity and mass mobilisation, authoritarian tactics such as detaining social media influencers are both unjust and ultimately unsustainable.
This incident echoes the prophetic warnings of Devi Bhakta Lamitare, Bhutan’s first-generation democratic leader, who died in exile in India in 2022. In his seminal 1970 book
Dankindo Bhutan, Lamitare chronicled the systematic suppression of people’s rights and envisioned a path toward liberation.
Before his death, I worked with him to update and edit this work, which the Bhutan Media Society published posthumously in 2023. In a December 2020 interview I conducted for the book on the Ganga riverbank in Haridwar, Lamitare laid out a stark three-front offensive: political mobilisation from within India to awaken resistance inside Bhutan itself, relentless pressure on New Delhi to champion democracy, and a global ‘pamphlet war’ waged by resettled Bhutanese in the West.&nbsp;
Only through such sustained action, he argues, can Bhutanese citizens win the right to choose their own rulers, a principle India, the world’s largest democracy, should be championing, not abandoning.
Binod Dhungel is the Nepal correspondent for Reporters Without Borders.
<a href="http://linkedin.com/in/dhungelbinod" target="_blank">linkedin.com/in/dhungelbinod</a>, @BinodDhungel

Bhutan imprisons social media influencer

The COP30 climate summit in Brazil ended this week <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/cop30-to-cop31">without tangible commitment</a> from countries to reduce fossil fuel emissions. Its impact will be felt halfway around the planet here in Mustang which is already seeing weather extremes.&nbsp; Geographically, Mustang is on the Tibetan Plateau, north of the main Himalayan chain. It is in the rainshadow, and a high altitude desert. Winter snow has failed for eight of the past ten years, unseasonal blizzards, and frequent glacial collapse leading to floods. The Kali Gandaki Corridor follows one of the deepest gorges in the world between Annapurna and Dhaulagiri, the world’s seventh and tenth highest peaks. Lush pine forests cover the southern flanks of these mountains, but within a few kilometers the vegetation undergoes a dramatic change to a landscape of red, brown and grey cliffs.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251129021144_c66ade5e32d20530003abba893869426d75b42d10e4725c28361d738b402721f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251129021144_c66ade5e32d20530003abba893869426d75b42d10e4725c28361d738b402721f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Too little snow, too much rain NT"> </figure>  It gets more arid the more north you go. Snow and rain in Upper Mustang used to fall mostly in winter, but now there are cloudbursts and blizzards at other times of the year.&nbsp; In the ancient walled city of Lo Manthang, elderly men have gathered at a local tea shop to drink the salted butter tea. Some sip home-made liquor infused with medicinal herbs.&nbsp; The sun has set, the temperature plummets, and the wind howls outside. Everyone agrees it does not snow like it used to any more. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/comings-and-goings-in-mustang">Comings and goings in Mustang</a>, Shrijan Pandey  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251129021144_ffaabf00a533984cadf160b2e56734cddb6f64d1a660401417d2982a3818f161.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251129021144_ffaabf00a533984cadf160b2e56734cddb6f64d1a660401417d2982a3818f161" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Too little snow, too much rain NT"> <figcaption>The flat mud roofs are leaking because rain is now falling where there used to be snow.</figcaption> </figure>  “The weather has changed drastically over the years,” says Lopsang Tsomfel Bista, Chair of the Lo Dekhar Municipality. “It doesn’t snow in winter, and it falls when it is not supposed to.”&nbsp; Lack of snow means that in spring, the pastures where nomadic herders graze their yaks and goats do not have enough grass. Previously, winter snow on the meadows would seep slowly into the soil with the spring thaw, bringing out fresh grass shoots. &nbsp; In recent years, even if there is winter precipitation, it falls as rain. The soil is not able to soak in rain as efficiently, and torrential downpours increase the risk of soil erosion and floods.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251129021144_93ca69bec63577c5f6cbff8db809c11bce2d8fe01469d3374c20a6f20a7c93f1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20251129021144_93ca69bec63577c5f6cbff8db809c11bce2d8fe01469d3374c20a6f20a7c93f1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Too little snow, too much rain NT"> </figure>  “There used to be up to 1,500 mountain goats in every village, but now they have stopped keeping livestock,” says Bista. This is due to lack of grass and new lowland diseases moving up the mountains. Mustang has lost 28% of its population between the census in 2011 and 2021, and outmigration also means there are fewer people left to carry on a pastoral lifestyle.&nbsp; “Herders have asked for vet services in their communities because there are new insect-borne diseases,” says Yangchen Dolker Gurung of the Lo Gyalpo Jigme Foundation. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/winds-of-change-sweep-mustang">Winds of change sweep Mustang</a>, Jagannath Adhikari  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251129021144_902593732af83db5792128be5a3bd87c00e0c62ff894afa4c98bffde64e96d26.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20251129021144_902593732af83db5792128be5a3bd87c00e0c62ff894afa4c98bffde64e96d26" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Too little snow, too much rain NT"> <figcaption>The mud walls of monasteries and homes are crumbling because of unseasonal rainfall. </figcaption> </figure>  Mustang is flanked to the east and west by mountains that rise up to 6,000m, and glaciers on their slopes are melting fast, turning into lakes. With the rising temperature, the risk of Glacier Lakes Outburst Floods (GLOFs) has also risen.&nbsp; At the rate global average temperatures are rising, scientists say that the Himalaya will lose up to two-thirds of the remaining ice caps. When glaciers melt, it not just raises the risk from GLOFs but also affects water supply downstream.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025112903114_1a6af68965ded5f23897a623bec2e2bed0da4c6663f0af5b5bf79883f2a11c9f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="2025112903114_1a6af68965ded5f23897a623bec2e2bed0da4c6663f0af5b5bf79883f2a11c9f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1022" height="767" loading="lazy" alt="Mustang map NT"> </figure>  FLOODS Ringzin Sangbo Gurung in Chumjung village recalls the devastation caused by a GLOF on 8 July this year that swept away a newly inaugurated bridge. The floodplain is now strewn with boulders and sand brought down by the flood which caused damage worth Rs28 million. The flood also damaged the irrigation canals that feed riverside farms where locals grew potato, buckwheat, millet and spinach. Nyima Wangmo Gurung runs a homestay in Nyamdok village, and says: “We don’t have water when we need it. And there is too much when we don’t need it.”&nbsp; Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/mustang-forced-to-adapt-to-climate-crisis">Mustang forced to adapt to climate c</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/mustang-forced-to-adapt-to-climate-crisis">risis</a>, Ronan Wallace and Yungdrung Tsewang Gurung  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251129021144_7ae98274ea20e910311ec4431ba0aa3ecd9fe92caaed029a33c185198b33d0d2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20251129021144_7ae98274ea20e910311ec4431ba0aa3ecd9fe92caaed029a33c185198b33d0d2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Too little snow, too much rain NT"> </figure>  With warming temperatures, farmers in Mustang are growing lowland vegetables which was not possible before in plastic greenhouses. The farms depended on snowmelt in spring to irrigate their fields, but there is less snow to melt in past years. “The last heavy snowfall in winter was about eight years ago, since then we have got little or no snow,” says Tashi Norbu Gurung, Chair of Lo Manthang Rural Municipality. “This affects farmers during the April planting season.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251129021144_010e09f4e9335f39c62f4d6027489c86423b3d10ddfb83558820f6a7a56a477b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20251129021144_010e09f4e9335f39c62f4d6027489c86423b3d10ddfb83558820f6a7a56a477b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1500" loading="lazy" alt="Too little snow, too much rain NT"> </figure>  It is not just lack of snowfall that is a problem. Springs have gone dry, and some villages like Dhey have been forced to relocate because life became &nbsp;impossible without water.&nbsp; Villagers of Samjung also <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/climate-migration-is-already-happening">migrated</a> to Namashung, near a river when water sources dried up. But now the new settlements are threatened by GLOFs. Karma Gurung, who runs a lodge in Choser, remembers the big flood of 35 years ago which swept away farms and covered them with debris. There have been more frequent, but destructive floods since then in Kagbeni, Lubra and other valleys. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/mixed-blessings-in-mustang">Mixed blessings in Mustang</a>, Mukesh Pokhrel  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251129021144_da2212bc1ad49c17d126e24bbd92d3fca18e3e6bdd58ac61df14c962deb2edcd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20251129021144_da2212bc1ad49c17d126e24bbd92d3fca18e3e6bdd58ac61df14c962deb2edcd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Too little snow, too much rain NT"> </figure>  MUD WALLS Because snowfall has been replaced by rain, Mustang’s traditional mud-wall architecture is now in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/leaky-roofs-on-the-roof-of-the-world">danger of collapsing</a>. The homes here are closely packed, have flat roofs stacked with juniper branches for firewood. With rain in place of snow, the roofs now leak.&nbsp; Women in Thinkar village say their walls are falling apart. Some homes have collapsed, and families forced to move out. Yangchen Dolker Gurung of the Lo Gyalpo Jigme Foundation says locals need plastic sheets, cement walls and corrugated roofs to cope with the rain.&nbsp; But this would mean that Mustang’s villages would lose their traditional architecture style.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251129021144_59c475cdde3bee8d03ed05e9038c0cf36f1acd31e3d3596f145469e5b4404d9d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_16" data-image-id="20251129021144_59c475cdde3bee8d03ed05e9038c0cf36f1acd31e3d3596f145469e5b4404d9d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Too little snow, too much rain NT"> </figure>  The ancient 1.5m thick mud walls around Lo Manthang built 600 years ago, the king’s palace, and monasteries are also at risk. “Changes in precipitation patterns, altering the intensity, frequency, and timing of rainfall and snowfall, have damaged traditional and cultural infrastructure, particularly mud-built private and public buildings as well as religious and heritage sites,” explains Bhawani Pandey at the Lo Gyalpo Jigme Foundation. “With the rain, and because the monuments and stupas are made from mud, they have eroded. There is leakage, and the monuments are in a dilapidated condition.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-smarter-himalayan-infrastructure/" target="_blank">Climate-smarter Himalayan infrastructure</a>, Sonia Awale  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251129021144_dfc8c93a0a8619893f0d97076d1f9cbba3818e1cc716a903ff9908dbb8939ef6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_18" data-image-id="20251129021144_dfc8c93a0a8619893f0d97076d1f9cbba3818e1cc716a903ff9908dbb8939ef6" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Too little snow, too much rain NT"> </figure>  The Lo Manthang Rural Municipality along with Lo Gyalpo Jigme Foundation, are working on a Local Adaptation Plan of Action and the Disaster Preparedness and Response Plan, which the Nepal government has made mandatory for every municipality. “We took a bottom-up approach and collected data from each village, they know best the impact of climate change and what their needs are,” says Yangchen Gurung. To address the hazards of climate change, local communities and municipalities are adapting through their own resources, without waiting for outside help to improve water conservation, control soil erosion and protect from flood.&nbsp; Says Pandey, “We are returning to conserving traditional drought-resistant crop varieties, organic pest and disease control, cultivating high-value crops and fruits, and practicing sustainable pasture management through rotational grazing. We have also developed new building codes for homes that incorporate water-resistant coating for mud roofs and walls.” &nbsp; Additional Reporting by Tashi Wangyal. &nbsp;

Too little snow, too much rain

Prime Minister Sushila Karki is under pressure from GenZ activists and families of the victims to go after officials in the previous government responsible for the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre"> murders of 19 youth at Parliament on 8 September</a>. But prosecuting the perpetrators and putting them behind bars risks street protests from elements in the previous government.
Former Prime Minister K P Oli is not making it easy for his successor. He is smarting from his downfall and itching for revenge. He is flexing his muscles with rallies, and has unleashed the attack dogs. UML’s newly-formed ‘Youth Volunteer Force’ is led by former Maoist Pushparaj Shrestha, who is accused of multiple murders and kidnappings, and former Bhaktapur MP Mahesh Basnet has been making incendiary remarks on social media on behalf of his boss.
Oli is obviously using the threat of street protests as a deterrent: don’t come after me, or else. Prime Minister Karki cannot risk escalation, otherwise <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/march-to-5-march">elections </a>may have to be postponed, or worse, cancelled.&nbsp;
The UML’s partner in the deposed government, the Nepali Congress (NC), is also suffering post-traumatic stress from the shock of the GenZ uprising. Its leader Sher Bahadur Deuba had stepped down as party chief, but has had second thoughts, and seems to want to prove his astrologer right that he can be prime minister seven times. (He has clocked five so far.) Meanwhile, his NC party is imploding with its no-longer-young-turks demanding a party overhaul before elections.
The Maoists are no longer Maoists. Former guerrilla commander and three-time prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has joined up with seven smaller leftist parties to form the Nepali Communist Party by teaming up with two other superannuated former prime ministers, Madhav Kumar Nepal and Jhalnath Khanal. Maoist ideologue Baburam Bhattarai has also shed his Maoist tag and leads a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/party-time">new party</a> (PSP) that vows to ‘uphold the demands of the GenZ’.
The long and short of all this is that Nepal’s legacy parties have not seen the writing on the wall, they have no idea how much public outrage there is against them even after the carnage and conflagration ten weeks ago. And after all this, they are behaving exactly like they did before, sidelining internal rivals within their party, treating politics as powerplay and not about accountability and better governance to lift living standards.
Even a little bit of enlightened self-interest would have allowed them to see how sticking to their guns and not handing over the party to a younger cohort would mean certain ignominious defeat in March. But being gerontocratic authoritarians, they still believe their vote banks are intact, and are betting on the GenZ fervour fading by March.
Twenty years ago in this same space, we wrote: ‘Our politicians are not satisfied with being top dog, they want to be only dog.’ Nothing has changed, history is on rewind in slow motion. To take the canine analogy further: maybe you cannot teach an old dog new tricks.
The best indication of this is the shameful<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/election-countdown-4-more-months"> lack of remorse from the former prime minister </a>down the chain of command for what happened starting at noon on 8 September. Even if he did not give the order to shoot, being the head of government he should have taken responsibility for the death of 19 young Nepalis outside Parliament. Resigning that afternoon may have saved the nation from the scale of death and destruction the following day.
The Judicial Commission of Inquiry headed by former justice Gauri Bahadur Karki has another month to submit his findings. K P Oli has said he is not going to any deposition, while his Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak has indicated he will if asked.&nbsp;
Much of the evidence for the killings, arson and looting are in the public domain. There are videos and photographs of the Special Task Force commandos who knelt, took careful aim, and fired at the protesters outside Parliament. Many of the arsonists and looters on 9 September posted selfies and videos on Tiktok and Facebook where they can be easily identified as Maoist, RPP and RSP supporters.
What has angered the GenZ is that while the Home Ministry has been arresting some of those who set fire to Singha Darbar and Parliament, it has not deemed it necessary to track down the shooters. Home Minister Om Aryal says he is waiting for the Judicial Commission report to act.
Last week’s Human Rights Watch (HRW) report, <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/11/19/nepal-unlawful-use-of-force-during-gen-z-protest" target="_blank">Nepal: Unlawful Use of Force During ‘Gen Z’ Protest</a>, has a detailed timeline of what happened on the two days, corroborated with interviews with eye-witnesses. It found that the STF started shooting within five minutes of the curfew being announced, and most protesters did not hear any warnings. Some 34 protesters were detained inside Parliament, beaten and mentally tortured.
The wounded and dead all had high-velocity gunshot wounds on their heads, chests and abdomen. The arson and looting the following day appears to have been instigated by a mass SMS sent from a fake Myagdi account, after which Discord posts directed protesters to attack specific locations.
Many more questions need to be answered by the Judicial Commission: why did the Army not act sooner, who gave the actual orders to use lethal force with assault rifles, who attacked schools, hotels and businesses, who was behind the inter-party and intra-party attacks on the afternoon of 9 September?&nbsp;
Prime Minister Sushila Karki has to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/proper-polls-better-than-no-polls">tread a careful middle path</a> through this minefield till election day.
Kunda Dixit

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