With 49 days to go for polls, we asked eight of the 800,000 first time voters about their voting preferences.&nbsp; The GenZ movement has impacted on new and old political parties and their alliances. Some have pledged to represent youth aspirations, while older parties have mobilised younger members. However, the UML, NC and NCP still do not practice internal democracy, and have not responded to the popular demand for change.&nbsp; An example of this was the split in the NC (page 4). The very fact that it has put up Gagan Thapa as prime ministerial candidate is a response to the RSP fielding the GenZ favourite Balen Shah.&nbsp; Even so, Kulman Ghising quitting the RSP has shown that the new parties are not really ‘new’. Not many GenZs are contesting in the elections barring the likes of Sudan Gurung. Some are trying to influence parties from behind the scenes. Geopoliical pressure seems to have forced the RSP to withdraw Tashi Lhazom from its PR list.&nbsp; Nevertheless, an election that looked near impossible is now on track. But what do the young new voters want, and will they make a difference? Watch an exclusive video on our YouTube channel.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260115110136_18ae7337821e5cca286b77fa15cc443a06037a100995116fea24277f9787cf06.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260115110136_18ae7337821e5cca286b77fa15cc443a06037a100995116fea24277f9787cf06" data-rendition-name="original" width="1281" height="662" loading="lazy" alt="first time voters"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260115110136_f1a9641760f0ddf694dc8d9dceab975170bda684b5b0771117cbff15672b3c3a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260115110136_f1a9641760f0ddf694dc8d9dceab975170bda684b5b0771117cbff15672b3c3a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="first time voters"> </figure>  &nbsp;

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Which way GenZ voters?

Nepal’s 2022 elections, its second under the federal system, was marked by the disruption in Nepal’s political status quo. Two figures stood out in particular: Balen Shah, whose outsider candidacy transformed urban political imagination, and the Rastriya Swatantra Party under Rabi Lamichhane, which leveraged his extensive media-built credibility to secure unexpected influence within months of its formation.&nbsp;
Their success was not an ideological victory, it was the victory of leaders who presented a vision of leadership that was different from Nepal’s political norm. It was the result of sophisticated public relations, effective message dissemination, and the careful cultivation of the credibility of these forces.&nbsp;
Last week, these once-separate trajectories formally converged as Shah and Lamichhane first joined forces, and within twenty-four hours their alliance expanded further with Kulman Ghising’s Ujjyalo Party. Ghising, who was appointed Minister in Nepal’s post-September interim Cabinet largely due to his public goodwill, has been another public figure whose reputation has been built as much through performance as through perception.&nbsp;
Together, Balen-Rabi-Kulman (BRK) now present themselves as an alternative front to the entrenched Oli–Prachanda–Deuba(OPD) power centre. But as this emerging bloc positions itself as a corrective option to “old politics”, the first substantive glimpse into its internal political behaviour raises important questions. The alliance’s Proportional Representation (PR) list provides an early indicator of priorities.&nbsp;
“The PR list of RSP showcases the utter disrespect for the constitution,” says Shailee Chaudhary, a PR candidate from Gatisheel Loktantrik Party. “It reveals that RSP at its core is an opportunistic clique instead of a political party. For them the PR list became a corporate takeover for their investors and brand ambassadors.”&nbsp;
Prospective candidates were reportedly required to pay Rs50,000 to have their names included, and the resulting roster reads less like a reflection of Nepal’s diverse social fabric and more like an inventory of recognised public figures.&nbsp;
The party’s explanation for the Rs50,000 fee requirement was that it has been raised to ensure that candidates are well off enough to not engage in corruption. But Mangpahang says this defense implies that corruption is exclusive to the poor.&nbsp;
“The PR system of RSP has been captured by elites,” says Yajaswi Mangpahang, President of Youth Congress Nepal. “The fact that one had to be affluent to be considered in the list is exclusionary.”
Mangpahang compares the PR selection process of the RSP to the Nepali Congress. The NC has exploited the PR list, she says, but the party has at the least understood the essence of the system, and why it exists.
“Nepal’s diversity, its socio-economic and political history, as well as where we are now must be understood by politicians,” she adds.&nbsp;
POLITICS OR POPULARITY CONTEST?
Actors, singers, pageant winners to business personalities and athletes in RSP’s PR list have positioned themselves as representatives of marginalised communities from dalit, adhiwasi janajati, and khas-arya communities. Notable names include: singer Prakash Saput (Dalit), actress Reema Bishwokarma (Dalit Woman), former Miss Nepal Anushka Shrestha (Adhivasi Woman), executive director of Goldstar shoes Vidhusi Rana (Khas-Arya Woman) and the once formidable contender for KMC mayoral race, Ranju Darshana (Khas Arya-Woman).&nbsp;
“The legal benchmarks of the representations are met but there is no clarity of principle in the list,” says Mangpahang.
Rather than reimagining representation, RSP’s PR list appears to extend the same reliance on visibility and public appeal that has driven the BRK’s rise so far. Reducing politics to communication tactics and profile-building not only trivialises governance, it fundamentally distorts the purpose of the proportional representation system, which was designed to broaden inclusion, not as a stage to curate and amplify personalities with pre-existing social capital.&nbsp;
“The inclusion of already established figures in the PR list meant for marginalised communities is evidence of intellectual and moral poverty,” says Chaudhary. “It signals that their approach is 100% about marketing and 0% about representation. They are not building a party, they are merging fan clubs, they confuse social media trends with grassroots movements and celebrity recognition with democratic legitimacy.”
Indeed, this strategy is akin to the dynamics of social media, where visibility translates directly into political currency. Shah’s politics has been inseparable from his online persona, carefully crafted through bold declarations, poetic nationalism, and viral digital performance. Lamichhane’s rise, meanwhile, is rooted in years of television-driven credibility, now amplified through algorithmic circulation that rewards outrage, emotional immediacy, and charismatic confrontation over deliberative politics.&nbsp;
The BRK project exemplifies how Nepali politics is increasingly being shaped by algorithmic culture. Platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, and YouTube don’t simply reflect political sentiment; they actively shape it by privileging sensationalism, conflict, and personality-driven storytelling. Their political momentum is therefore less a reflection of ideological consolidation and more a product of digital mobilisation, where “followers” begin to substitute party structures, and engagement metrics are mistaken for mass legitimacy.&nbsp;
In such an ecosystem, leaders who can command attention are rewarded more than those who can articulate policy. Indeed, political power in Nepal is increasingly determined by who commands the loudest applause, especially online. This risks reducing democracy to an algorithmic popularity contest: noisy and charismatic, but ultimately no different from the legacy political figures, just with a new facade.&nbsp;
“In the long run this subverts the constitution rendering its core components meaningless. It kills the spirit of inclusive democracy, it also erases marginalised voices, pushing the voices of women, Dalit, adivasi janajati and other marginalised groups and reduces politics to a spectator sport,” adds Chaudhary. “It teaches voters that politics is about cheering for individual heroes, not about advocating for communities or ideologies.”
Political legitimacy online may appear like that people and the leader are interacting, directly in touch with one another, but to pursue popularity over policy-driven politics is to avoid facing the public. What the RSP has done now is to make a safety valve for elites so that they do not actively interact with the people.&nbsp;
“To run an election is to have guts, you must have an understanding of your constituency, you must have a vision, and it is a gamble,” says Mangpahang.&nbsp;
When political legitimacy becomes increasingly tethered to personal popularity and digital visibility, it risks sidelining individuals who possess competence, policy expertise, and grassroots understanding, because they lack comparable social capital.&nbsp;
If the system rewards recognition over representation, leadership opportunities go to those embedded in media and celebrity ecosystems. This could consolidate power and perpetuate the marginalisation of communities who are structurally disenfranchised from politics.
Ayusha Chalise is a communication and development scholar specialising in how politics is experienced in the digital space.

Ayusha Chalise

RSP’s PR list is not good PR

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2023020814028/63e39f649c7e80680e0d6fecjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1800" height="1041"/><figcaption>Photo: RSS</figcaption></figure>Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal is busy garnering <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/left-led-coalition-upturns-nepal-politics/">support from parties left, right and centre</a> for the 10 January vote of confidence he has to prove in the Federal Parliament. On Wednesday, he met Madhav Kumar Nepal of the Unified Socialist (US) for the first time since he broke away from the Nepali Congress (NC) led coalition.With his Maoist Centre (MC) being only the third biggest party with a mere 32 seats in Parliament, Dahal has had to give away powerful ministries: Finance to Bishnu Paudel of the UML, and Home to Rabi Lamichhane of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP).And with less than a week before the confidence vote, there will be more wheeling and dealing behind the scenes. There is already talk of adding two more deputy prime ministers to specifically appease the far-right Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and Janata Samajbadi party (JSP).The Constitution sets a limit of 25 ministers in the Cabinet. But Dahal has to balance the disparate demands from members of his coalition for posts. He will exceed that limit, and for that will have to split some ministries.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/oli-dahal-political-deja-vu/">Oli-Dahal political déjà vu</a>, Santa Gaha MagarDahal may be prime minister, but it is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/oli-dahal-political-deja-vu/">UML's K P Oli who is pulling the strings</a>. As the head of a high-level political committee, Oli will essentially be running a parallel government. And given the past bad blood between Oli and Dahal, there is every possibility of them falling out, and the coalition falling apart.The UML is the second largest party with 78 seats and has shrewdly gained the upper hand by playing the long game by agreeing to give Dahal the first go at premiership while bagging plum political positions for his party in the process.The committee Oli heads is an extension of this power-sharing deal between him and Dahal. The fact that the Prime Minister is the executive head of Nepal but will now have to adhere to a committee on high-level political decisions has essentially turned Dahal into a puppet of Oli’s making.But these power games have long stopped being of interest to the people. It was in fact the very frustration with political manipulation that voted <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/for-whom-the-bell-tolls/">independent collective RSP</a> to be the fourth largest party in the 2022 elections.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/for-whom-the-bell-tolls/">For whom the bell tolls</a>, Shristi KarkiBut regardless of who is in the coalition or who has an upper hand, the biggest challenge for the new government in 2023 is to save Nepal from an impending economic collapse.As of 4 January, the total expenditure of the Nepal government in the current fiscal year stands at Rs517 billion against its revenue of Rs362 billion. Nepal is unable to support the government’s spending, and herein lies the biggest problem.The additional ministries in the new government and their staff will only add to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-energy-policy-in-2023-and-beyond/">unnecessary expenses in security, infrastructure, salary and other administrative costs</a>. Increased ministries and staff doesn’t guarantee better service delivery either.The appointment of Bishnu Paudel of the UML as  finance minister has made businesses hopeful, but there is only so much he can do to rectify the blunder made by his Maoist predecessor, Janardan Sharma. On Wednesday, Nepal Rastra Bank, acting  a directive from Paudel and Prime Minister Dahal has revised its new guidelines pertaining to current capital loans to spur investment.Nepal’s imports decreased by 20.17% in the last five months compared to the same time period last year owing to the central bank’s ban on luxury items following rapidly declining foreign exchange reserves. This helped increase the reserves but also reduced revenue from imports, which continues to be the government’s biggest source of income.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-year-challenge-to-new-government/"> New year challenge to new government</a>, EditorialIn the meantime, Nepal’s export in the same time period decreased by 34.61% to Rs6.7 trillion and trade deficit by 18.77%. But reduced demand for goods and services can lead to a recession. Year-on-year inflation is also high at 8.08%. In response, banks have  increased interest on loans to reach more than 15% which has discouraged businesses from investing.Moreover, leakage in revenue and lack of economic activities as well as investment in unproductive sectors continue to pose formidable challenges to Nepal’s stagnant economy which is propped by remittance money sent home by Nepalis ioverseas.Those jobs have allowed the government to get away with not providing youth with enough employment opportunities at home. But remittance is an unsustainable source, especially as Nepal needs its workforce at home for agriculture, construction and manufacturing, among others.Nepal needs to reduce its nonessential spending, stop revenue leakage in VAT and others, expedite development projects and promote industries and manufacturing at home. All of this will need to be <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-year-challenge-to-new-government/">facilitated by reformed policymaking</a>, not just directives.Instead, planners bring about ad-hoc schemes like <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/think-twice-about-bringing-your-mobile-to-nepal/">Mobile Device Management System</a> (MDMS) benefiting select businesses, further adding to the frustration of the common people and making service delivery even more difficult.Sonia Awale

Nepal's political economy

&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230112100136_63bfd4f89c7e80680e0d30c8jpeg.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20230112100136_63bfd4f89c7e80680e0d30c8jpeg" data-rendition-name="original" width="642" height="635" loading="lazy" alt=" "> <figcaption> </figcaption> </figure>  Nepalis had much to look forward to in 2022. The pandemic had abated, tourism was picking up, and the second series of elections under the federal system were set to take place. Barely two months into the year, Russia invaded Ukraine and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/ukraine-crisis-hits-nepal-economy-hard/" target="_blank">the war hit Nepal’s struggling economy hard</a>. A steep rise in the petroleum import bill further depleted state coffers, and widened the trade gap. Political disarray led to ministerial mis-steps and delayed government response. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/" target="_blank">Local elections</a> in May consolidated the coalition, but the strong showing of the independents in federal elections shook the established parties. However, the leaders have ignored the national mood and in a repeat of 2017, Nepal’s Communist parties have joined forces to form <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/left-led-coalition-upturns-nepal-politics/" target="_blank">another coalition government</a>, this time of seven parties with Pushpa Kamal Dahal as the Prime Minister for the third time. Nepali politics continues to be defined by a coalition governments devoid of ideology and incapable of solving urgent problems like creating jobs, curbing pollution, or addressing the climate crisis. <div class="embed-block"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230112100136/63bfd4fc9c7e80680e0d30c9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="659" height="635"></div> A recap of the year that was through the 12 front pages of Nepali Times in 2022: Pollution and exploitation <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/happy-new-air/" target="_blank">Nepali Times’ first issue for 2022</a> carried an image of brick kilns spewing smoke. That, combined with vehicular emissions and open burning meant that Kathmandu residents were breathing the dirtiest air in the world, reducing their lifespans by 4 years. Garbage piled up on the streets of the capital even as the rivers and mountains were ravaged by illegal quarries and sand mining. As the country plunged headlong from a Covid pandemic into a dengue epidemic. Climate breakdown The year saw worsening impact of the climate crisis, with heat waves and weather extremes. Himalayan glaciers continued to melt, and two-thirds of what remains will be gone during this century. COP27 in Egypt agreed on a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-next-after-cop27-ld-fund/" target="_blank">Loss and Damage Fund</a>, but failed to agree on a more ambitious emission target. But Nepal’s leaders cannot blame global warming for everything -- many of our problems predate the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-climate-crisis-is-a-water-crisis-in-the-himalaya/" target="_blank">climate crisis</a>. More than to save the planet, Nepal must reduce petroleum imports to save its economy from collapse. Migration Nepali Times continued its coverage of the hopes and sorrows of Nepali migrant workers overseas, and added its voice to calls for compensation for the abuse and<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/world-cup-ending-without-migrant-relief/" target="_blank"> deaths of workers building World Cup infrastructure</a> in Qatar. Remittances have started picking up again after the Covid slowdown, propping up the economy. It is not just workers who are leaving, as our investigation last week showed, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-hard-working-students-overseas/" target="_blank">students are leaving in droves</a> with many of them taking this path to emigration. New blood&nbsp; The local election in May and<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-nepali-people-have-spoken/" target="_blank"> federal and provincial polls</a> in November indicated that while the established parties are still dominant, many Nepalis are fed up with them. Rapper-engineer Balen Shah became mayor of Kathmandu, while young professionals were elected to the federal parliament. &nbsp;While traditional politicians will try to trip up the new entrants every step of the way, their very presence in legislative positions provides a glimmer of hope that democracy may finally deliver. Shristi Karki

2022: mandates, migrants and malaise

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022120710128/639058b09c7e80680e0ce1b5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="667"/><figcaption>Patan Darbar Square. Photo: NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE</figcaption></figure>As Nepal gears up for the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/caste-vote/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">general election on 20 November</a>, it is that time again to put our best bet on the same veteran patriarchs. The last time I wrote a piece of breaking news as a journalist in 2020, I remember how then-Prime Minister K P Oli pulled the best gambit ever, announcing a nationwide election in November amidst the Covid pandemic.If only it were as easy to restart one's life like prime ministers announce elections at the drop of a hat. And while the country's finance, foreign affairs, defence, federal affairs, water supply, and so on are mentioned in every election rally, culture and heritage does not deserve that distinction.And while 'culture' has been part of the Nepali vernacular for decades, 'heritage' is just beginning to creep into the leaders' lexicon. Hopefully, after these elections, culture and heritage will find their own meaning and importance in government policy. For now, they are lost in transition, appended to the Ministry of Civil Aviation and Tourism.In fact the 'culture' baton has been shunted from one ministry to another for 40 years. No one quite seems to know what to do with culture. The term ‘culture’ was first used by the Council of Ministers in correlation with the Ministry of Education in 1981. The irony is that before culture was included in the ministry, the Department of Archaeology (DoA), the country's primary organisation for archaeological research and protection of cultural heritage, was established in 1952 and was administered by the Ministry of Education for 28 years.Since then, 'culture' has been shunted around in the Ministry of Youth Sports and Culture; the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation; the Ministry of Culture and State Rebuilding; the Ministry of Federal Affairs, Constituent Assembly, Parliamentary Affairs and Culture; and finally the Ministry of Culture, Civil Aviation and Tourism again since 2011.The Ministry of Culture, Civil Aviation and Tourism has had six ministers since 2020: Yogesh Bhattarai, Bhanu Bhakta Dhakal, Uma Shankar Arajriya, Lila Nath Shrestha, Prem Ale, and Jeevan Ram Shrestha.These ministers are known for their one-of-a-kind personalities: from Prem Ale's video scandal, to Ale exposing Yogesh Bhattarai for alleged land extortion in Narayanhiti, while Uma Shankar Arajriya and Lila Nath Shrestha may have broken the Guinness World Record by now for the shortest tenure as Ministers of Culture.Jeevan Ram Shrestha also had a leading role in the September 2022 episode at the VFS Global Visa Application Centre in Thamel when a security guard was arrested for requesting him to stand in the queue like everyone else for his Canadian visa biometric.And, while Bhanu Bhakta Dhakal was not the Culture Minister at the time, he was caught picking his nose as Health Minister on national television, before he was assigned to the Ministry of Unculture.Culture is now the step-sibling of the Ministry of Civil Aviation and Tourism. As is customary, the cream of the crop gets divided among the veteran leaders and parties, while Culture is relegated to the backburner. Let's take the annual budget as an example.Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-history-of-heritage/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">The history of heritage</a>, Ashish Dhakal<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022120710128/639058b29c7e80680e0ce1b6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4000" height="2707"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Minister Sharma notified in a speech on 29 June that a Mountaineering Research Centre and a museum reflecting the adventurous identity of Sherpas will be established in the Everest region, and the Himalayan Monastery Conservation Program will be implemented for the protection of Himalayan monasteries older than 500 years.In addition, a Newa Museum will be established with Kathmandu Metropolitan City, and assistance will be provided for the implementation of the Master Plan for Indigenous Gurung Culture Preservation in Pokhara.However, ministers in the past have repeatedly failed to set aside budgets for training and recruitment for heritage preservation and culture. Along with agriculture and tourism, culture  should also receive government subsidies and assistance. But, tourism and civil aviation always end up taking a larger chunk, leaving the scraps for culture.If Nepal Tourism Board (NTB) has the budget to promote Janakpur's tourism, it might as well provide more resources to the promotion of the city's culture and heritage. In addition to the Janaki Temple and being the birthplace of Sita, Janakpur also houses a vibrant Mithila culture, art and cuisine. Tourists are drawn to culture, not the other way around. Tourism, Civil Aviation and Culture are all intertwined, but without culture, there is no tourism. Without tourism, what happens to civil aviation?We live in a country where the youth is deprived of Nepal's history. For instance, there is no knowledge of the original copies of the Sugauli Treaty. Who is accountable for its loss? What is the state of the country's archives? Instead of spending money on the disastrous Yetis of Visit Nepal 2020, give resources and budget to passionate lone <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/adventures-of-a-lone-archivist/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">archivists like Santosh Khaderi</a>, who works day-in and night in Qatar searching for Nepal's history online through newspaper clippings and museum archives abroad.The state of our national and state museums is not much better, and the DoA with limited resources and employees is expected to manage such large institutions. The chief of the National Museum Jayaram Shrestha remarks that he has tried his best to make the Museum relevant to the nation, but, given the limited budget, their hands are tied as they are not autonomous like the Patan and Narayanhiti museums and have to seek permission from the DoA for every single detail.Speaking of Narayanhiti, there is not a piece of land untouched by controversy and the cronies of the country.Only during the 2015 earthquake did culture and heritage generate a stir. Now, almost eight years later, we're back to square one. The National Library of Nepal, Kaiser Mahal, Singha Durbar, Sanskrit University, and many other projects remain unfinished. The disasters of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/our-kamal-pokhari/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Kamal Pokhari</a>, Rani Pokhari and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/tri-chandras-run-down-state-is-a-microcosm-of-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Tri-Chandra College</a> are clear examples of how the metropolitan city offices, Department of Archaeology, and Ministry of Culture have failed to respect culture.Aside from simply rebuilding or adding wooden bars to support the walls, the government has consistently failed to preserve heritage, which includes the history, the artefacts, wall details, arts, statues, books, relics, furniture, pictures, and the legacy of the place, all on top of its structure.Moreover, the public wants to know what books, what paintings, what artefacts remain within Singha Durbar and Kaiser Mahal. But there is scant record keeping for the future generation to get a glimpse of what Nepal once looked like.Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/restoring-a-piece-of-nepals-history/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Restoring a piece of Nepal's history,</a> Sahina ShresthaInterestingly, Nepal Tourism Board website also boasts of various intangible heritage of our country, but when one browses through UNESCO's list of intangible heritage of Nepal, the list is empty. If Nepal is to promote intangible heritage as a mode of tourism, it must also take a step back and preserve it from a cultural standpoint.It is true that often it rests on the community's shoulders to keep their practices, rituals and heritage from going extinct, but without support and incentive from the government, without the necessary research, the meaning behind the rich dances, jatra may soon be lost to time.There is also a National Language Commission, and many of Nepal’s languages are on the verge of extinction. But what is truly missing? Budget and human resources.In 2021, there was fake news that the Nepal government did not have the budget to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/laxmi-narayan-is-home/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">repatriate a stolen Laxmi-Narayan figure from the US</a>. The government panicked because it had never dealt with repatriation with so much media interest before.Currently, the DoA is nearly exhausted due to the rapid homecoming of stolen devi-devta, many of which are in transit, as the Chhauni Museum prepares to return them to their communities. Despite this, the Ministry of Civil Aviation, Tourism and Culture and the rest of the government continue to only demonstrate "a keen positive interest", as shopping malls, swimming pools and apartment buildings continue to rise on public space, towering over the red roofs and golden spires of our heritage.Citizens and communities can take ownership, but if the elected candidates do not represent us or assist us in preserving these heritages, there will no longer be the temples or the palaces that have been the emblem of our cultural and historical legacy for centuries. Even Mt Everest is now listed as ‘endangered heritage’ by UNESCO, owing to the climate crises and garbage buildup. Everyone requires resources to keep up with the expanding economy, but if Nepal does not act now, we will have nothing left to teach the next generation.It is past time to detach Culture from Tourism and Civil Aviation. Culture and Heritage, when combined, can provide a platform for opportunities that have previously been unexplored. The sector that has borne most of the brunt of development and urbanisation has been culture. It is time to move beyond words and into deeds.Alisha Sijapati is a former Nepali Times Culture Correspondent, and is currently pursuing a masters in Cultural Heritage Studies at the Central European University in Vienna.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022120710128/639058b69c7e80680e0ce1b7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="88" height="110">

Culture cannot be an afterthought

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022120710128/639058969c7e80680e0ce1aejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1250" height="965"/>Don’t be an ass. Get out and vote, even if it is for a serial politician who has been given the chance to ruin this country several times over for the past 25 years. After all, we have to prove the astrologers right and have PM Dubya back on the saddle for his sixth innings.So, stamp your swastika on the Star of David, hammer and sickle, rhinoceros or umbrella. These election symbols were designed for a  time when Nepalis could not read or write, and the Erection Commission  believes that Nepalis are still functionally illiterate.Election symbols are meant for people so they don't vote for the wrong party. The Commgress has a Hammer, or Sickle, or both. And just to be different, the Congmunists have kept the Tree, which has been the NC's symbol since BP's election in 1959. But it may be time to change it to a Cactus.The most recognisable election symbols have been monopolised by the 5-Party Cartel, so the Sun, Moon, Tree, Cow are taken. Smaller parties have had to make-do with the Ox, Water Buffalo, Yak and Uncastrated He-goat. But there just are not enough symbols to go around for the plethora of parties in the fray.And this is where The Ass, in the national interest, springs to the rescue. Our ballot papers should enlarge the pool of election symbols reflecting the country’s flora, fauna and sauna, and the Nepali love for biodiversity and diversity visas.We should be inclusive and not discriminate against certain species. Political parties must set an example by inducting the Scorpion. And if a Yak is ok, why not a Yeti? (See Virtual Reality ballot paper above)Various spheres of national life can also be represented on the ballot paper. Since corruption plays such an important role in lubricating Nepal’s political mechanisms, the Cash symbol will be up for grabs for the party that offers the biggest bribe for it. The party that waged an underground armed struggle for ten years can fall back on the pressure cooker bomb.Memorise these symbols. It will determine Nepal’s future. May the best Jack Ass win.Read Also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/election-dos-and-donts/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> Elections dos and don'ts</a>, The Ass

The Ass

Symbolic elections

<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-end-of-ideology-in-nepal/attachment/nepal-votes-nt/" rel="attachment wp-att-96596"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414114/63723d3f9c7e80680e0c9664jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"/></a>On 7 October, Upendra Yadav’s Janta Samajwadi Party (JSP) a member of Nepal’s five-party governing coalition, switched sides and defected to an opposition alliance led by K P Oli of the UML to contest the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-parties-forge-new-pre-poll-alliances/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">20 November federal elections</a>. The two leaders are understood to have agreed to continue the partnership beyond the election.JSP chair Yadav had been a staunch critic of erstwhile Oli when he became prime minister after 2017 and dissolved Parliament in December 2020. Yadav then joined the Nepali Congress-led five-party coalition to successfully oust Oli.Meanwhile, Mahanta Thakur’s Loktantrik Samajwadi Party (LSP) itself split from the JSP and was in talks to form an alliance with the UML. But when the JSP teamed up with the UML, Thakur took the LSP into the governing coalition.Former parliamentarian Pari Thapa says that personal interests have taken <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/house-of-cards-2/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">precedence over ideology</a>: “Party principles, policies, and programs have absolutely no bearing on political alliances anymore, all that matters is rank and power, it doesn’t matter whom parties ally with to achieve it.”Nepal’s recent history of break-up, make-up politics is a proof that for parties and their handful of ageing, career politicians self-interest and a quest for power is much more important than any ideology or credo, bringing together the likes of Nepali Congress and the Maoist Centre to form a government and an electoral alliance.Nepal’s governing coalition parties range from the supposedly Communist Maoist Centre, CPN (Unified Socialists), and Rastriya Janamorcha Party; and the quasi-socialist Nepali Congress.While Marxism, Leninism, socialism with Communism as an end goal are core philosophies of the UML, identity-based federalism and social inclusion are guiding principles of the JSP. The could not be more different. The UML, which takes the 'People's Multiparty Democracy' as its ideological line, and the Maoist Centre, whose goal is ‘21st Century Democracy' had formed the powerful Nepal Communist Party in 2018 only to split two years later  due to political infighting between Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal.Although ostensibly Marxist-Leninist, these two parties were ideologically distinct. If they could form an alliance, it is not surprise that even more diametrically opposed ideologies have joined hands again for the election. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-post-breakup-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Politics makes strange bedfellows</a>.Even within Nepal's Communist parties, there are widely differing ideologies. While Madhav Kumar Nepal’s CPN-US, which split from the UML in 2021 subscribe to ‘scientific socialism’, Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led Maoist Centre’s goal is to achieve Communism through something called 'scientific socialism'. Functionally, the CPN-US identifies as being policy-oriented and a party that puts ideas above individuals, while the Maoists adhere to 'democratic centralism', which means that the party follows instructions of the elected leader.Meanwhile, the smaller Rastriya Janamorcha, which has been critical of the coalition despite being a part of it, opposes federalism, calling for the abolition of provinces in its local election 2022 manifesto, adding that federalism poses a threat to Nepali nationalism. The Party does not support the Parliament-endorsed amendment to the Citizenship Act 2063 (2006) and had protested the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/mcc-gets-green-light-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">ratification of the Millennium Challenge Compact</a> (MCC) as well-- all while being a part of government.Political science professor Krishna Khanal agrees that leaders are willing to make temporary ideological associations to gain power: “Politics has become entirely transactional. Ironically, there are no communists in Nepal even with an abundance of Communist parties.”But while parties in the coalition are philosophically opposed, socialism seems to be the common thread running through the ideologies of Nepal’s political collectives. Lokendra Bista Magar, a former standing committee member of the Maoist Centre who left politics to take up agriculture, says that there is a difference between the socialism of the NC and that of the Communists. “The socialism of the Nepali Congress pertains to the economy and not to politics,” he explains.Ideas, organisation and leadership are essential to any political party. The Nepal Praja Parishad, Congress and Communist parties that were established before the end of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/inside-story-of-nepals-rana-dynasty/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the Rana regime</a> were built because of the need for newideas. They were born out of struggle and revolution were guided by ideas that sought to free Nepalis.But for Nepal’s political parties, ideology and values have been reduced to party documents and declarations, having faded somewhere between the multiple struggles for democracy decades ago and Nepal becoming a federal republic.“We are experiencing an ideological collapse in Nepal’s political parties,” notes Krishna Khanal. “I prefer to see it as an abandonment of principles rather than a lack of it. Ideologies are low on the food chain of the party structure, while those at the top do not care for principles.”Ideological politics played an important role in underground Nepali politics during the Panchayat era, but its decline began following the end of the 1990 People's Movement.“The idea of a party itself has been rendered null and void because Nepal’s political leadership is only concerned with protecting its own power,” adds political analyst Hari Sharma. “Nepal’s politics has become a rudderless ship, and the state has lost all accountability.Lokendra Bahadur Chand in January 1997 and Surya Bahadur Thapa in October 1997 were elected Prime Minister by the UML and the Nepali Congress respectively after the parties failed to obtain a majority in the 1994 elections. Both the leaders belonged to the Rastriya Prajatantra Party and had been part of the Panchayat system, yet were elected by parties who had fought long and hard against it to restore for multiparty democracy.The Maoists, who fought a ten-year armed conflict that killed at least 17,000 Nepalis, promptly gave parliamentary positions to Nepal Army personnel like Surya Bahadur Sen Oli and Kumar Fudong, who retired from the military as a Major General, once they joined mainstream politics. Now, their closest confidant in government is the former arch-enemy the Nepali Congress.Maoist leader Ram Karki says that political parties lost their direction following the struggle to abolish the monarchy: “Nepal became a republic with the political leadership having paid no heed to our past and having no idea where we are headed in the future. Nepal’s current political mechanism is a football game without goalposts.”Some leaders have taken this blurring of lines between right-wing, centrist, and leftist politics as an opportunity to call for the restoration of the monarchy.The UML has joined hands with the far-right RPP to contest the November election, with RPP-Nepal chair Kamal Thapa running for parliament under the UML’s election banner, while the UML’s own high-profile leaders have been left without election tickets. In 2017, Thapa and other RPP leaders ran for the election with support from the NC.Says Prakash Chandra Pariyar of the Bibeksheel Sajha Party: “Looking at the last decade of Nepali politics it is difficult to reconcile Nepal’s current mainstream political parties with the one that had the likes of revolutionary leaders including the UML’s Manmohan Adhikari and NC’s Bhim Bahadur Tamang.”Political scientist Chandra Dev Bhatta warns that <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/3-party-dictatorship/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">leaders without ideology are a threat to democracy</a>, noting that it is ironic that it is leaders who are permanent in Nepal when it should be a political system. “The absence of political principle has meant that any political change only serves to benefit a certain faction of Nepali society,” says Bhatta.When the state’s political parties and leaders do not function as they are supposed to, one cannot expect political institutions to function as they should. As such, our public institutions and our branches of government have begun to collapse.“The collapse and chaos of our public institutions are entirely due to the fact that our politics is thoughtless and without integrity,” says Professor Lokraj Baral.All this political horse-trading has also come at the expense of Nepal’s minority communities, who have been sidelined from contesting the elections. Women make up less than 10% of election nominees. The Nepali Congress, for example, has not nominated a single person from the Dalit community to contest the direct election. Madhesh-based parties have given up on the agenda to join hands with large political parties.During local elections in May, public frustration and disenfranchisement manifested itself as independent candidates who swept the polls in major cities like Kathmandu and Dharan. This enthusiasm to run elections independently and to support such candidates has carried over to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/gambling-with-our-future/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">this provincial and parliamentary elections</a> as influential Nepalis from across professional backgrounds form independent collectives to fight in the polls.But even independent candidates lack ideological clarity, say experts. Politics is a public service that must serve the people's interests and the protection of democracy. Not only established parties but independent candidates must also have a clear socio-economic stance, on inclusivity, foreign policy, climate change, as well as on issues of secularism and republicanism.Says Analyst Hari Sharma: “Nepalis have lost trust in politics and politicians due to a lack of ideological clarity. So it is even more imperative that alternative parties and independent candidates make their principles and agenda clear to voters.”Adapted by Shristi Karki from the Nepali original published in Himal monthly magazine.

The end of ideology in Nepal

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/637238b69c7e80680e0c739fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="640"/><figcaption>Photo: JORGE FRANGANILLO/WIKIMEDIA</figcaption></figure>In June, inside a crowded auditorium of the Oslo Met University in Norway, YouTube’s Brandon Feldman was fielding questions from fact-checkers from around the world.Feldman had just finished a "fireside chat" with Baybars Orsek, the director of the International Fact-checking Network (<a href="https://www.poynter.org/ifcn/">IFCN</a>), when he was bombarded with questions from the audience.To the applause of fellow fact-checkers, one speaker after another exposed YouTube's failure to stop the spread of false information on the platform.A participant from Pakistan's Soch Factcheck said he came across a flood of potentially fatal false claims on YouTube. Others exposed videos with hate speech that went unchecked. Feldman promised reform, but it was too little, too late to appease fact-checkers.I was in Oslo for the annual <a href="https://globalfact9.com/register">Global Fact 9</a> Summit, the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/06/29/fact-checking-movement-grapples-with-world-awash-false-claims/">first in-person conference</a> in three years with nearly 500 participants from 69 nations.I clicked through our own South Asia Check and showed <a href="http://southasiacheck.org/fact-check/popular-youtube-interview-on-covid-19-full-of-false-misleading-claims/">articles</a> debunking conspiracy theories around Covid-19.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/election-infowar-goes-digital/">Election infowar goes digital</a>, Ramesh KumarIn one session, employees of TikTok, a short-video platform that is becoming increasingly popular in Nepal, spoke about how they were tackling information disorder on the platform. There was a session on automated fact-checking. At another panel, a Meta speaker noted that Facebook does not moderate political content.After a week of this, I was a little overwhelmed by the work that lay ahead back in Nepal which is having federal and provincial elections on 20 November. If the local election in May was any indication, this one too would be fought on social media platforms.Balen Shah and Sunita Dangol, who ran for mayor and deputy mayor of Kathmandu in May were the targets of rumours and false information. Disinformation actors aim to delegitimise candidates or attack rivals with propaganda. The objective is to influence, if not manipulate, public discourse.With easy access to the Internet, more Nepalis are getting news and entertainment through their mobiles. This will inevitably lead to a proliferation of falsehood because social media algorithms promote clicks that are designed to attract users, and keep them on the platform.Both Facebook and TikTok have features that help content go viral. During significant news events, such as elections, people unknowingly share false information (also called misinformation) with significant impact on the integrity of the electoral process.Fact-checking, supporting media literacy initiatives, and media monitoring during elections can all contribute to fostering trust in public institutions.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-social-media-contagion/">The social media contagion</a>, Mukesh Pokhrel One of the reasons we started <a href="https://nepalcheck.org/">NepalCheck.Org</a> as the elections approached was to combat misinformation. But it is difficult to distinguish fact from fake, truth from trolls, and most importantly, to expose public officials who are lying. The fact-check report must be supported by reliable, authoritative evidence.How do we do it? The same tools that help spread misinformation and disinformation can also be employed to identify and debunk false claims.We conduct keyword searches on Google to verify information. Finding problematic online content requires constant social media monitoring. Since the news is the main source of false information, fact-checkers must be up to date on current affairs.Online search skills are also crucial. But there is a catch: you have to keep refining your searches and building on what you find in order to identify the origin of a misleading photo or video.Since fact-checking started in the US in the early 2000s, a lot has changed. It picked up steam during the 2016 US presidential elections. Recent international events, such as the Covid-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war, have demonstrated how you can find the truth by utilising information that is publicly available.It has prompted the creation of novel tactics such as <a href="https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/peteraldhous/osint-ukraine-war-satellite-images-plane-tracking-social?utm_source=dynamic&amp;utm_campaign=bfsharetwitter">open-source intelligence</a>, which assesses data from readily available sources using more sophisticated technologies to combat misinformation.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/paradigm-shift-in-nepali-media/">Paradigm shift in Nepali media</a>, Shristi KarkiDespite the rise in popularity of fact-checking, the pervasiveness of viral disinformation makes it appear like an intractable challenge. A quote often attributed to American author Mark Twain succinctly captures the situation: “A lie can travel halfway around the world while truth is putting on its shoes.”In my two and a half years as a fact-checking editor, I have occasionally felt like I am up against powerful fake news factories. Only a small portion of online misinformation and disinformation can be fact-checked.New studies in ‘inoculation theory’, have given me hope for a better future. Researchers from the universities of Bristol and Cambridge in the UK <a href="https://www.niemanlab.org/2022/08/can-you-inoculate-people-against-misinformation-before-they-even-see-it-this-study-says-yes/">found</a> that users can more effectively battle misinformation and disinformation if they are aware of the techniques used to distribute it.A total of 30,000 participants watched video clips to become more familiar with manipulative strategies, including employing polarising and emotional language. The study advocated immunising people against the tactics of misinformation and disinformation, drawing on the psychological concept of ‘inoculation'.Exposure to less harmful disinformation can aid in the development of a person's defences against propaganda and misleading claims, much like a vaccine does.As we progressively recover from the Covid-19 pandemic thanks to the vaccine, let us hope that a new vaccination will be an effective tool against the ‘infodemic’.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/punished-for-fact-checking-in-nepal/">Punished for fact-checking in Nepal</a>, SalokyaDeepak Adhikari is the editor of NepalCheck.Org, a new bilingual fact-checking platform in Nepal. He was the editor of South Asia Check from March 2020 to July 2022.

Inoculation against misinformation

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131140/637238059c7e80680e0c7363jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="366"/>Nepali Congress Joint General Secretary Mahalaxmi Upadhyay recalls how she missed a call from a journalist because she was attending an event.When she called back later, the reporter replied to the Member of Parliament, “I couldn’t reach the party vice-president, so I called you.”Another time, Upadhyay was meeting the press with other women in leadership to brief them on how underrepresented female politicians were in the news media. One editor said he listened to women: he always called up a politician’s wife for inside information.Chanda Chaudhary, an MP from the Loktantrik Samajwadi Party, recalls a well-regarded tv anchor telling her without a hint of regret that there were no women politicians worth inviting to his talk show.Binda Pandey of the UML sees Nepali politics as a revolving door of ageing politicians — mostly male, and some female who behave like men — who are always given office as if there were no one else in the party who deserved it.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-power-to-have-a-say-in-her-story/">The power to have a say in her-story</a>, Shristi KarkiNepal’s women politicians have had enough. They feel so strongly about being excluded that they have banded together across party lines to share these experiences with the media. They have been galvanised into action by their parties once more trying to short-circuit affirmative action policies in the Constitution allowing greater women’s representation in provincial and federal elections on 20 November.Women politicians are on the list, but they are not given tickets to stand for direct elections and are confined to proportional representation registers.In the 2017 elections, 41% of locally elected representatives were female, whereas there was 34% women’s representation in provincial elections. At the federal level, the Upper House has 37% female representatives, while 33.1% of MPs in the House of Representatives are women.The Global Gender Gap Index ranked Nepal 61st out of 155 countries in political participation, and 40th in terms of women in parliament. Nepal is currently one of only 35 countries in the world that has a female head of state or government.Nepalis like to tout positive statistics, and the fact that we have a female president and once had a female Speaker and Chief Justice finds its way into every discourse about gender equality. While these numbers are encouraging, the ground reality of Nepali women politicians is starkly different.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-leaders-unable-to-accept-women-in-power/">“Nepali leaders unable to accept women in power”</a>, Nepali TimesAfter the May local elections, only 69 out of 753 municipalities and metropolitan cities are led by female chiefs, with most women getting tickets for deputy chief positions because Nepal’s Local Government Act requires at least one female candidate between the chief and deputy chief.Out of the 91 women in Parliament (exactly 33% as per the Constitutional requirement) only seven were directly elected, and the rest through the proportional representation system.Women are getting into the legislative through their quota, but not through direct ballot. Nor are they given decision-making executive roles. Were it not for constitutional mandates and affirmative action policies, they might not even be in those positions.Getting elected is half the battle. Female leaders recount how those nominated through proportional representation are seen by their male counterparts as someone less deserving and competent than those directly elected.What this means is that women in political leadership, just like many Nepali women at home or in the workplace, are expected to be grateful that they were even allowed to enter the Parliament premises.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/">Women leaders set example for rest of Nepal</a>, Laxmi BasnetElected women face gendered condescension on a daily basis. They are second choices when it comes to interviews, opinions and media representation. Male leaders are addressed simply by their full names, or by adding जी at the end of their names, while female politicians get addressed as दिदी or बहिनि.All this has forced many women aspiring to political leadership to speak and behave like their male counterparts, often at the expense of their femininity and identity.Maoist Centre MP Anjana Bishankhe is fed up with women trying to make it to the top presenting themselves in a masculine way just to be considered seriously for leadership roles. “Why do I need to change to conform to the patriarchy?” she asks.Women leaders are actively campaigning to compete directly in the election and to be given a 50% seat at the table. But they are up against the formidable patriarchy of their parties.While voters need to be informed and vote for capable female leaders in future elections, political parties need to nominate them for competitive positions first. After that it will be up to the Nepali people to vote more women to office come November.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/">Reward performance</a>, EditorialShristi Karki

Shristi Karki

Affirmative inaction

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131128/637234599c7e80680e0c492bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1600" height="1066"/><figcaption>All photos: RABI LAMICHHANE/FACEBOOK</figcaption></figure>While mainstream political leaders in Kathmandu were vacillating on a date for the upcoming provincial and federal elections, one Ram Bahadur Biswokarma was up on a stage of an open stadium in Nepalganj.“May my country be like Rabi Lamichhane,” said Biswokarma in a quivering voice. He was prompted to speak about ‘the country of his imagination’ at a district meeting of the newly launched National Independent Party in Banke.Another participant, Balkrishna Chapagain added: “May my country be what Rabi Sir has envisioned!”Rabi Lamichhane is using this public preference for independent candidates because the incumbents are old and incompetent to his advantage and to catapult his National Independent Party to prominence. His personal brand as a well-recognised face has helped.Lamichhane is only the latest figure cultivating tv popularity for politics in a long list in Nepal, India and other countries. Viz:  Donald Trump, Silvio Berlusconi, Volodymyr Zelensky, Smriti Irani.According to John Street, English professor and author of Mass Media, Politics and Democracy, it is easy to have 'celebrity influence' on politics through television. The reason: compared to any other mass medium, television focuses more on the human aspect of the people -- making the audience in turn feel seen and heard.Lamichhane’s News 24 show  सधा कुरा, जनता संग (Straight Talk with the People) allowed him to generate a massive fan base after it was first aired in 2016. He took on issues of public concern including foreign employment fraud, mismanagement of airport immigration, and corruption. Heated political confrontation in the studio, live rescue of abused workers meant that people were now coming to him in the hope of solving their problems instead of going to the police.Soon enough, Lamichhane was everywhere. At political party events, the crowd lined up for selfies with ‘Rabi Dai’. On Facebook, he has over a million followers which is more than the combined total Sher Bahadur Deuba, K P Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal have on the platform.But his influence was perhaps most visible when he was taken into custody by Chitwan Police in 2019 for the suicide case of a former employee. Even as an alleged video emerged where Salikram Pudasaini before his death blamed Lamichhane among others for mistreatment, supporters took to the streets calling the incident a smear campaign against the tv presenter.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/kathmandus-balen-phenomenon/">Kathmandu’s ‘Balen Phenomenon</a>’, Sarala Gautam<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131128/6372345c9c7e80680e0c492cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="852">Which might as well be, but Lamichhane’s persona is cultivated by sensational, clickbait journalism. his content is provocative and unapologetic, it incites antagonism against guess. Few anchors on national television have hurled invectives and threats as he has.But when the Press Council sent Lamichhane a warning letter, he wrote back, ‘I’m not a journalist, not yet.’ And yet, he has used the media to propel himself to national popularity. 'I would rather be a cobbler than apply for a press pass,' he added, which the followers supported by waging a cyber jihad.For a celebrity presenter of his status, he is quite fast and loose with facts. His forte is not fact-checking, as exemplified by episodes on Nepal manufacturing its own Covid vaccine and a haunted house in Kathmandu which were baseless, problematic and promoted false narratives.So it is only natural to wonder if his politics will resemble his journalism. After all, a leader has the responsibility to forge a path without crowd pressure, having judged right from wrong.Lamichhane accepts that he lacks leadership experience in Nepal, but claims to have led a large group at his workplace in the US to improve customer service. Lamichhane was formerly a manager at an outlet of the sandwich chain Subway in Baltimore.It was also the Chitwan incident that prompted Lamichhane to join politics, he has said. He had even announced a new reality show titled Leader to find candidates for his new political party but the pandemic intervened.But when he joined Galaxy 4k TV where he was also an investor, one could see a marked difference in his demeanour. He was constrained, and diplomatic with his guests. Perhaps he was just biding his time to join politics.“I had thought of running for mayor of Kathmandu,” Lamichhane was quoted as saying. But the results of the May election where independent candidates were victorious in some of the major cities appears to have emboldened him to launch an entirely new political party.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rise-of-the-independents/">Rise of the independents</a>, Editorial<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131128/637234609c7e80680e0c492djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000">Lamichhane set some ground rules during the campaign. At his party functions, it is not the leaders who speak and make false promises but participants who talk about their expectations, election tickets will be given only to the candidates chosen by ordinary members and the party will refrain from setting up cadre and forming fraternal organisations.But Lamichhane’s unclear stance on federalism and secularism is suspicious to many. To be sure, he was in the news for his anti-republicanism and anti-federal sentiments around the time Rajendra Lingden won the RPP chairmanship.There was also talks of him joining the party prior to local elections in May. Lamichhane’s celebrity status combined with RPP’s stronghold could have been a powerful alliance, but by setting up his own party, it seems he wants to be his own boss and not be led by crowds.We have already seen how Bibeksheel Sajha Party went into decline after its chair also a former media personality Rabindra Mishra demanded feudalism to be scrapped, monarchy restored and a referendum on secularism.Will Lamichhane be able to connect to the people with his politics as he did with his brand of journalism? Will the voters amid their distaste for mainstream parties and the same old leaders seek an alternative as they did with Balen Shah and Harka Sampang in May? We will have to wait till November for answers.So far, the new party has enjoyed a good turnout at its district meetings. But so do gatherings of rural cooperatives. And despite the Lamichhane Craze, his new party lacks candidates and leaders to properly contest the election. Even Lamichhane’s otherwise tv presenter-style provocative oration lacks substance at his political events.“Giving a public speech is much more difficult than speaking on tv where we talk based on facts,” Lamichhane himself admits. But one cannot discount the possibility that the celebrity presenter could cut the vote bank of the establishment and even capture their strongholds.Rabi Lamichhane’s transition to politics is an experiment. Voters will also be experimenting by voting for him. For many, given the current crop of ageing leaders, that is worth a gamble.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/snowbalen/">SNOWBALEN</a>, Shristi KarkiUmesh Shrestha is the editor at NepalFactCheck.org, a joint initiative of the non-profit Center for Media Research Nepal (CMR-Nepal) and the Nepali language blog, MySansar.com

After Balen, the Rabi Phenomenon

The pale green ice on the top of the lake gleams in the pale January sunlight. The dark waters beneath are visible through the translucent frozen surface. This is Thulagi Glacial Lake at the foot of Mt Manaslu in central Nepal, classified as one of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/danger-nepal-s-glacial-lakes-are-filling-up">most dangerous lakes </a>to appear in the Himalaya due to climate heating.&nbsp; The place is breathtaking not just because of its 4,050m altitude, but the scenery all around. The beauty belies the threat this expanding lake poses downstream along the Marsyangdi Valley. &nbsp; The lake lies at the terminus of the 4.5km long Thulagi Glacier. The local Gurung inhabitants call it Dona Tal. They say it started appearing in the 1960s. Local guide Chandra Bahadur Gurung, 47, has been ferrying trekkers to the spot for about 20 years.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100136_a34407fbb58b41554f08d392933ea32360649deaf712e2221686533f81507f58.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260122100136_a34407fbb58b41554f08d392933ea32360649deaf712e2221686533f81507f58" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Thulagi glof"> <figcaption>MELTING MOUNTAINS: Thulagi Glacial Lake in Manang has been identified among 47 lakes in Nepal at risk of an outburst flood because of climate breakdown. All photos: DURGA RANA MAGAR</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100136_4d3c25c9b4f6eaff3e538b36346471c301d38338514bfdfa9ee63ccd77d20489.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260122100136_4d3c25c9b4f6eaff3e538b36346471c301d38338514bfdfa9ee63ccd77d20489" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Thulagi glof"> <figcaption>Yaks graze below Thulagi Himal (7,059m) and Mt Manaslu (8,163m) along the Dona Khola that drains the lake.</figcaption> </figure>  “Dona used to be small, but it has now grown bigger,” he says, gesturing to how the glacier has receded and shrunk. Trekkers used to be able to go to the other side, but now the glacier is riddled with ponds and boulders falling off the moraine that make it dangerous.&nbsp; Gurung adds rather matter-of-factly: “The lake will burst sooner or later.”&nbsp; Kathmandu-based International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) has been studying Thulagi for the past two decades. Topographic maps from the 1960s and early satellite images show the lake being much smaller.&nbsp; When the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-resource-curse">Marsyangdi Hydropower Project</a> project was being built in 1994, the German Institute of Geology and Natural Resources with the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology measured the lake to be already 2km in length. More recent surveys show the lake has increased its size since then to more than 1 sq km. &nbsp; The lake is among 47 <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/meltpools-in-the-himalaya">dangerous glacial lakes in Nepal and Tibet </a>&nbsp;identified by ICIMOD in 2020 due to its size, the risk of landslides and avalanches, and the gradual collapse of the lake’s ice-core moraine dam.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100136_9b9fea3665494614c2d89e4202c735fd642a13552d67ca2be3da5c390320ca9b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260122100136_9b9fea3665494614c2d89e4202c735fd642a13552d67ca2be3da5c390320ca9b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Thulagi glof"> <figcaption>Local guide Chandra Bahadur Gurung has been taking trekkers up to Thulagi Lake for 20 years.</figcaption> </figure>  In 2018 a team of glaciologists led by Umesh K Haritasya <a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2072-4292/10/5/798">published a journal article</a> about the evolution of three glacial lakes including Thulagi, Lower Barun, and Imja. Even back in 1976, Thulagi was twice the size of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/Diverting-danger,3172">Imja glacial lake</a> in the Khumbu and six times the size of the Lower Barun. The team measured the lake’s depth at 79m, and calculated that it held 36.1 million m3 of water. Since then, Thulagi has been growing at a slower rate than the other two lakes because it is shielded by shadows of mountains. There is also not as much glacial calving in the narrow valley.&nbsp; Nonetheless, scientists and experts have long warned that a Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF) from Thulagi poses a big risk to four hydropower projects on the Marsyangdi and settlements like Besisahar and Dumre (map).  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260125130136_eac3ccf38d2f91619825ab977bb21ea3eee84d6e87939721f9a8dbb7f0f22504.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20260125130136_eac3ccf38d2f91619825ab977bb21ea3eee84d6e87939721f9a8dbb7f0f22504" data-rendition-name="original" width="2076" height="1444" loading="lazy" alt="Thulagi map"> </figure>  The lake feeds into Dona Khola, a tributary of the Marsyangdi where the 49.9MW Dona Khola hydropower project is being built at a cost of Rs10 billion. Another 42MW Super Dona Khola project is planned on the river. “One of the trigger points that could lead to a glacial lake outburst could be the steep lateral moraine, which might be weakened by rapidly melting permafrost,” says Scott Watson, a University of Leeds researcher who was part of the team that conducted the 2018 study. Locals are already witnessing what Watson describes. They say that it was easy to reach Thulagi’s headwaters even until a few years ago, but that is now dangerous because of ice and rockfalls.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100136_217a1951a620e8efe11e5936600be172874976a0c04a1031495cf6687ce8f82c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20260122100136_217a1951a620e8efe11e5936600be172874976a0c04a1031495cf6687ce8f82c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1426" height="1070" loading="lazy" alt="Thulagi glof"> <figcaption>The 50MW Upper Marsyangdi Hydropower Project station in Lamjung. A Thulagi Lake outburst would damage four hydropower projects on the Marsyangdi and its tributaries.</figcaption> </figure>  GLOF WARNING&nbsp; Glaciologist Rijan Bhakta Kayastha has been studying Thulagi since 1994, and was part of a team that discovered that the lake’s terminal moraine was made up of rocky soil on top and ice at its core.&nbsp; In 2020, Kayastha's team published a study that modelled the route of a possible GLOF. They found that if the lake burst, it would take 2.5 hours to reach Dharapani, and 4 hours to reach Bahundanda 39km downstream. The surge would be 13.7m high at Dharapani and 15m by the time it reached Taal, the village most at risk because it is situated only a few metres above the Marsyangdi. ‘Considering the size of the Thulagi glacial lake and its dam, it seems unlikely that a rock fall or avalanche would cause the lake to breach the moraine dam,” concluded the study. “But an earthquake or climate change would require a separate study. At present, there is no immediate or imminent threat of this glacier bursting.” MEMORIES OF 2021 Across Manang valley, residents are haunted by the memories of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/himalayan-floods-a-sign-of-worse-to-come">2021 flood on the Marsyangdi</a> that swept away parts of Chame, Dharapani, Naso, and Taal villages.&nbsp; Kamarkali Gurung, grew up on the banks of the Marsyangdi in Dharapani, and had never imagined that the tranquil river she knew could become such a monster. She had saved up to build her own three-story property with 17 rooms.&nbsp; Her family was away that June evening when the flood swept away her hotel. “Not even a spoon remained, everything was gone,” says Kamarkali. “Losing the hotel hurt like losing a loved one. The Marsyangdi flows through my house now, I can never go back.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100136_925087c286f18a0374f5d2fae5cc528b6e8b5a55e02813e470c49b923b4f193a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20260122100136_925087c286f18a0374f5d2fae5cc528b6e8b5a55e02813e470c49b923b4f193a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Thulagi glof"> <figcaption>SURVIVORS: Kamarkali Gurung's hotel was swept away by the 2021 flood on the Marsyangdi. She now operates her hotel from a rented house in Dharapani.</figcaption> </figure>  Surendra Gurung, also a hotelier, was in Dharapani the night of the flood, and can still remember the fear as the river roared towards the village. “I did not know if I would live or die,” he says.&nbsp; Sirantal village was merely 10m above the Marsyangdi, and was completely destroyed by the flood. Thirty-two people were rescued by army helicopters, and most of the families have now relocated to Taal.&nbsp; One of them is Singha Bahadur Gurung who also ran a lodge for 20 years. “We did not have to buy anything except rice, the soil in Sirantal was so fertile,” he remembers.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100136_9da9290e59a6d565ae9cb81a850f725ccd937fd658d0adfabccfe4114ec94bed.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20260122100136_9da9290e59a6d565ae9cb81a850f725ccd937fd658d0adfabccfe4114ec94bed" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Thulagi glof"> <figcaption>Singha Bahadur Gurung operated a lodge in Sirantal before the flood swept it away in 2021.</figcaption> </figure>  Marsyangdi now flows through where Singha Gurung’s village used to be. “Ever since the flood, I am terrified every time it rains from June to August,” he says.&nbsp; The 2021 flood was during the monsoon, and was caused by unusually heavy rainfall in the catchment. A GLOF on the Marsyangdi would be much more destructive. Roshni Ghale, 46, runs a hotel in Taal, and escaped with her family to a nearby cave as the flood engulfed nearby homes.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100136_7a6b74a4c33b597e2815b035ec5d56ffea35923016518f0fb35bcc4fc925dccd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20260122100136_7a6b74a4c33b597e2815b035ec5d56ffea35923016518f0fb35bcc4fc925dccd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Thulagi glof"> <figcaption>Roshni Ghale spent six months after the 2021 flood rebuilding her hotel in Taal. Tourism has steadily picked up in the four years since the flood. </figcaption> </figure>  “We spent the next six months after the flood rebuilding our lives, going to bed hungry many a night,” she recalls. In the four years since, tourism has picked up again, but the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-unseen-wounds-of-climate-disasters"> community is still traumatised</a>. In the wake of the floods, the government had begun talks to rehabilitate and repatriate the community, but until now, they have been <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/from-one-disaster-to-the-next">empty promises</a>. In any case, the people here, most of them experienced hoteliers whose livelihood depends on tourism, are unwilling to uproot their lives and start over elsewhere.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100136_9a13c863422806eefdcd826ed12f9906e2372bd8f60f83c5351652eccf050384.jpg" data-media-id="editor_16" data-image-id="20260122100136_9a13c863422806eefdcd826ed12f9906e2372bd8f60f83c5351652eccf050384" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="844" loading="lazy" alt="Thulagi glof"> <figcaption>Most of the survivors of the 2021 flood on the Marsyangdi from villages like Sirantal have relocated to the upstream village of Taal, which itself was hit by a monsoon flood in 2021.</figcaption> </figure>  DISASTER PREPAREDNESS Even though studies have assessed the risk of GLOFs in Manang and across Nepal, and warned about the damage that such floods could cause, it took until 2021 for early warning systems to be installed on the banks of the Marsyangdi and in the town of Taal.&nbsp; But beyond that, there has been little preparedness. Early warning systems and disaster preparedness are necessary not just along the Marsyangdi but also at and around Thulagi itself, say experts. Locals here are becoming increasingly aware of the risk posed by the expanding lake up the valley, but are reluctant to leave homes and communities that they have lived in for generations. The hydropower projects on the Dona Khola promises jobs, and the local government is upgrading the hiking trail to Thulagi Lake which has become a tourist attraction. “Manang now gets <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/too-little-snow-too-much-rain">too little snow and too much rain</a>, and the Marsyangdi charts its own course,” says Min Rashi Gurung, chair of Ward-1 of Naso rural municipality, where Thulagi is located. &nbsp; But help may be on the way.Last year, the Green Climate Fund (GCF) approved a $36.1 million grant to help Nepal reduce risk of GLOFs in Thulagi and four other glacial lakes. The project is managed by the government and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). The project is set to begin next fiscal year, and will reduce the water level in the four glacial lakes including Thulagi, similar to what was done in Imja and Tso Rolpa, says Dinkar Kayastha at the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology. &nbsp; Centre for Investigative Journalism - Nepal

Hotter Himalaya melts glaciers

This is the 81st episode of Diaspora Diaries, a Nepali Times series in collaboration with Migration Lab providing a platform to share experiences of living, working and studying abroad. I went to Australia in 2008 because everyone was headed there. It was my first time leaving the country and my first job. My college helped me find work as a kitchen helper at a Brisbane restaurant.&nbsp; I did not know that being a kitchen helper meant washing dishes. I was young and did not know how to wash dishes or how to handle the steam, the hot water, and the busy kitchen. The utensils were thrown at the dishwashing station continuously, and water splashed on my face. My shoes and clothes were always wet. It was an on-call job. A couple of days into the job, I was asked to come in when I was at the movies. I refused. They fired me. That was that. I then worked on a farm, picking lemons and oranges. The lemon work was particularly hard because I would get cuts all over my hands. This hustle was not for me.&nbsp; Within a year in Australia, I decided to return to Nepal because the foreign life did not suit me. After spending eight months in Nepal, reality sank in. Nepal was not all that great either. I went back to Australia. On the plane, I befriended a Nepali woman who was homesick and a first time traveler. At the immigration in Australia, the officer noticed my long absence and started interrogating me. He noticed the Nepali woman waiting for me and asked who she was. Without thinking I lied that she was my girlfriend. That seemed to do the trick because he did not want us to be separated. He stamped my passport. She went her way. I went mine.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260127130112_5e7bfa6acc5f94d5f1905537e387c2d4169469679ace2b71de368912f3bd514f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260127130112_5e7bfa6acc5f94d5f1905537e387c2d4169469679ace2b71de368912f3bd514f" data-rendition-name="original" width="987" height="1004" loading="lazy" alt="DD 81 NT"> </figure>  In Sydney, I again found a dishwashing job at a fine dining restaurant. A Sri Lankan colleague helped me learn the job. The pace at which I had to do the dishes was insane but I got the hang of it in two weeks. I always dreamt of one day wearing the chef’s white coat. It commanded respect, I could tell. In addition to becoming good at my job washing dishes, I also had good language and networking skills so I built good relationships with colleagues. There was a need for a pizza chef at the restaurant. It was expensive to hire someone new, and they asked me if I was up for the job. I said yes even though I knew nothing about making pizzas. My Italian colleagues coached me and before I knew it, I became better than others at the job. Soon, I realised that I did not just want to make pizzas. Whatever I wanted to learn, I just asked seniors to take me under their wings and I would help without pay. They would agree but still pay me. It wasn’t a strategy per se, I genuinely wanted to learn. At some point, a Japanese sous chef in my restaurant and I had coincidentally applied to the same restaurant, and there, under him, I got to learn even more. Working with a Japanese chef is really difficult, but you learn a lot. He would sometimes even hold my hand with tongs dipped in hot water when I screwed something up. I worked in a few restaurants after this and was earning well. When one of my colleagues, a dishwasher, was let go unfairly, I decided to leave because I did not want to be a quiet bystander to this act. I returned to Nepal immediately after this.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026012719010_f33ba38bb5f86f1d33262fd0d7ccd09ed01f6cc52148ca3d4cd66c434b695730.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2026012719010_f33ba38bb5f86f1d33262fd0d7ccd09ed01f6cc52148ca3d4cd66c434b695730" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="DD 82"> </figure>  I started a restaurant called Ghumti, but it was struggling. The location of the restaurants was not good and it failed. I bought another restaurant in Darbar Marg. I was managing two restaurants when Covid hit. The rent kept piling up, and there was no revenue. I took a huge loss. I gave them up and returned to Chitwan and started making migration plans. I came across a job vacancy for Alba in Qatar by the famous Enrico Crippa. I still remember the heat when I got out of the airport in Doha, it was like entering an oven. Thankfully, I had a Nepali roommate who showed me around and helped me adjust.&nbsp; The hotel was still under construction, but training had started. We worked really hard for the opening and things went well. In 2023, we even won the Best MENA Restaurant award. But at some point in 2024, the international Crippa chain decided to leave.&nbsp; Some colleagues including the head chef left and I suddenly was put in charge. I had some head chef experience from Australia and had previous experience working in high pressure environments, so I stepped up. We had to start from scratch again, this time as Alba in Raffles, Doha.&nbsp; The name of our restaurant comes from the Alba white truffle, which is the best available and is expensive, selling at around 40,000 QAR per kg. We had heard the official announcement that the Michelin was coming to Qatar, and we worked even harder.&nbsp; Michelin inspections are strict, highly secretive and you have no idea you are being investigated. Even then, we were up for the game. We were ‘selected’ which meant we had potential.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026012719010_bab3a904af69603e9e79f333aeea89b035401c0c8d1750930107f3594ff1f565.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2026012719010_bab3a904af69603e9e79f333aeea89b035401c0c8d1750930107f3594ff1f565" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="697" loading="lazy" alt="DD 81"> </figure>  I went to the award ceremony with low expectations. But because they announce the name alphabetically, Alba came first. I was very happy and felt validated. Being recognised as a Michelin one star restaurant is a huge achievement for us. My MD reminded me of a promise I had made of getting a Michelin tattoo if we got the award. I guess I will get it done when I come to Nepal next. My plan is to get a tattoo that captures my journey right from the dishwashing days.&nbsp; I have cooked for Obama, Beckham, Kaka, Trump, 50 Cent, Lindsay Lohan, you name it, because our restaurant is visited by high profile guests. At first, I used to feel the pressure. Now I view all guests as the same. The food you make is the same no matter who is eating it. I love the work. In fact, it does not feel like work. The rush in the kitchen, the atmosphere, the heat, the scent, I live for it. When I am not working, I get bored. It is like an addiction without which I get withdrawals. I want to contribute in introducing Nepali cuisine and ingredients in the worldstage. Nepalis overseas have a lot of potential in the hospitality sector. But my advice to youth is to focus on building a strong base and invest in learning. It is increasingly common for Nepalis to job hop for a salary jump. While other skills like language are also important, it is the hard skills that we really need to focus on. In our field of work, it is the plate that needs to speak.

Sky is the limit

We walk past familiar neighbourhoods and wonder how much it has changed. An ongoing exhibition at The Kalā Salon titled Changing Times by The Pagoda Group aims to do just that -- capture ever-changing society within a captivating display of colourful canvases. Brick-lined houses, local tea shops, ancient temples, quiet devotion are themes in Pradhumna Shrestha’s series Shangri-La, much of which is an imagined past filled with nostalgia of the place he grew up in. By keeping people out of the frame, he allows space for what he calls a divine aura to surface.&nbsp; “I was born and brought up here and my canvases echo the nostalgia of cities like Kathmandu, Bhaktapur, and Lalitpur which are dense with myth, folklore, religion, and an ever-present divinity. All of this is truly what is ours, and we must treasure it,” says Shrestha. “Whatever I truly felt in my heart, I translated it into my work.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260128100132_32a8f9e9816595f12ec0da357528feffbb249fd19adbb658c18e72e2b721f9df.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260128100132_32a8f9e9816595f12ec0da357528feffbb249fd19adbb658c18e72e2b721f9df" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="1036" loading="lazy" alt="The Kala Salon exhibition NT"> </figure>  The swirling clouds that drift across Shrestha’s canvases borrow from thangka and paubha traditions, lending the scenes a sense of mysticism and otherworldliness. Within this dreamscape are red circular forms which represent wheels of chariots. &nbsp;The presence of divinity dominates from above, its presence asserted in soft blue brushstrokes below, as if the deity’s gaze itself has seeped into the land. Gods linger as guardians and temples hum with enigma in his paintings. In his much earlier work, Cultural Bond, a lakhe masked dancer bursts forward in vibrant red, dancing against a backdrop of molten gold clouds. The lakhe’s trance signifies protection and where it steps, the evil cannot follow. Hence, the skulls that surround but never fall beneath its feet but, one leg hangs suspended in midair, suggesting uncertainty, raising questions.&nbsp; Is this a symbol of culture and tradition, secure, or is it endangered by modernity? The work captures a society at a crossroads, honouring tradition while grappling with the risk of drifting away from it.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260128100132_c78307920acc7b14fb9f469a011043661accec66c230b5e7587bcba0199bcbf1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260128100132_c78307920acc7b14fb9f469a011043661accec66c230b5e7587bcba0199bcbf1" data-rendition-name="original" width="979" height="1280" loading="lazy" alt="The Kala Salon exhibition NT"> </figure>  In Panchatatva Mandala, Pasang Bikram Lama fuses two mandalas into a single visual meditation, suggesting unity where each colour carries symbolic weight: yellow evokes the soil of the earth, blue flows as water, red burns with fire, and black opens into the vastness of the spatial sky. Together, these elements form a quiet cosmology that speaks of creation and dissolution, of life folding endlessly into death and returning again. Says Lama, “Everyone has a mandala of their own being, and the elements represent their cycle of life.” Mala Shrestha’s works Water of the Divine Mother and The Spirit of Serenity unfold in a dreamy and delicate fusion of nature and religion, suggesting that divine forms are not separate from the natural world. Trees and branch-like motifs appear as origins of sacred sculptures and spiritual presences.&nbsp; Her goddesses, adorned in alluring ornaments, emerge from trunks and streams, painted in aqua green, pink pastels, and rustic browns, as if grown rather than created, affirming that the divine is inseparable from nature and present everywhere.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260128100132_1f8cce84b4515a0d6d8b8fc169367bf5d39a7479c2c30038dafe90ec2bb3c4c9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260128100132_1f8cce84b4515a0d6d8b8fc169367bf5d39a7479c2c30038dafe90ec2bb3c4c9" data-rendition-name="original" width="4032" height="3024" loading="lazy" alt="The Kala Salon exhibition NT"> </figure>  Kishor Nakarmi’s Essence of Nepal, where Gautam Buddha appears embedded within leaves, brick walls, birds, and wilderness, dissolving boundaries between the sacred and the earthly. These canvases radiate calm and their subtlety is enriched by finely observed details. Similarly, Rudra Bahadur Pun captures the vitality of mask dances and ritual movements found in the monasteries of Mustang, weaving together tradition, landscape, and daily life. The essence of the exhibition comes together in Roshan Pradhan’s works. His paintings reflect a contemporary tension where technology collides with ancestral myth and the power of tradition. A fierce Garud rises within a landscape saturated by technological apparatuses, while at its feet a human form representing AI clings tightly, attempting to assert control.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260128100132_dc2c1ad4a4cefea6c6c7d02e9ed500309b7c862535247fe6451038e1d053d6b2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260128100132_dc2c1ad4a4cefea6c6c7d02e9ed500309b7c862535247fe6451038e1d053d6b2" data-rendition-name="original" width="4032" height="3024" loading="lazy" alt="The Kala Salon exhibition NT"> </figure>  In another work, Bhairab confronts a human embodiment of AI in a theatrical standoff, with the deity ultimately prevailing, reaffirming endurance over technological dominance. The human figures in Pradhan’s paintings are drawn from life with his friends volunteering as models, photographed and later translated onto canvas.&nbsp; “Technology has taken over our lives. Many can probably not even imagine life without it now. But, culture, too, is integral to human existence. Our life would be much different without our culture; it is a part of us,” notes the artist. Rather than framing technology as purely antagonistic, Pradhan explores coexistence, and while acknowledging its destructive potential, he affirms his belief in the power of our myths and traditions.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260128100132_bc831a663ca8977c39979a363a95bcae5e41cfe624d78152c546579caa3e680f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260128100132_bc831a663ca8977c39979a363a95bcae5e41cfe624d78152c546579caa3e680f" data-rendition-name="original" width="4032" height="3024" loading="lazy" alt="The Kala Salon exhibition NT"> </figure>  Pradhan adds, “These paintings are also an archive of its time. Viewers centuries from now may read these paintings as records of the age we inhabit. While technology is important, cultural continuity must walk alongside it. Festivals must still be celebrated, oral traditions must be sustained, and our roots must be remembered, especially by future generations.” Curator Sophia L Pande says the exhibition took more than a year to put together:&nbsp; “It responds to a shifting world, seeking to capture both transformation and the quiet fear of loss. Its themes move fluidly across environment, technology, artificial intelligence, and climate change, reflecting the diverse yet interconnected practices of the artists, providing a glimpse into the evolving landscape of contemporary Nepali art.” Changing Times The Kalā Salon Chhaya Centre, Thamel 11AM-8PM

Time, transience, transition

The slow, arduous labour of democracy rarely announces itself with the fanfare of constitutional moments. &nbsp;It proceeds instead through committee rooms, ward meetings, half-attended assemblies, the awkward choreography of speech and silence, and the everyday compromises between aspiration and constraint.&nbsp; The book Nepal’s Federalism and the Pursuit of Deliberative Democracy attends precisely to this unglamorous terrain. In it, Vishnu Kumari Tandon does not ask whether democracy is desirable — an already settled question — but whether it can be made to think, to listen, and to endure under conditions of inequality, historical fracture, and institutional novelty.&nbsp; Her wager is modest yet demanding: that federalism, when tethered to participatory planning and deliberative fors, might recalibrate the relationship between state and citizen without promising redemption. Tandon’s Nepal is neither a site of democratic salvation nor a study in failure. It is a space of trial, where ideas migrate from constitutional text to municipal practice, altered by context, power, and expectation. Democracy here appears not as an ideal form but as a situated practice -- procedural, contested, and unfinished.&nbsp; The book’s quiet achievement lies in redirecting debates on deliberative democracy away from abstract normativity and toward the ethical friction of lived institutions. Federalism arrives in Nepal not as a technocratic reform but as a historical concession, wrested from conflict, exclusion, and prolonged political unrest. Tandon, who is a governance consultant at the World Bank, situates the 2015 Constitution within this unsettled genealogy, treating federalism less as an administrative innovation than as a moral response to longstanding claims of marginalisation.&nbsp; The constitutional recognition of local autonomy is thus freighted with ethical expectation. Yet the book refuses to equate decentralisation with empowerment. Federalism, Tandon insists, redistributes power without dissolving hierarchy. Domination may simply reappear closer to home. The central question, therefore, is not whether local governments exist, but how they govern: whether institutionalised participation genuinely alters the terms on which citizens speak, decide, and contest public priorities. Federalism emerges not as a stable structure but as a field of tension—between autonomy and dependence, inclusion and capture, aspiration and capacity. It is within this unstable terrain that the democratic experiment unfolds.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260127090120_62bd86d5cbb0dc9d199b797b2c90a5be37213b6c9236f79220706469cd3689a0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260127090120_62bd86d5cbb0dc9d199b797b2c90a5be37213b6c9236f79220706469cd3689a0" data-rendition-name="original" width="800" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="Vishnu Kumari Tandon"> <figcaption>Vishnu Kumari Tandon</figcaption> </figure>  UNEQUAL SKIES&nbsp; Participation, one of democracy’s most invoked terms, often risks conceptual exhaustion. Tandon restores its weight by treating participation as labour rather than ritual. Drawing on fieldwork in Buddhabhumi and Dhanushadham municipalities, she reconstructs the choreography of local planning: assemblies, committees, and councils through which proposals circulate, stall, or vanish. Participation here is unevenly distributed. It is shaped by gendered expectations, caste hierarchies, economic precarity, and anticipations of return. Attendance becomes a calculation rather than a civic reflex. This analytical attention to motivation marks one of the book’s strengths.&nbsp; Citizens participate not out of abstract virtue but through pragmatic reasoning, moral obligation, and strategic interest. Participation thus appears neither ennobling nor cynical, but politically intelligible. If participation concerns presence, deliberation concerns voice — and, crucially, whose voice matters. Tandon’s engagement with deliberative democratic theory is respectful yet revisionist. Habermasian ideals of reasoned consensus are treated as aspirational rather than portable, strained by structural inequality. In municipal assemblies, deliberation is patterned by authority: who speaks first, who commands attention, whose claims are legitimised. Marginalised citizens may be present without influence, audible without consequence. Deliberation risks becoming procedural affirmation rather than substantive redistribution of voice. Yet Tandon does not abandon deliberation as a democratic practice. Instead, she broadens its normative horizon. Drawing on second-generation deliberative theory, she legitimises emotion, self-interest, and strategic speech as components of democratic reasoning. Deliberation becomes a contested exchange rather than a purified rationality. The common good, if it appears, emerges provisionally: negotiated rather than presumed. One of the book’s most original contributions lies in its treatment of fiscal decentralisation. Money is not merely a resource but a language through which priorities are articulated and participation structured. The devolution of budgetary authority transforms deliberation into distributive politics. Citizens attend assemblies not simply to speak but to secure roads, water systems, clinics, schools. Voice is tethered to material expectation. This proximity intensifies engagement while sharpening conflict. Fiscal autonomy thus amplifies the stakes of deliberation without guaranteeing its equity. Local representatives emerge as paradoxical figures: empowered yet constrained, accountable yet insulated. Tandon resists binary judgments, showing instead how fiscal decentralisation deepens democratic possibility while exposing institutional fragility. Threaded through the book is a sustained interrogation of the ‘common good’. Revered in theory and suspect in practice, the concept is neither discarded nor sanctified. In unequal societies, appeals to the common good can obscure asymmetries of sacrifice. Empirically, deliberation proceeds through articulated self-interests: neighbourhood demands, caste claims, gendered priorities. Far from undermining democracy, these claims animate it. Self-interest becomes deliberation’s motor rather than its negation. The book thus advances a quiet ethical argument: democracy does not require the transcendence of interest, but its articulation under conditions of mutual visibility. The common good, if it exists, is emergent, fragile, and revisable. Institutions, for Tandon, are moral technologies. Laws mandate participation, but they cannot generate trust, courage, or equality. Procedural compliance may coexist with substantive exclusion. Yet repetition matters. Even imperfect fora can cultivate habits of speaking and being heard. Deliberative democracy, the book suggests, is not an event but a discipline, learned slowly, unevenly, and reversibly. Federalism is less a solution than a condition: one that opens space for democratic learning without securing its outcome. Firmly grounded in Nepal’s political history, the book resists parochialism. Nepal functions as a mirror, reflecting broader dilemmas of democratic deepening across unequal societies. Comparative resonances with Brazil, India, and donor-driven governance reforms are handled without formula or prescription. Nepal is neither an exemplar nor an exception. It is a site where democracy reveals its ordinary difficulties. The prose mirrors the argument: careful, analytic, resistant to grand claims. What lingers is not a verdict but a sensibility: an attentiveness to democracy’s tempo. Deliberative democracy appears less as consensus achieved than as disagreement sustained without rupture. In an age of democratic impatience, Tandon offers a quieter ethic. Democracy must be allowed to think slowly, to falter, and to learn. This book stands as a thoughtful companion to that discipline, reminding us that democratic transformation often occurs far from the centre, in places where speaking itself remains an achievement.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260127090112_4bd0fdb8c4ef4e44c21e9cba4ae63a8481ca1d61bb20f716b29f649bcdf1a4bc.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260127090112_4bd0fdb8c4ef4e44c21e9cba4ae63a8481ca1d61bb20f716b29f649bcdf1a4bc" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Federalism book details NT"> </figure>  Aftab Husain is a Pakistan-born poet and literary and cultural critic. He teaches South Asian literature and culture at the University of Vienna.

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