<figure><img width="2969" height="2370" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/637238619c7e80680e0c7381jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Lisa Choegyal shaking hands with Queen Elizabeth at the British Embassy in Kathmandu during the 1986 royal visit. Col Jimmy Roberts is at left. </figcaption></figure>It is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/kathmandu-marks-the-yen-ya-festival/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Indra Jatra</a> in Basantapur but in Britain, the Queen is dead. Through an early September cloudburst we navigate the uneven flag-stoned narrow streets around Om Bahal.Water drips down my collar, drenched awnings hang limp and locals shelter in the shopfronts amidst an air of anticipation. Not far away, the elaborate chariots are assembled ready to parade Ganesh, Bhairava and the Kumari through Kathmandu and Hanuman Dhoka.The ancient annual outing of the living goddess is the culmination of the spectacular Indra Jatra festival attended by masked dancers, musical bands, tantric priests, devotees and foreign onlookers. It marks the end of the monsoon rain to ensure a good harvest and seeks protection from the deity Indra, the temperamental ruler of heaven.Kathmandu’s Kumari used to be royal, venerated by the Shah kings, but since the end of Nepal’s monarchy and the advent of the federal republic, it is today’s political leaders who lead the reverence in lieu of her former regal patrons.But in Britain, despite all odds, the monarchy endures. <figure><img width="2667" height="2134" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/637238649c7e80680e0c7382jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The sudden death of Queen Elizabeth and the transition to King Charles has rocked Britain, the Commonwealth and indeed the world over the last week. Even the Downing Street switch just two days earlier to a new Prime Minister was eclipsed by a nation engulfed with grief. We make our way through the flooded streets to sign the condolence book at the British Embassy – everyone is dressed in sombre black and President Bidya Devi Bhandari has arrived just ahead us.All over Britain, tearful throngs gather at the gates of royal palaces to express their loyalty and respect with carpets of flowers, tributes and accolades for the late Queen Elizabeth. The June Jubilee celebrating the Queen’s unprecedented 70 years on the throne have morphed into mourning.The well-rehearsed crimson and gold pomp and pageantry of the passing seamlessly swings into action. Within hours London resounds with solemn music, cannon salutes, black-ribboned trumpet volleys and tolling church bells. Crowds line the streets to observe the historic events, show solidarity with the bereaved new King, and witness ceremonies and sumptuous regalia dating back a thousand years that will consume the coming days.At aged 96 the death of Queen Elizabeth could not be unexpected, but no one seems emotionally prepared for it, so keenly felt by many who had known no other British monarch and whose reign defines a constancy woven into the fabric of many of our lives.Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/queen-elizabeth-the-gurkhas-and-everest/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Queen Elizabeth, the Gurkhas and Everest</a>, Kunda DixitKathmandu newspaper headlines were unequivocal ‘The Queen Dies’, with<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/queen-elizabeth-the-gurkhas-and-everest/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> articles</a> remembering her two visits and recognising the enduring bond with the British Gurkhas in both her personal and official capacity. Nepali friends confessed to sobbing at the news.A retired Nepal army general’s eyes teared up as he told me: “She really was the most extraordinary woman who impressed the entire world and was admired by us all.” It feels good to recall incidents, recount stories, dig out photographs, find solace in collective grieving.She became Queen the year after my birth, and I was not even three years old when my mother, a lifelong royalist, hoisted me onto her shoulders in the grimy streets of post-war Newcastle to wave our little Union Jacks as she drove by on a tour of North-East England soon after her coronation. <figure><img width="780" height="577" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/637238689c7e80680e0c7383jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>I last saw her in person across the parade ground in the shadow of the magnificent Wren-designed Royal Hospital in Chelsea leading a full hand of all the immediate British royal family to celebrate the 200th anniversary of Gurkhas in the British Army. I was with my mother that chilly June evening in 2015 as the purpling London night sky faded above the Nepali and British participants – smart green uniforms, precision marching, wailing bagpipes and whirling khukri.  Nepali rulers have long and affectionate ties with British royal visits dating back to Jang Bahadur and Queen Victoria, and share an entwined history since the entanglements with British India that ended in 1816. Friendly relations at that time suited the preservation of Nepal’s sovereignty as well as providing much-valued recruits for the British Army.The relationship was further cemented when news of the first ascent of Mt Everest by Tenzing Norgay and New Zealander Edmund Hillary on a British expedition that buoyed Britain by arriving on the eve of Queen Elizabeth’s coronation in June 1953. Sir Ed, a Knight of the Garter, appreciated his close association with her, and in his understated Kiwi way was known to have thought the Queen was ‘a bit of all right’. <figure><img width="1464" height="965" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/6372386a9c7e80680e0c7384jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The Queen and Prince Philip have twice visited Nepal. First was the infamous tiger hunt of 1961 hosted by King Mahendra, saluted by 376 domestic elephants, catered by Boris Lissanevitch and immortalised in the book Tiger for Breakfast.Our Tiger Tops Meghauli grass airstrip was carved out of the thick jungle, ‘coolies’ cleared insects from the royal camp and allegedly tipped buckets of water into the cistrn when the chain was pulled in the hastily constructed royal loo.But the 1961 trip can be said to have signalled the early beginnings of Nepal’s tiger conservation story. The Duke of Edinburgh, the first president of WWF, refused to hunt in order to highlight the need for conservation, pleading a diplomatically bandaged trigger finger -- little comfort to the Chitwan tigers and rhino that were shot by others in the party that day.During the second state visit 25 years later in early 1986, I and others had the chance to shake her hand in the garden of the British Embassy in Kathmandu. The emphasis was on development, diplomacy and the decades of service by the British Gurkha, with moving meetings with highly decorated veteran heroes of the ranks.The Duke of Edinburgh broke away from the main program to revisit his old hunting ground, gratifyingly now protected as Royal Chitwan National Park and South Asia’s first natural World Heritage Site. Binoculared and safari-suited, he spent a peaceful day in the Tarai jungles with then-Prince Gyanendra and joined us at <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/So-far-so-good/back-to-Chitwan,1075">Tiger Tops Jungle Lodge</a> for lunch.The new King Charles III has been in Nepal on three occasions, first representing the Queen at King Birendra’s splendid coronation in 1975 amongst many world leaders -- Imelda Marcos was observed flirting with him. King Charles returned twice to <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/So-far-so-good/sons-of-the-famous,945">trek in the Annapurnas</a>, an official visit accompanied by Prince Dhirendra in 1980 and a private one with friends in 1992.Both were planned and organised by trek pioneer<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/hiking-with-jimmy/"> Col Jimmy Roberts</a>, but his walking days were over and I recced the first Royal Trek route in 1980 with Pertemba Sherpa, mountaineer and one of Mountain Travel’s star sirdars.  Then-Prince Charles strode uphill towards the silhouetted skyline tree that still bears his name near the first day lunch spot where Tiger Mountain Pokhara Lodge now stands, accompanied by a royal retinue that included security detail, radio operators and medics equipped with blood.‘The mountain views were gin clear for all four days,’ Colonel Jimmy noted with satisfaction. My task was to escort the press pack back down to file their stories. Only the murder of John Lennon knocked the Nepal story off the world’s front pages. <figure><img width="482" height="720" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/6372386d9c7e80680e0c7385jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img width="708" height="948" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/6372386f9c7e80680e0c7386jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img width="708" height="948" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/637238719c7e80680e0c7387jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>No photographs survive of the Prince’s Trek, the circuit south of Phewa Tal that we organised for the Prince of Wales’ second private trek in 1992. But I was with him in Pokhara at the British Gurkha camp for the pre-trek briefing and a jolly dinner in the mess tent hosted by the Colonel. It was a turbulent time for Charles, following the India visit where Princess Diana was famously photographed perched alone and forlorn on a marble bench in front of the Taj Mahal.The well-worn navy leather wallet engraved with the silver three feathers insignia presented to me by the Prince, sorry I mean King, is in my bag that sad morning after his mother’s death as I dodge the downpour in a festive Kathmandu Darbar Square.His long apprenticeship over, every day Charles is looking more like a king. Whilst a bereaved country gets used to new words in an old anthem, updated bank notes and other ritual changes, he faces the controversies of modernising the monarchy in a complex post-colonial world.  The Queen is dead, long live the King.Lisa Choegyal wrote the column <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/nt/opinion/so-far-so-good/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">So Far So Good</a> in Nepali Times from 2018-2020. She is a sustainable tourism specialist who has made Kathmandu her home since 1974.

Lisa Choegyal

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The Queen is Dead, Long Live the King

Nepali Congress (NC) President Gagan Thapa's candidacy in Sarlahi-4 has thrust this Madhes constituency into rare national focus. If Thapa wins and the NC emerges as the largest party, Sarlahi-4 will send Nepal's next prime minister to Parliament. But if he does not, Nepal’s grand old party will face the next years in the opposition to fight another day. There is a troubling paradox in Sarlahi-4 where the district bordering the Indian state of Bihar has been a battleground for national politicians with fierce electoral competition, all while remaining one of the region's most underserved and underdeveloped constituencies.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260305140344_069cbbc11e971a851b444866dee57f760c0cc611ed40bdf96c627e343e3c0485.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260305140344_069cbbc11e971a851b444866dee57f760c0cc611ed40bdf96c627e343e3c0485" data-rendition-name="original" width="1802" height="1276" loading="lazy" alt="Sarlahi-4 voting"> <figcaption>Photo: MADHES PAHARA MEDIA</figcaption> </figure>  Ever since Mahant Thakur split from NC in 2008 to form the Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party, the district has seen rotating political alliances and fragmented votes. Yet, despite 18 years of candidates promising change irrigation schemes remain incomplete, market access for farmers has not improved, unemployment is high.&nbsp; On election day, voters here marked their ballots with fingers stained by dye from the Holi festival the day before. The road leading to Barathawa Bazar was deserted for the most part, except for some youth riding in motorcycles. This is where the high-profile contest between Gagan Thapa and RSP nominee Amresh Singh is being staged. Among the other aspirants is 27-year-old UML candidate Amnish Yadav, the son of former MP Shiv Pujan Yadav. The Yadavs are a political family with considerable caste influence in the constituency. In 2022 Yadav’s daughter Madhumala Yadav received over 14,000 votes here, ranking third overall. Yadav was voted MP from the Maoist party, but defected to the UML this time. His other son is the chair of Sarlahi’s Ramnagar Rural Municipality. Sarhali-4 has 121,012 voters, and the Yadav is banking on the 27,000-strong Yadav vote bank. Sarlahi-4 voter Avishek Sah told us he wanted his vote to go to a young nominee and not someone who has been MP thrice already, like Amresh Singh. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260305140344_527c5c2f9aa6a6c7e3bbdfbfe79fdafb0a0b56a62427e9ced86b924c6c563b10.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260305140344_527c5c2f9aa6a6c7e3bbdfbfe79fdafb0a0b56a62427e9ced86b924c6c563b10" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Sarlahi-4 voting"> <figcaption>Photo: AYUSHA CHALISE</figcaption> </figure>  To make local loyalties even more complicated, Amnish Yadav’s uncle, Harinder Yadav is an active NC member and walked side by side with Gagan Thapa during his door-to-door campaigns.&nbsp; The NC is betting on Thapa getting over 60% of the total votes. Amresh Singh’s tally could be limited to 10,000 votes — that too because of the nationwide RSP wave, and the popularity of its prime ministerial hopeful Balendra (Balen) Shah. “Amresh Singh lost his appeal when he played victim after he was denied a ticket by the NC in 2022,” Harinder Yadav says. Voters we spoke to here agreed with this assessment that Singh did not do much for the district once he got elected in the past, and being a part of the RSP seems to be his biggest asset. “The only reason I voted for Amresh Singh is because Balen is in RSP,” local voter Mahendra Gupta from Barathawa. &nbsp;“This is his last chance to return the people’s trust.”&nbsp; Gupta is aware of the institutional presence of the NC here. The party received the most votes in 2022 local elections, adding that the candidacy of someone as high-profile as Thapa is a positive sign for Sarlahi-4.&nbsp; Other voters like Ruby Gupta are rooting for both the NC and the RSP. “I will vote for Gagan and for Balen,” she says, adding that her FPTP vote will go to Thapa while her PR ballot would be for the RSP. RSP supporters are confident that their candidate will win big because even though many voters may not have openly voiced their support they still voted for the party and candidate. The Balen Wave was not limited to RSP voters, but also to UML candidate Yadav, who said in a gathering that he will be “the voters Balen” if they elect him. He touted his party’s track record in government, and largely campaigned on administrative efficiency, infrastructural expansion, and local service delivery. Amresh Singh ran on the RSP’s anti-establishment brand, promising to fight corruption, challenge traditional party politics, improve basic services such as education, health, jobs, and infrastructure, while pushing for stronger representation and development for Madhes.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260305140344_982df01801fa7d3532ca0555ecb8a0756e3223be3d93650e08ca82a312dc2ebd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260305140344_982df01801fa7d3532ca0555ecb8a0756e3223be3d93650e08ca82a312dc2ebd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Sarlahi-4 voting"> <figcaption>Photo:AYUSHA CHALISE</figcaption> </figure>  Singh’s rivalry with his NC competitor goes beyond the ballot— he allegedly blames Thapa for being denied the NC ticket in 2022, which led him to win the election from Sarlahi-4 as an independent. &nbsp; For his part, Gagan Thapa focused on a more pragmatic development agenda that includes upgrading roads and irrigation, improving schools and hospitals, supporting farmers, and creating employment opportunities with improved governance at the centre. He also promised to build an engineering college in the constituency.&nbsp; Thapa also promoted his own anti-establishment image within the NC, repeatedly reminding voters on the campaign trail that he represents the aspirations of the youth.&nbsp; On Thursday, as voting progressed, there were violent disruptions in two centres where voting was briefly halted. But Sarlahi district police spokesperson Saroj Rai told Nepali Times that there were no major problems. Police in collaboration with the Nepal Army sent the ballot papers to the district’s counting stations, where the votes are expected to be tallied through the night and the winner announced Friday morning.

Sarlahi-4 nervously watches ballot count

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Nepal election live results

As this report is uploaded, the latest results in Nepal’s election show that the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is headed for an even bigger sweep than most had predicted.
The RSP was leading by large margins in 49 of 165 constituencies, &nbsp;with the UML, NC and NCP trailing far behind. Prominent political figures from the old parties like K P Oli, Minwndra Prasad Rijal, Ishwar Pokhrel, Bishnu Prasad Poudel, Bimalendra Nidhi all seem headed for defeat.
It does look like the RSP’s bell election symbol is ringing right across Nepal — from cities to the remotest districts in the mountains and plains. The party’s blue colour is sweeping the land.
The Nepali people seem to have sent a clear message that they were throughly dissatisfied with the chronic failure of the three main parties to work in the national interest to create jobs and deliver development. It was also an expression of lingering outrage over the the 8 September massacre outside Parliament. &nbsp;
It now looks almost certain that Balendra Shah will get to be Nepal’s next, and youngest, prime minister. Hopefully he will be leading a cabinet of competent and honest technocrats. It remains to seen how the power equation between Shah and the RSP’s leader, Rabi Lamichhane will play out.
Lamichhane is out of jail on bail for fraud cases which he has called political vendetta by the previous regime. Both he and Shah are charismatic and ambitious. Their working relationship will determine Nepal's political stability and whether it can avoid the political cronyism of the past.
This election was not just about casting votes. It was about standing up to principles and a value system, and respecting the hopes and aspirations of Nepal’s youth. It to push for transparent government and against impunity — including for the gunning down of young Nepalis in cold blood.
<div class="embed-block"><iframe src="https://election-geo-dashboard.pages.dev/" width="100%" height="600" frameborder="0"> </iframe>Live election results as winners of candidates are announced.</div>
CAN DO MAN
Shah got mixed reviews as mayor. He was impulsive and ad hoc, but most people inKathmandu and beyond liked his can-do attitude and unconventional style which stood in sharp contract to the legacy leaders. Over his three year mayorship he showed more maturity and planning capacity.&nbsp;
But he always ran headlong into opposition from the federal government over his urban planning and other initiatives to make Kathmandu more liveable. Coming from a civil and structural engineering background, he was involved in building low-cost housing after the 2015 earthquake.
But his public persona is more tied to his irreverent rap lyrics that stood up for the marginalised underprivileged in society, while exposing the high-handedness and apathy of the state. But this also exposed contradictions because he also used his own municipal guards to beat and chase away street vendors and squatters.
But there is no doubt that a combination of the sharp messaging in his rap videos amplified by the algorithms of social media ignited Nepal’s youth to rise up. It was more about optics and emotion than policy and strategy.
He studied Kathmandu district for five years, visiting experts in every field before announcing his independent candidacy for mayor in 2022. Many like me in his own constitunecy did not know who he was and where he came from.
He is a year younger than my architect son, and I saw in him a reflection of my own son’s commitment to serving the nation. I voted for him to be mayor despite his sometimes erratic behaviour, which could be attributed to his youth.
The best sign of his strategic planning, which unsettled septuagenarian and octogenarian politicians, is the he did not grab the first easy option of becoming prime minister in September when GenZ activists offered him the post.&nbsp;
Joining RSP was a masterstroke, as was his challenge to Oli in Jhapa to project national branding. He needed a party platform and Lamichhane needed a popular prime ministerial persona since he himself could not hold the post.
Shah has shown the capacity to take risks when he believes the value justifies the action for the country. Now, he will have to show more strategic thinking on a national scale, as well as understand the delicate geopolitics of Nepal.&nbsp;
He must rise above the kind of crude social media posts that earned him followers on X, but did nothing to erase his erratic and impulsive image.&nbsp;
Some assume that behind his trademark RayBan shades is a closet dictator, and his past remarks about Hitler are still up on social media. He has in the past shown impatience with criticism, unleashing supporters on social media to troll detractors.&nbsp;
Even so, the public seems willing to place their hope on an educated young man with integrity and a proven record for planning at the helm. By tomorrow it will be clear whether the hope Nepalis have held has been fulfilled, and the coming years will show if the RSP will lead Nepalis to a better future.
The voters seem to have shown the door even to the NC despite the fact that under Gagan Thapa, the party had turned a new leaf. A strong government under Prime Minister Balendra Shah heading a carefully selected cabinet and a strong opposition of the NC, UML and other parties for check and balance may be just what we need for a stable Nepal.&nbsp;
Nepalis have collectively always shown maturity in elections. This time they have given a resounding endorsement for integrity and for good governance.

Bells ring all over Nepal

After Thursday’s election, Nepalis are in a wait-and-watch mode. The Election Commission says counting ballot papers will be expedited this time, and the results for the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) will start being declared within days. In 2022, it took three weeks for the final results to be tallied.&nbsp;
But winning an election is only half the challenge for the parties, forming a government under parliamentary politics is like a complicated mathematical equation.&nbsp;
In 2022, the Nepali Congress (NC) emerged as the biggest party, winning 89 seats. But the UML with 78 seats and the Maoists with 32 formed a minority government. In fact, Sher Bahadur Deuba did not become PM then despite leading the biggest party in Parliament.
This time, there is an unmistakeable Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) wave led by its prime ministerial candidate, Balendra Shah. Besides his own popularity, Shah represents change which most Nepalis are clamouring for after decades of corrupt and feckless coalitions that did not deliver.&nbsp;
The past months of campaigning has seen massive youth engagement on social media through memes, AI clips, and viral images. Digital content that appeals to emotion rather than policy debate between candidates shape electoral outcomes in Nepal and elsewhere. &nbsp;
Shah represents GenZ aspirations, and was their candidate for prime minister. It was only when he declined that Sushila Karki was nominated. None of the political parties in the recent past -- new, old, or revolutionary — have won enough seats to go it alone.&nbsp;
The most recent majority government was formed by the short-lived Communist Party of Nepal after the UML-Maoist merger in 2022. But that rare two-thirds majority collapsed after a power struggle between K P Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal. The only party to have won a majority was the NC in the 1991 and 1999 elections. But it is near impossible for it to repeat this success now, even with Gagan Thapa's rebranding of the party.&nbsp;
We have compiled these possible scenarios for election outcome in order of likelihood:
RSP gets a majority
RSP hits the magic 138 to form a government entirely on its own. Balendra Shah wins Jhapa-5, and becomes the new prime minister at 35, the youngest ever to hold the office in Nepal. But danger lurks: there could be a personality clash between Shah and Lamichhane who are both equally ambitious. History could repeat itself.&nbsp;
RSP wins but does not get a majority
RSP is likely to sweep the most votes, but what if it does not secure enough seats for a majority? It would need a coalition partner and Nepali Communist Party (NCP) under Pushpa Kamal Dahal could fit the bill, but only if it has the numbers. The RSP is not likely to team up with the UML or NC.
The NCP is relatively untainted by the 8 September events, and also has former UML defectors like Madhav Kumar Nepal and Bhim Rawal who could bag their rural vote banks. After all, there are no permanent foes in politics. If the royalist RPP and Tarai-based Janata Samajwadi have enough seats, those could be options for the RSP. &nbsp;
NC is second
The NC under the new leadership of Gagan Thapa could become the second biggest force and form a government with RSP in a power-sharing deal with Shah. This would be the most stable scenario since the RSP and NC have competent and idealistic young technocrats. Thapa himself embodies a strong combination of both old and new politics to navigate the system for more efficient government. But then Thapa and the RSP's Rabi Lamichhane do not get along.
NC and NCP form a majority
If the NC becomes the largest party but not by a big margin, it could join up with the NCP and Ujyalo. Teaming up with the UML would likely face backlash with the party and outside. If Gagan Thapa becomes prime minister he will face internal pressure from both Deuba loyalists. Same old story.
Minority coalition of NC, UML and NCP
RSP becomes the first party but does not get a majority, paving the way for the three legacy parties to cobble together a minority government. While this is possible in Nepal’s parliamentary system, such a scenario is likely to lead to more instability and dissatisfaction among young Nepalis demanding change, and even trigger street unrest. &nbsp;

queen-elizabeth-in-nepal

The Queen is Dead, Long Live the King

Sarlahi-4 nervously watches ballot count

Nepal election live results

Bells ring all over Nepal

The magic 138