On Friday, former prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal posted a message to his official TikTok account @cmprachandaofficial. He wished a Happy Dasain to all Nepalis, and wished them good health and continued progress. But almost exactly a year ago, his own Maoist-Nepali Congress coalition government <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rattled-by-criticism-nepal-bans-tiktok">banned the app</a> claiming that it ‘disrupted social harmony’. By then, TikTok had seen a meteoric rise and media surveys showed it had overtaken Facebook. &nbsp; The real reason for the ban was that the established parties were spooked by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-populist-party-balenist">newer, alternative leaders</a> and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/street-politics">pro-monarchist forces</a> using the platform and social media to gather followers. But in June this year, the Maoists were ousted from government, the UML joined the Nepali Congress coalition. K P Oli was appointed prime minister for the third time, and in August he unbanned TikTok as suddenly as it was banned. Since then, TikTok has not wasted any time to make up for lost ground in Nepal. Last week it held a pre-Dasain ‘Grow with TikTok: A Masterclass for SMBs’ at the Marriott Hotel in Kathmandu aimed at helping small and medium business enterprises to grow their business. “Humour works best on TikTok, it leads to crazy engagement,” one presenter advised the rapt audience. “Write scripts, have a strong opening, and stand in front of a window sideways for good lighting.” He stressed the need to upload frequently and experiment widely to find out what works for any particular brand.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241014081036_b86a6707bdb76b2776c24807e1973360e4f891be2c114b35f534191f4db23d82.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241014081036_b86a6707bdb76b2776c24807e1973360e4f891be2c114b35f534191f4db23d82" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="666" loading="lazy" alt="TikTok in Nepal"> <figcaption>The conference was attended by business owners and TikTok influencers</figcaption> </figure>  While TikTok is mostly used by Nepalis to lip-sync or dance to song-snippets, one of the tips at the conference was the need to be authentic: to take a trend and make it work for users and their businesses. “I started out by just making videos about what was really happening in my life, and people liked it,” admitted Anjana Aryal, whose achar business sells thousands of jars every week of 22 pickle varieties, employing 15 women. At last count, Aryal had 608,000 followers, and posts every day, mixing content about her pickles with videos of her dancing, shopping, or just talking. Aryal was in a panel of four successful Nepali TikTokers slash business owners, all female, who spoke about how to sell well on the app. A fashion business, makeup studio, and an online store were the other presenters. All four have been using TikTok since 2020 and had the same advice: be consistent, figure out your niche, be genuine, do not take internet hate personally, and find your voice. Taranidhi Regmi runs the Tokha bookstore KitabKiro and has used TikTok for the last two years, reviewing books on video and encouraging people to read. He takes orders through a website and Whatsapp, and has shipped Nepali books to more than 48 countries. “Initially, I didn’t like TikTok, I thought it was quite degenerate,” admits Regmi. “I was annoyed when my nieces were on it, but then I realised the benefits of the app by staying away from the nonsense.” The conference also had a session on how TikTok handles safety issues, moderating content that may be mature and inappropriate, and how it deals with addictive and dangerous activities or products. TikTok executives admit that theirs is a relatively new platform, and they are still learning as they go along. They tried to deflect some of the harder questions about balancing moderation and free speech, and about flagging videos as problematic that would be completely fine in a Nepali context. TikTok says it is implementing ‘community guidelines’ without going into detail about how that works.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241014081040_e6b9e3ca5ce842810d5fbbf190471e4fa8cdf6f7770514abb933f09fa84b7b3f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241014081040_e6b9e3ca5ce842810d5fbbf190471e4fa8cdf6f7770514abb933f09fa84b7b3f" data-rendition-name="original" width="3000" height="2000" loading="lazy" alt="TikTok in Nepal"> <figcaption>There were sessions on video creation, security guidelines, and expert panels.</figcaption> </figure>  “For the nine months that TikTok was banned in Nepal, we could not &nbsp;really get clarity on it except the official explanation that it disrupted social harmony,” says Imad Jaffer of TikTok South Asia during a visit to Kathmandu last week. “We were more than open to dialogue, but the government was not responsive at all.” Nepal was not the first to ban TikTok. India has banned it, and it has been closed temporarily in Pakistan four times. US President Joe Biden signed a bill that could lead to a nationwide ban on TikTok unless its Chinese parent company ByteDance sells it to an American entity by 19 January 2025. The main reason is geopolitical, and sensitivity about personal data getting into Chinese hands “In the Pakistan case, we understood that they had concerns about vulgarity on the app,” says Jaffer. “But the Nepal ban was the strangest. We got no explanation for it even though the public sentiment towards the app was overwhelmingly positive.” Despite the ban, about half the Nepalis <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/tiktok-ban-won-t-stop-nepali-netizens">TikTok users</a> just continued posting through VPNs. In some ways, the app is a victim of its own success — it is highly addictive algorithm that can create a feedback loop of content that <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/jail-the-messenger">has strong political influence</a>. Nepal’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/democracy-s-discontents">populist anti-establishment politicians</a>, monarchist and Hindu nationalist RPP were using the app successfully to gather support, and spread the word about their rallies just before the ban. The Maoist-NC coalition could have felt threatened. After the coalition switch, the Cabinet earlier this month reinstated TikTok &nbsp;under four conditions: <ol> <li>Help promote Nepal’s tourism</li> <li>Invest in digital literacy&nbsp;</li> <li>Support public education system&nbsp;</li> <li>Be ‘mindful’ of content &nbsp;</li> </ol> Experts say that the government has no grounds to make these demands to TikTok, and the conditions are as vague as the original reason for the ban. Yet, the other side to it is that many Nepalis are <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/huge-uptick-in-tiktok-during-nepal-lockdown">hooked to the platform</a> which at one point before the ban consumed one third of all internet traffic. Young Nepalis were matchmaking through TikTok, it was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepalis-dying-in-someone-elses-war">used to recruit Nepali mercenaries for the Russian Army</a>, and despite age restrictions young people are exposed to graphic content. But bans and restrictions never work. The TikTok ban was seen as an <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/talking-about-tiktok">effort by the government to encroach on freedom of expression</a>. It was like parents taking away internet privileges from their children, which actually ends up increasing the attraction for its content.

Vishad Raj Onta

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Taking back TikTok

Baburam Aryal, Advocate, 
Digital Freedom Coalition 
The Nepal government’s decision to ban TikTok is irresponsible and unlawful. Nepal’s Constitution guarantees freedom of expression and the right to information, both for print and online. So this ban is against the spirit of the Constitution. 
 
Kamal Dev Bhattarai, Editor, 
Annapurna Express 
TikTok has good things going on too and one of them is how small entrepreneurs have found success using this platform. This ban has had a damaging impact on these businesses. 
TikTok has also provided space to up-and-coming youth who have been ignored by the mainstream media. The platform has allowed them to unlock their talents and they have gained popularity nationally and internationally. 
 
Smriti Shrestha, Founder, 
Akarsan Skin and Hair Clinic 
Any business requires marketing tools and ours is social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, Google, TikTok and Youtube. But unlike other platforms that require you to spend dollars to boost or advertise your business, TikTok doesn’t cost you money. I make content that could go viral and lead to an increase in business without me being required to spend any money. 
TikTok has a viral reach like no other. Earlier this year, Gosainkunda was busy like Asan bazaar because clips of the place were going viral on TikTok and trekkers were visiting in droves as a result. So this ban will also hamper the tourism sector.
Read Also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/tiktok-ban-won-t-stop-nepali-netizens">TikTok ban won’t stop Nepali netizens</a>, Saniaa Shah 
 
Tanka Aryal, Chair, 
Digital Rights Nepal 
The government seems to have taken it as just banning a private company. &nbsp;But it is against the right to information and freedom of speech enshrined by our Constitution. At the same time, people were using &nbsp;TikTok to promote their businesses, the platform has been crucial for the tourism industry and for entrepreneurship. 
As such, this is an ad hoc bad with a very weak excuse that TikTok was creating social disharmony. Is TikTok the only one doing so? Even then, as per our &nbsp;Constitution, we cannot shut down any media platform but we can regulate the content given that hate speech, mis- and disinformation are quite prevalent these days. The state can also work on digital literacy instead of taking this easy route which is a regressive step. 
The ban therefore is against the prevalent law and Constitution of the land. &nbsp;This is also impractical in today's world where technology is an integral part of everyday life. 
 
Santosh Sigdel, Advocate, 
Digital Rights Nepal 
The &nbsp;TikTok ban has a direct impact on digital rights. The most important thing when it comes to digital rights is access to the internet, and for most of the Nepalis that was TikTok. And the ban has curtailed their rights. 
TikTok is very user-friendly and doesn’t need a whole lot of technical know-how which was why its users were increasing exponentially, in turn leading to a huge reach. 
The ban has also directly impacted freedom of speech and the right to information online. 
Then there is the right to employment. A lot of small entrepreneurs were using TikTok for their business. Much of their digital content is lost and so is their means of livelihood. In a nutshell, the TikTok ban curtails a whole lot of basic rights. 
 
Chiranjivi Adhikari, General Secretary, 
CAAN Federation 
The decision to ban TikTok because of security reasons is not scientific. &nbsp;Expecting privacy from social media sites we consume for free doesn't really make sense, our content on these platforms is at the very least on their servers. 
More worryingly, with free DNS and VPN we are seeing a massive increase in TikTok users. Free DNS and VPN are not secure and run malicious codes. If these get installed on our phones and laptops, and especially if we use the same devices for offices, they could destroy the whole network in our workplaces. These devices can also access our banking details and can easily do away with monetary losses for us.
Read Also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rattled-by-criticism-nepal-bans-tiktok">Rattled by criticism, Nepal bans TikTok</a> 
 
Dinesh Tripthi, 
Senior advocate 
If we are to ban TikTok we will have to ban the whole of social media. We know that FaceBook, YouTube, Instagram, and Twitter have all been misused and more so. As such, the government will have to ban the internet. People also get vulgar, harassing messages on their mobile phones. This means the ban is not the solution. In a democratic society, a remedy shouldn’t be worse than a disease. Any step that the government takes should be based on the Constitution, and not constrict the democratic space like they have done by banning the platform in Nepal.

Talking about Tiktok

Unnerved by the rise of rightwing religious groups, Nepal’s coalition cabinet decided Monday to clamp an immediate ban on TikTok, saying the social media platform is spreading social discord. The popularity of the Chinese social media platform rose dramatically in Nepal since the Covid lockdown, rivalling the reach of Facebook, and political pressure groups had started using it to multiply their reach. “The cabinet decided to ban TikTok because of its impact on social harmony,” Minister of Communication and Information Technology Rekha Sharma said. “We are overseeing the prompt implementation of the closure.” Sharma, who is also the government spokesperson, said, however, it could take some time to shut down the platform in a smooth manner. The announcement was obviously timed for the Tihar holiday period, when the government might have expected criticism of the move to be muted. However, most of the immediate reaction on social media (and also on TikTok itself) was of outrage and ridicule with most commentators seeing it as a sign of a shaky coalition that has been spooked by the rise of the religious right and pro-monarchy forces. The last<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-interface-with-information"> media survey</a> conducted by Sharecast Initiative in 2022 showed that 56% of a sample group of Nepalis who were on the Internet said they used TikTok. The platform was launched by the Chinese technology company ByteDance in 2016, and saw a spurt in users in Nepal after the pandemic lockdowns. “TikTok’s aggressive algorithm makes it highly addictive, and that is the reason for its rapid spread in Nepal,” explains Sharecast Initiative’s Madhu Acharya. “But there has been concern about cultural invasion through its content, and the government appears to be worried about it being used by those opposed to the secular and republican &nbsp;constitution.” Acharya is preparing a new media survey this year, and extrapolates TikTok’s user base to have now grown to 85-95% to rival Facebook and YouTube.&nbsp; Many critics of the move have seen the TikTok ban as the first step in what they see as a government design to muzzle freedom of expression and an independent media in Nepal, which is currently the most open society in South Asia. "TikTok represents freedom of expression. Banning it is to curtain freedom of speech. How will the government be accountable if there is no criticism?,” says Constitutional law expert Bipin Adhikari. “As long as there is no incitement to violence or criminality, or encourage religious strife, the government has no right to ban free expression.” Opposition parties have been scathing in their criticism of the government move, saying it exposes the fragility of the 8-party coalition government led by Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoist Centre with the Nepali Congress and other smaller parties.&nbsp; Even some dissident members of the Nepali Congress have taken to social media to voice their opposition to the TikTok ban announcement. ‘If you have a boil on your neck, you don’t chop off your neck,’ wrote Bishwa Prakash Sharma of the Nepali Congress who is with a faction opposed to party president Sher Bahadur Deuba. ‘Identify those who are misusing the platform. But shutting down TikTok is undemocratic.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231113131112_b7c68b593d4d601406a2fb754d6010db8d03fa17fee17b9129cd6c576fc9f370.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20231113131112_b7c68b593d4d601406a2fb754d6010db8d03fa17fee17b9129cd6c576fc9f370" data-rendition-name="original" width="1192" height="676" loading="lazy" alt="tiktok"> </figure>  Another NC General Secretary Gagan Thapa said the TikTok ban reeked of authoritarianism: "This is a sign that the government wants to clamp down on freedom of expression. The government has taken a wrong step." <div class="embed-block"><div style="max-width: 550px;"><div style="left: 0; width: 100%; height: 0; position: relative; padding-bottom: 56.25%;"><iframe src="//cdn.iframe.ly/api/iframe?app=1&url=https%3A%2F%2Ftwitter.com%2Fthapagk%2Fstatus%2F1723976965810688154&key=87ca3314a9fa775b5c3a7726100694b0" style="top: 0; left: 0; width: 100%; height: 100%; position: absolute; border: 0;" allowfullscreen></iframe></div></div></div> A spokesperson of the independent RSP which is also in the opposition said that if there was a problem with TikTok it could be regulated, and an outright ban was overkill. One immediate concern that the government had appears to be over businessman Durga Prasai who has mounted a vocal campaign on TikTok against mainstream parties for the reinstatement of a Hindu monarchy in Nepal. He had made a call for 100,000 people to rally in Kathmandu on 21 November. Prasai, who is heavily in debt after having borrowed to start a hospital in eastern Nepal, has also been leading a public campaign to refuse to pay back bank loans. Many see his anti-establishment political stance as a way to magnify his movement. Nepal is not the first country to ban the app. India imposed a nationwide ban on TikTok in 2020. Along with a looming ban in the US, other countries including Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, New Zealand, and Norway among others have also banned the app on government devices.&nbsp; While for many of these countries, the issue seems to be the Chinese ownership and user data security, the Nepal government has cited social harmony as the main reason for the move.&nbsp; The ban closely follows the recently introduced ‘Directive on the Operation of Social Networking 2023’ which says that social media platforms operating in Nepal now have to establish offices in the country. It also has a list of 19 things users are not allowed to do on social media including creating and engaging through fake IDs, posting media or text that spreads animosity against any community, caste, gender, religion, indulging in hate speech and defaming others. To be sure, internationally as well as in Nepal, Tiktok has become a breeding ground for hate speech. There have been <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1057610X.2020.1780027">studies</a> on how TikTok is being used to spread racist, sexist and homophobic content.&nbsp; There are instances in Nepali Tiktoksphere where clips of individual users who have made <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@chhabilalsubedi.official/video/7298021488991522050">questionable comments around certain communities</a> have gone viral starting a thread of spat between the communities. Some have also indulged in morally questionable behaviour including a recent case of a female CPN Maoist Centre cadre exposing herself during a TikTok live. It has also emerged as a platform for online gambling, and the app’s rising popularity also means that it has become a medium for spreading fake news, misinformation and disinformation. But it is difficult to say the same does not happen or has not previously happened on other social media apps. &nbsp; Instead of regulating what technology a person uses or how they choose to use it, critics say a more nuanced approach like addressing specific issues and promoting digital literacy is required. A more creative way would be to utilise TikTok itself to tackle the extremist ideologies in collaboration with the social media platform and foster dialogue both on and offline.&nbsp; Even when developing and enforcing legal frameworks, it is important to ensure that these are in line with international human rights standards and do not infringe upon or restrict freedom of expression.&nbsp; Says advocate Baburam Aryal of the Internet Governance Institute, "Today it is TikTok, tomorrow it could be Kantipur, the next day it could be Onlinekhabar, there is a danger that all media will be muzzled. This is how authoritarianism begins."

Rattled by criticism, Nepal bans TikTok

Nepalis worship the sun, and mark its seasonal passage with festivals. Adding to that spiritual reverence now is the economic relevance of solar power. Fast-flowing Himalayan rivers give Nepal a total feasible hydropower generation capacity of 48,000MW, of which only 3,600 has so far been harnessed. Yet, Nepal’s total solar power potential has been calculated to be nearly 10 times higher at 432,000MW. &nbsp; With over 300 days of sunshine a year, the country could produce 3.6 to 6.2 units of electricity per square meter based on its solar radiation levels.&nbsp; This potential, combined with decreasing installation costs of Chinese-manufactured photovoltaic cells and other means, is a viable and affordable alternative to Nepal’s over-reliance on hydropower which faces concerns about the destruction of riverine ecosystems, as well as risk from glacial lake floods caused by climate breakdown. However, restrictive domestic energy policies and geopolitical sensitivities mean Nepal is failing to diversify fast enough to tap this tremendous solar energy potential. Nepal’s hydropower generation is almost entirely from run-of-river projects that do not have large reservoirs. Many such projects in Nepal and across the Himalaya have been swept away by glacial lake outburst floods in recent years.&nbsp; Such risks and limitations to hydropower should have prompted the Nepal government to jump-start investment into solar farms, but the main reason is that the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) caps solar power at just 10% of total capacity. There is no official explanation, but it is likely due to the outdated perception that solar technology cannot supply a consistent energy stream at evening and morning peak loads.&nbsp; But today, there are plenty of ways around it, including pump storage schemes that use daytime solar power to pump water from a river to a reservoir and drain it to generate electricity at night. Battery technology is now more advanced, and affordable enough to make grid-scale batteries feasible.&nbsp; But then there is an issue of tariffs, which are much lower for solar at Rs5 per energy unit, and competitive bidding forces companies to lower it even further. But there is no bidding process for hydropower and licenses are given out on a first-come, first-served basis with a fixed rate of Rs6.5 per unit regardless of location.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025112303118_c3280cddae6f3305d07319011dd9c187005822a9b905bb849c36b95e3ad0d516.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2025112303118_c3280cddae6f3305d07319011dd9c187005822a9b905bb849c36b95e3ad0d516" data-rendition-name="original" width="1109" height="887" loading="lazy" alt="Here comes the sun"> </figure>  SUPPLY VS DEMAND Hydropower is supply-driven, while solar responds to demand, so under such a discouraging scenario, solar power accounts for only 5% of Nepal’s total energy mix. “Given the environmental risks to hydropower, investors are now demanding tariffs on hydropower to be increased. So the question to the government is, are you paying more money for hydropower or willing to buy more of the cheaper solar power,” said energy entrepreneur Kushal Gurung. Solar investors are lobbying the government to raise the cap on solar power to 30% and expand zoning policies so that solar plants can be built in areas with high potential, such as Dolpo and Mustang in the trans-Himalaya. These regions are sparsely populated, arid, have a cold climate and high solar radiation levels — ideal conditions for photovoltaics. Solar power’s biggest advantage is its cost-effectiveness compared to hydropower, with the operating cost of a hydropower plant up to four times higher than of a solar plant of the same generation capacity. Investors are no longer assured of a return on investment on hydropower due to climate risk which have increased insurance premiums. “Last year, when the government opened a bidding for 800MW of solar power, the private sector was ready to invest 3,000MW. Both banks and investors were convinced about the potential for solar energy, but the government and especially the bureaucracy, was not on the same wavelength,” added Gurung.&nbsp; Interim Energy Minister Kulman Ghising is said to be interested in increasing the cap on solar energy, but there is a question whether he will remain in office since he has launched his only Ujyalo Nepal party to contest elections in March. GEOGRAPHY AND GEOPOLITICS In 2018, Nepal’s only foreign private equity form Dolma Himalayan Climate Fund (DHCF) pitched a proposal to generate 150MW from a solar farm and store 20MW of it in battery systems in Mustang to meet seasonal and daily peaks. It got approval from Investment Board Nepal (IBN) and had already poured millions into the project when the Department of Mines instructed all developers in Mustang to halt their projects, citing the discovery of uranium ore. But insiders say the real reason was due to pressure from the Chinese government’s security concerns about a Western investor being involved so close to the border with Tibet.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025112303118_5946a5f1ba63f34c88f900c6d12b37d0101effb76e8a7a5397cd6451c16cd5b2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2025112303118_5946a5f1ba63f34c88f900c6d12b37d0101effb76e8a7a5397cd6451c16cd5b2" data-rendition-name="original" width="800" height="450" loading="lazy" alt="Here comes the sun NT"> <figcaption>Photo: GHAM POWER</figcaption> </figure>  The same thing happened, but in reverse, when the Chinese company Risen Energy was interested in investing $190 million on a grid-connected 125MW photovoltaic generation system in Banke and Kapilvastu districts near the Indian border. Risen’s subsidiary, Risen Energy Singapore JV, was negotiating with IBN to commit $190 million in the project which would also store 20MW of daytime generation for morning and evening peak demand. But the agreement was not signed because the Indian authorities were concerned about Chinese involvement so close to their border. India has also refused to buy electricity from any hydropower plant in Nepal that has Chinese or other foreign investment or contractors. Indian state-owned companies are currently building or planning hydropower plants in Nepal to generate nearly 3,000MW, mostly for export.&nbsp; But not every Chinese-backed project has been blocked. In 2024, China handed over two solar-powered livelihood projects to a local community in Lalitpur — a community solar bathhouse and a rooftop photovoltaic power system. Funded by the Yunnan People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries, the projects aim to improve living conditions. The initiative forms part of the Chinese Embassy’s ‘Happy Community’ program (幸福社区, Xìngfú Shèqū) under the China–South Asia Poverty Reduction and Development Cooperation Center.&nbsp; Says Gurung: “Hydropower is a geopolitical mess, but it has well and truly started in solar power too. It now all comes down to how we handle it, and we need deft diplomacy to make sure our projects are not indefinitely delayed as has happened in the past.”&nbsp; LOW-HANGING FRUIT Despite domestic restrictions and geopolitics, there are still small-scale opportunities for solar energy entrepreneurs to cash in, such as net metering. Most industries in Nepal have enough rooftop space to generate 500KW to 1MW of solar energy. Combined, they would generate a substantial amount of energy to feed into the grid. Factories, supermarkets and chain stores are often bankable and trusted by financial institutions from which they could easily get credit.&nbsp; China could also take advantage of Nepal’s high solar power potential. Given that the United States has only imposed a 10% tariff on Nepal, China could set up PV manufacturing plants in Nepal.&nbsp; However, this requires government-to-government which could run into trouble, again because of geopolitics. The same applies for the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism which is a carbon tariff on carbon intensive products, such as steel, cement and some electricity, imported to the European Union.&nbsp; Chinese products have suffered under this mechanism but Chinese products made in Nepal can be competitive in the European market given lower carbon tax for Nepal. Clean energy has long been an area where Nepal hopes to attract Chinese investment — not only in hydropower, but also in solar and wind energy.&nbsp; With contributions from Qian Sun, Global Voices.&nbsp;

Nepal, here comes the sun

Youth protestors who sustained injuries at the hands of state security forces during the September protest staged a sit-in at Maitighar Mandala on Friday, protesting what they have called the interim government’s inadequate efforts to address the demands of the GenZ movements. The demonstrators also sought to bar the UML from gathering at Maitighar, where party chair K P Oli was expected to announce its Youth Volunteer Force on Friday. The organisers consequently relocated the event. Friday’s demonstration at Maitighar comes as UML and GenZ representatives agreed to sit down for talks in Simara, where a curfew was imposed this week after youth protestors and party cadres clashed near the airport as demonstrators sought to stop UML leaders from flying in for a political event to Simara from Kathmandu.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131148_c0b3bfb861f73bee456efbd12f523af55ce3c258742c39e1dea7dbf768774ea5.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251121131148_c0b3bfb861f73bee456efbd12f523af55ce3c258742c39e1dea7dbf768774ea5" data-rendition-name="original" width="2160" height="1440" loading="lazy" alt="GenZ Maitighar"> <figcaption>Youth protestors who sustained injuries at the hands of state security forces during the September protest staged a sit-in at Maitighar Mandala on Friday. Photos: SUBASH SHRESTHA</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131152_85f3606728d137b334d782ac1b5d1ed6383544493f96ebcc0398fcd9f0c5add7.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251121131152_85f3606728d137b334d782ac1b5d1ed6383544493f96ebcc0398fcd9f0c5add7" data-rendition-name="original" width="2160" height="1439" loading="lazy" alt="GenZ Maitighar"> </figure>  &nbsp;Nepal’s interim government is increasingly cautious about the nation’s sensitive security situation in the lead-up to the 5 March election, as evidenced by pro-monarchy businessman Durga Prasai’s midnight arrest earlier this week over his inflammatory remarks as he called for protests this month. On Thursday, the Supreme Court ordered the government to present Prasai before the court within 24 hours.&nbsp; As it stands, the UML’s inauguration of a youth collective amidst its disregard for the demands of Nepalis for party reforms and a change in leadership highlights party chair and former PM K P Oli’s continued lack of remorse for the excesses of 8 September.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131144_aaa296e2e812ef5f6473064bc4b679bf605e14e06ac0ec9be1d6d047b56f96f9.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251121131144_aaa296e2e812ef5f6473064bc4b679bf605e14e06ac0ec9be1d6d047b56f96f9" data-rendition-name="original" width="2560" height="1707" loading="lazy" alt="UML Youth Volunteer Force NT"> <figcaption>The UML launched its Youth Volunteer Force on Friday. Photos: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131148_bfa8df3fc382195b4cdb9c4804cd67e169d2d9c0b8d218e61bbef0c4c9dbdaad.png" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251121131148_bfa8df3fc382195b4cdb9c4804cd67e169d2d9c0b8d218e61bbef0c4c9dbdaad" data-rendition-name="original" width="2560" height="1706" loading="lazy" alt="UML Youth Volunteer Force"> </figure>  Families of those killed and injured on 8 September have demanded that the ousted PM and home minister be held accountable for state brutality.&nbsp; This week, Human Rights Watch published a <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/11/19/nepal-unlawful-use-of-force-during-gen-z-protest" target="_blank">comprehensive report</a> concluding that security forces fired indiscriminately on youth-led protestors on 8 September.&nbsp; The human rights watchdog urged the Sushila Karki-led interim government to investigate the excessive use of force as well as arson, vandalism and mob attacks on individuals on 9 September. The government has created a judicial commission to inquire into the deaths of 76 people over two days of protests.&nbsp; “The recent violence in Nepal included serious human rights violations, and those responsible should be held accountable, whether they are security forces or political actors,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch.&nbsp; She added: “The government should ensure that the investigations are independent, time-bound, and transparent, and that no one found responsible for breaking the law is unfairly protected from proper prosecution.” HRW’s investigation was based on testimony from 52 witnesses, victims, journalists, healthcare workers, politicians, and sources close to security forces. Researchers also verified photos and video footage shared on social media and with researchers; and visited the scenes of protests, properties subjected to arson and vandalism, and hospitals.&nbsp; A police officer said that officers opened fire with lethal force five minutes after the District Administration Office declared an emergency curfew around Parliament. Witness accounts and analysed footage did not show grave and imminent danger to life that would justify the intentional use of lethal force, stated the human rights watchdog in the report.&nbsp; The protestors and witnesses identified security forces who fired live ammunition at the protestors by their uniforms as members of the Armed Police Force (APF) and Nepal Police’s Special Task Force (STF). &nbsp; “They literally aimed at us and started shooting,” said one witness who sheltered behind a barricade as police continued shooting.&nbsp; A retired senior police official said police had failed to follow procedures for dispersing protests and using lethal force.&nbsp; Pathologists at a Kathmandu morgue told HRW that they determined 35 cases of death caused by “high velocity gunshot wounds” to the head, neck, chest, or abdomen.&nbsp; The witness recounted being taken into custody along with 33 other protestors by STF officers in riot gear, and said that police police personnel beat him with batons. Detainees were threatened and their IDs destroyed. Several witnesses said that the mob attacks on businesses, politicians, media companies, and educational institutions were very targeted, noting the absence of security personnel on 9 September as arson and violence raged across the capital.&nbsp; Some suggested that the violence may have been instigated by infiltrators associated with various political movements.&nbsp; On Discord, the platform where a significant number of demonstrators organised, participants noted that while there were calls for peaceful movement in the days leading up to the protest, some on the platform advocated for violence.&nbsp; Human Rights Watch has said that any credible allegations of criminal acts contributing to the violence must be investigated.&nbsp; Said Ganguly: “The authorities should recognise that widespread impunity for human rights violations in the past helped enable the violence that occurred this time in Nepal. It is crucial to reverse the decades-long tendency by successive governments in Nepal to bury investigations and stall prosecutions, and to bring about accountability and security sector reform.”

Security forces targeted protestors disproportionately: HRW

As people move out of Nepal’s trans-Himalayan districts, their faiths migrate with them to the cities and all over the world. The ancient animist faith of Bon Po predates the advent of Buddhism in Tibet, and its last remaining priests and devotees are found in villages like Lubra in Mustang and Samling in Dolpo. But as those villages empty out, Bon centres can now be found as far afield as Kathmandu, New York and Tokyo. The first Triten Norbutse Monastery was founded in Tibet in the 14th century by the Bon Master Shen Nyima Gyaltsen. Its monastery in Nepal is below the forested hills of Ichangu on the western outskirts of Kathmandu.&nbsp; Many are surprised to hear that there is a Bon centre in Kathmandu, and that it is located so close to Swayambhu. This Triten monastery was established by Yongzin Tenzin Namdak Rinpoche only 40 years ago to cater to adherents of the faith who lived in the capital. True to its reverence for nature, the shrine is verdant, with plants and flowers amidst a contrasting backdrop of Kathmandu’s ugly urban sprawl below. The monastery practices Bon culture and passes on teachings to students as well, who after completing 15 years of study graduate to become ‘Gese’.&nbsp; It is believed that Bon Po was brought to Nepal from Tibet by Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche. Over the centuries, Bon and Buddhism have become syncretic in Dolpo and Mustang, despite the differences in their belief systems. Followers worship nature and consider the human body, speech and mind as jewels. The human body is said to be composed of five elements: earth, water, fire, air, and the cosmos.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111148_ce5d50db6757c4f5a7259c10d2879ee5f5b7b990e987bf3734378ba464afc9d5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251113111148_ce5d50db6757c4f5a7259c10d2879ee5f5b7b990e987bf3734378ba464afc9d5" data-rendition-name="original" width="5712" height="4284" loading="lazy" alt="The Bon Po way of life NT"> </figure>  The Bon faith was much more widespread during the reigns of Nyathi Chenpo, the first king of Tibet to Namri Srongchen, the 32nd king. But it was after King Srongchen Gompo that Buddhism started making inroads on the plateau, and spread also in the Himalayan rimlands. There are also Bon followers in Humla, Jumla, Baglung, Mugu, Kaski and Chitwan, as well as in the United States and 50 other countries, indicating the movement of people within Nepal and outside.&nbsp; The Bon religion believes in reincarnation and that everything, including positive and negative thoughts are a result of past life karma. Buddhism focuses more on attaining Nirvana, a state of no suffering, where the subject is released from all his/her karmas. Bon has also inducted some Tantric practices and rituals, some of which are in parts similar, yet still different from Buddhism.&nbsp; “In Buddhist culture, circumambulation of shrines is clockwise, but in Bon culture, circumambulation is in an anticlockwise direction,” explains Chhiring Lama of Triten Norbutse Monastery. “The main Bon mantra is Om Ma Tri Mu Ye Sa Le Du, while followers of Buddhism chant Om Mani Padme Hum. Buddhism emphasises enlightenment by meditation and moral behaviour, while Bon beliefs centre on nature and ancestor worship, and placating the spirits. In religious texts, it is mentioned that there were 1,008 Buddhas throughout time. Tonpa Shenrab is believed to be the 8th Buddha, and Bon practitioners are guided by his teachings contained in 140 sacred writings known as Kangyur and 300 more scriptures known as Katen.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111152_9813ce72805941af4b3bfb3c80c7e45ffc8aca4f2612eb967e84204f3a28bc07.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251113111152_9813ce72805941af4b3bfb3c80c7e45ffc8aca4f2612eb967e84204f3a28bc07" data-rendition-name="original" width="4032" height="3024" loading="lazy" alt="The Bon Po way of life NT"> </figure>  “We worship nature and its elements and the prayer flags contain religious texts and when the wind blows through it we consider it a prayer,” says Chhiring Lama. “We also worship ponds for the water and consider fire as a sacred element as well. We also consider snakes sacred, therefore worship ponds, considering them as the place of residence.” The interdependence between human beings and nature is clearly depicted through such traditions and practices which carry relevance today as the planet faces the crisis of climate breakdown.&nbsp; Important gods worshiped include Satrig Ersang, Shenlha Okar, Sangpo Bumtri, and Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche. But what is similar to Buddhism is an offering known as ‘torma’, a cone shaped ritual offering made from flour dough. Many Bon faithful are vegetarian, or abstain from meat during festivals.&nbsp; Over time, the rise of Buddhism in Tibet and beyond overshadowed Bon, pushing many of its practices to the margins. Yet, the tradition continues to live on, carried by those who see in it a deep connection to nature, the spirit world, and the roots of Tibetan culture.&nbsp; In many ways, the endurance of Bon is a reminder that even the quietest faiths hold timeless truths, waiting to be remembered and valued. Followers of Bon today are far fewer, and the knowledge about its traditions is not as widespread.&nbsp; “As time goes on, people adopt rituals and cultures that are more convenient to their daily lives,” says Chhiring Lama. “But that means forgetting or leaving behind one’s indigenous and ancestral roots.”

The Bon Po way of life

&nbsp;Nepal has finally become famous the world over for something else besides Mt Everest — the GenZ Movement. The 8 September protests in Kathmandu may have been triggered by what happened in Jakarta a week previously, but it inspired street uprisings all over the world. This week, Mexico’s GenZ are clashing with riot police. Last month, the president of Madagascar fled to Dubai. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-genzs-inspired-filipinos" target="_blank">Philippines</a>, Morocco, Peru, Timor Leste all have seen similar anti-government protests against corruption, nepotism and poor governance. A Himalayan republic, a Latin American federation, a Southeast Asian archipelago, or a North African kingdom may have little in common, their histories, religions, languages, and political systems are worlds apart. But <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/19/world/gen-z-revolutions-protests-louvre-heist-gaza.html" target="_blank">the common thread</a> running through these demonstrations were the simulacra and symbols spread on social media platforms.&nbsp; The young crowds marching through the streets of these countries were holding up the same icons. They painted the same images on cardboard, waved the same flags, stitched the same badges on their backpacks. They chanted &nbsp;the same references from the same corners of the internet.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_2ff7cf4ce7a9590359ed18753f4977648a6db83e95dd62d602a3f81e9eec42c4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251122031128_2ff7cf4ce7a9590359ed18753f4977648a6db83e95dd62d602a3f81e9eec42c4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1250" height="1047" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> <figcaption> One Piece reference meme on Instagram, 115K likes(Photo: Shristi Karki)</figcaption> </figure>  To anyone who did not grow up online, this looks random. To anyone who did, it feels like the most obvious thing in the world. A new kind of global identity has formed — one that cuts across nationalities and cultures. In Nepal older relatives mock the ‘जेन्जी’. My neighbour asked me if ‘GenZ’ was a new political party.&nbsp; Around the world, when youth-led protests appear, reporters and politicians ask the same question: ‘Who is the leader?’ The answer is the same: there is no leader.&nbsp; Some names come up more prominently, as people did during <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-historic-youth-dissensus?fbclid=IwY2xjawNPQnZleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHk5Nazeqz3K9aNddXa-dQfCbwtId0nLclQwHzIYhTfg8tzGWXZMBJ5pjm5Qx_aem_a5JoyT1FRqzCVtnnPM7zUw" target="_blank">the Nepali protests</a>: Sudan Gurung. Miraj Dhungana, Rakshya Bam and other organisers who appeared in livestreams and interviews. But look closely and the leader is hiding in plain sight. The leader is not a person. The leader is the internet meme.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_b2319eb8d7abec7ed5e12baf1a53e0a27cfd7a49ee15c058c47cdf2603a7fa8a.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20251122031128_b2319eb8d7abec7ed5e12baf1a53e0a27cfd7a49ee15c058c47cdf2603a7fa8a" data-rendition-name="original" width="662" height="1038" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> <figcaption>Aurafarming, 233K likes(Photo: Shristi Karki)</figcaption> </figure>  <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-meme-revolution" target="_blank">Memes today</a> are doing the quiet organising work that pamphlets and party cells once did. They offer identity, coordinate action, level power differences, and they do it without any central command. This is not because memes cause revolts. It is because memes are the connective tissue of a generation that grew up on the same visual language, the same jokes, the same references, and the same sense of shared digital childhood. Older generations did not share cultural symbols in the same way. Whether they read a certain comic book or watched the same cartoon depended on class, religion, caste, the country, or neighbourhood they grew up in. These divisions created stratified cultural memories.&nbsp; Today, an entire global cohort has been raised on the same visual media. The same YouTube creators. The same TikTok jokes. The same anime storylines. It is truly what McLuhan predicted the Global Village would be.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_136d009a48d8f8daee82ada1b220e0b0c8ec482b52dcd44e0942e2185a70421b.png" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20251122031128_136d009a48d8f8daee82ada1b220e0b0c8ec482b52dcd44e0942e2185a70421b" data-rendition-name="original" width="738" height="1012" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> <figcaption>Masked K P Oli, 63K likes(Photo: Shristi Karki)</figcaption> </figure>  This has also created the perfect environment for <a href="https://observer.co.uk/news/international/article/revolution-20-frances-political-future-could-be-won-or-lost-by-bots-and-memes" target="_blank">memes to become political tools</a>. They are instantly recognisable, emotionally charged, and open for remixing. They allow young people to signal their values without stating them. They compress identity, anger, humour, and belonging into something that the rest of the world dismisses as unserious. The perfect example of a GenZ meme is the famous skull and crossbones in protest flags from Kathmandu to Manila to Mexico City. The Strawhat Pirates from the <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/asia-pacific/20251006-one-piece-manga-revolt-morocco-indonesia-nepal-madagascar" target="_blank">anime One Piece</a>, is a show with over 1,000 episodes and a global fanbase that spans continents. One Piece follows Luffy, a justice driven pirate who travels across a world ruled by corrupt older elites who hoard power and suppress dissent.&nbsp; It is not hard to see why that story resonates with young people who feel locked out of political systems built by generations before them. I even printed stacks of my own flyer that explained memetic warfare using Minecraft visuals and handed them out in the crowd. Each one linked to a Telegram group with the Strawhat Pirates logo called MemePack HQ.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031144_1b12e920be6e312e1dc8768d318c1d1332e32694293b48984089867e7e525a27.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20251122031144_1b12e920be6e312e1dc8768d318c1d1332e32694293b48984089867e7e525a27" data-rendition-name="original" width="1100" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Meme Movements"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_08b720667a9ff36537e58992c8a8030b090900847de5eecd479bbb3fc727349d.png" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20251122031128_08b720667a9ff36537e58992c8a8030b090900847de5eecd479bbb3fc727349d" data-rendition-name="original" width="696" height="1004" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> <figcaption>Indonesia-Nepal comparison, 17.7K likes(Photo: Shristi Karki)</figcaption> </figure>  CULTURE EXPOSURE The Strawhat logo is not the only symbol making people protest. That would be like saying video games cause real world violence. Instead, the logo works like a modern version of mythology. It packs meaning for those who understand it. It represents loyalty, rebellion, chosen family, and resistance against unfair structures. It works as a rallying flag because it is already a shared story. And unlike older myths, it is accessible regardless of religion, caste, language, or national identity. Across Nepal, the Strawhat symbol has shown up on posters, badges, and protest outfits. But it is only one piece of a larger ecosystem of youth symbols. From Nepali meme pages remixing political speeches into ironic audios, to posts that place politicians into familiar pop culture formats, to clips that exaggerate the absurdity of daily life under slow moving governance, these are not just jokes. These are narrative units. Each post is a tiny story with its own punchline and its own political edge. Each TikTok video or meme functions like a religious shlok, a short piece of narrative that carries layers of meaning depending on who consumes it. Someone who has spent years studying a religion, in this case, inside GenZ online culture will recognise the symbols instantly. Someone outside this world will only see noise. This creates a literacy divide that is not about formal education but cultural exposure.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_2d09f075663678fe92d4e4dcc631ee6ad1aa8a99996f4c4a3649e4bf4d85132f.png" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20251122031128_2d09f075663678fe92d4e4dcc631ee6ad1aa8a99996f4c4a3649e4bf4d85132f" data-rendition-name="original" width="810" height="1208" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_d591c4dc857864cc833ffc6baece3f4c2798bbaf70b557f965463fc8f802900e.png" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20251122031128_d591c4dc857864cc833ffc6baece3f4c2798bbaf70b557f965463fc8f802900e" data-rendition-name="original" width="568" height="1124" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> </figure>  Protesting youth spent countless hours scrolling, interpreting, remixing, and responding to content. They built a shared symbolic universe across borders without planning to. This is why their political movements feel leaderless. They are not following individuals. They are following stories that define what justice looks like. Stories that define who the villain is. Stories that define how to respond when power is abused. In Nepal, memes about broken roads, delayed passports, political inheritance networks, and bureaucratic absurdity circulated for months before they became slogans or chants. By the time people took to the streets, the narrative groundwork had already been completed by thousands of posts liked and shared in private. The protests did not emerge from nowhere. They emerge from years of digital storytelling. Which is why the government’s ban on 26 digital platforms on 5 September became such a rallying force. The platforms that distribute these memes are not neutral, they are actually designed to maximise engagement because engagement translates to ad revenue. Right now, there is an engineer in Silicon Valley getting paid an enormous salary to find the perfect colour shade for a singular pixel on your screen so that you linger for fractions of a second longer.&nbsp; Algorithms reward content that trigger emotion. Sometimes the emotion is delight. Sometimes it is envy. Often it is anger. When rage becomes a business model, movements built inside these systems can feel powerful but unstable. The platforms democratise attention but centralise emotion. They allow anyone to broadcast, yet they shape the emotional tone of what becomes viral.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_f22baab05910305ea435045824b25b796d5630715e2e17c3f3c0991e8371843c.png" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20251122031128_f22baab05910305ea435045824b25b796d5630715e2e17c3f3c0991e8371843c" data-rendition-name="original" width="974" height="1156" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> </figure>  GenZ sits inside this tension. Empowered by the ability to speak without gatekeepers. Trapped inside systems that monetise their attention and amplify their frustration. This is why these leaderless online movements feel both organic and volatile. The algorithm filters which stories rise and which fade. It becomes an unintentional political actor. Not elected. Not accountable. Yet influencing millions. When the state is no longer the primary distributor of information, and when the algorithm becomes the new filter of reality, the public is left with a new responsibility. We have to learn to read memes the way past generations learned to read pamphlets or manifestos. A 15 second video can carry more political weight than a two hour speech. A symbol on cardboard might represent a decade of digital storytelling. Older generations often dismiss these images as childish. They are actually literacy markers of a new political class, one that does not wait for leaders. A political class fluent in remixing power, raised on global stories that feel more honest than the institutions they inherited. The youth did not create these platforms. They inherited them. But through memes they found a new language, one that lets them organise without permission. One that lets them build solidarity without needing meetings or manifestos. One that allows them to resist systems that feel too old to reform. It is time to take that seriously. Nobel Rimal is a researcher of digital culture and political communication who studied and participated in the meme driven mobilisations during the Nepal protests&nbsp;