Orange, yellow and brown. Sama Bajracharya fills the canvas with colours, her forehead creased in concentration and a smile playing at her lips. Sama is 47 and has <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/A-for-autism,270">autism</a>, a neurological and developmental disorder that affects how people interact with others, communicate, learn, and behave. It took years for Sama’s parents to come in terms with and understand her challenges.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240416110452_d76000000456e391ebecd6304ca0352da0df367a097a24fba40845620bd0167e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20240416110452_d76000000456e391ebecd6304ca0352da0df367a097a24fba40845620bd0167e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Autism awarness with art"> <figcaption>A colourful painting by Sama Bajracharya.</figcaption> </figure>  It was not until a teacher identified her difficulties – an inability to follow lessons, recognise letters and play with other students. She often withdrew and remained isolated. Her parents took her to a doctor who diagnosed her with autism. Because not much was known about the condition at the time, her parents held onto the hope that she would be cured. For 18 years, her mother Ratna Shova Bajracharya took her to traditional healers, dya majus and ayurvedic hospitals. “I did everything that I could, I just wanted to see her live like everyone else happy,” says Ratna Shova.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240416110456_3783e96dfaeb643383995c2bb37ef189a55c704889ea55ef769842526f132a3f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20240416110456_3783e96dfaeb643383995c2bb37ef189a55c704889ea55ef769842526f132a3f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Autism awarness with art"> <figcaption>Sama with her mother Ratna Shova.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240416110456_a9006224a4e882de540cfc8ad3f9bb298c2b4fb66eaa8f2b48e4b83f68630126.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20240416110456_a9006224a4e882de540cfc8ad3f9bb298c2b4fb66eaa8f2b48e4b83f68630126" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Autism awarness with art"> <figcaption>Sama with her sister Nima walking towards a bus station.</figcaption> </figure>  Upon learning there was no cure from a specialist, Ratna had to adjust their lives to accommodate Sama’s needs. This was not easy as sometimes Sama would exhibit aggressive behaviour including self-harm, throwing objects, breaking mirrors and threatening to jump off the window. A turning point came in 2005 when Sama met Sarita Dangol during an art event for people with autism. A senior artist, Sarita started mentoring Sama in arts and crafts. Art became a form of therapy for Sama, promoting mental and physical stability. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/the-art-of-healing">The art of healing</a>, Sewa Bhattarai Seeing the impact arts had on her, Sarita along with Sunila Bajracharya co-founded Mikha - The Creative Begins in 2022 to help empower other individuals like Sama by providing them a platform to explore and grow through art.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240416110456_da249677323f0b78b936809ea68be00dd17f6530c1f8028723d318c71faafb8e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20240416110456_da249677323f0b78b936809ea68be00dd17f6530c1f8028723d318c71faafb8e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1015" loading="lazy" alt="Autism awarness with art"> <figcaption>Sama likes knitting.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240416110456_1dc69dfe3b36b094726ca5ee1fd63f5754a623d4ab8efc8d52e6b5b86a1945f9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20240416110456_1dc69dfe3b36b094726ca5ee1fd63f5754a623d4ab8efc8d52e6b5b86a1945f9" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Autism awarness with art"> <figcaption>Sama hugs her knitting mentor after her art classes.</figcaption> </figure>  Mikha has become a source of joy for Sama, she excitedly attends classes with her classmates Sabha and Ritu both of whom have been diagnosed with down syndrome. In 2023, Sama participated in the International Disability Dance and Art Festival in Delhi and showcased her artistic and dancing talents, instilling a sense of confidence in her.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240416110456_8c1556b05170bbe7cbb2f2a1959e26fe3ccfb294c3a86f4fc9b84ba225ccbffb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20240416110456_8c1556b05170bbe7cbb2f2a1959e26fe3ccfb294c3a86f4fc9b84ba225ccbffb" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Autism awarness with art"> <figcaption>Sama with her friends Sabha and Ritu during their art class.</figcaption> </figure>  Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-mental-scars-of-violence">The mental scars of violence</a>, Sewa Bhattarai According to the 2021 Census, there are 4,886 individuals with autism in Nepal, out of 647,744 people surveyed. This is 0.8% of the sample population. In 2019, the Autism Care Nepal Society (ACNS estimated) that some 300,000 children were living with autism in Nepal. There has been a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/why-are-autism-cases-rising-in-nepal">worrying increase in autism among younger Nepalis</a>, partly due to increased awareness and diagnosis of the condition. Management and support systems, however, are sorely lacking.&nbsp;

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Autism awareness with art

In 2014, when Surendra Bajracharya was conducting an autism screening camp in Doti, he came across the most unusual case he had seen till then and since. A 46-year-old man had been carried by his brother in a doko basket on his back all the way from his home in the village. The patient had spent his childhood tied up on a leash due to his impulsive behaviour, unusual mood reaction and fits. He had never learnt to move on his own. “He could not speak or walk. We first thought he had cerebral palsy,” recalls Bajracharya. “But after examining him we felt his symptoms matched those of people with autism.” Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/A-for-autism,270">A for autism</a>, Sulaiman Daud and Cindrey Liu The patient and his brother were orphaned at a young age, and it was the brother who was his guardian and nurse all his life. There was no other support system in the family or community.&nbsp; As the office head of Autism Care Nepal Society (ACNS), Surendra Bajracharya has seen everything from a parent dying by suicide due to being overwhelmed by his autistic child to children being caged in attics and enduring social ostracisation because of their condition. But of late, there has been growing awareness in Nepal about autism. In the last decade, ACNS has seen a steady rise in the total diagnoses from just 11 in 2008 to over 300 in 2022. This does not necessarily mean an increase in incidence, but is a good indicator of greater awareness and concern about autism among parents and the public. Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18281">A care in time</a>, Paavan Mathema  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230818080852_9e5862b5c4f2ce7e8e1c4936c3b119c6f3b33d1d4860105f4225922c57a61c10.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230818080852_9e5862b5c4f2ce7e8e1c4936c3b119c6f3b33d1d4860105f4225922c57a61c10" data-rendition-name="original" width="812" height="464" loading="lazy" alt="Autism increasing"> <figcaption>Total number of cases of autism diagnosed in Nepal from 2008 - 2022.</figcaption> </figure>  However, the increase in cases of autism has also been linked to unhealthy dietary practices, especially junk food by the mother during pregnancy. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/the-other-pandemic-mental-health">Following the Covid-19 pandemic</a>, doctors are also reporting an unusually high number of children with what they call ‘virtual autism’. Excessive screen time before two years of age, they believe, is associated with a decrease in cognitive and language development. “We have enough reason to believe that virtual screen time is the primary catalyst for this drastic rise in cases,” states Bajracharya. “They grew up confined in their homes, overexposed to screens and away from social interactions during the pandemic.” According to the World Health Organisation (WHO) estimates, 1 in every 100 children globally has autism. Nepal's 2021 Census reported 4,886 individuals with autism out of 647,744 people surveyed, which is 0.8% of the sample population. “Although recognising autism as a disability in the National Census was a first for Nepal, the actual prevalence of autism spectrum disorders is higher than reported,” adds Bajracharya. “And it is likely that increasing screen time will further worsen the problem in children.” In 2019, <a href="https://autismnepal.org/">the ACNS</a> estimated that there were some 300,000 children living with autism in Nepal. More credible data is crucial for Nepal to base its interventions and policies on autism care.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230818120828_2c3654d64356af0197ef8753a96da89e57e8d8255a0f5cdc68eda8e9a988c12d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230818120828_2c3654d64356af0197ef8753a96da89e57e8d8255a0f5cdc68eda8e9a988c12d" data-rendition-name="original" width="924" height="594" loading="lazy" alt="Autism in Nepal"> </figure>  At the Centre for Autism in Kathmandu, parents are increasingly aware of the special needs of their children, but lack adequate service and support. “There is no incentive for autism caregivers in Nepal,” says Manju Shrestha, an autism specialist at the centre. When Shrestha joined the centre two years ago, there were 32 children enrolled. In two years, that number has almost tripled to 92, with many mildly autistic children progressing into mainstream schools after substantial improvement. “Most parents approach us with concern about their toddler’s delayed speech,” explains Shrestha. Among other symptoms, delayed language development, hyperactivity, restricted behaviour, repeating words and phrases over and over, or playing with the same toys the same way every time are the most common signs that parents have started correctly identifying on their own. But despite such strides in public awareness due to the Internet and social media, the government has been slow to act. The Disability Act 2074 has classified <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18502">disability</a> into four categories on the basis of severity: namely profound (A), severe (B), moderate (C) and mild (D). Individuals in each group get assigned a different coloured identity card with which they can access different levels of care and privileges. But with autism, children often do not get assigned the correct card. “Although an autistic child may need the same level of care as someone with leprosy, they are only assigned category B, while those with physical disabilities are assigned group A,” explains Shrestha. Such misplaced categorisation means the child’s family receives a lower allowance which falls short of helping them afford necessary therapy.&nbsp; “The problem lies in the difference between autism and other physical disabilities,” argues Shrestha. “To most people children with autism may look completely normal. They may even utter a few words, occasionally respond, and seem just like any other child. But the psychological and emotional care they need is significantly different.” Autism Care Nepal Society and <a href="https://centreforautism.com.np/">Centre for Autism</a> are two of only a handful of special needs schools that understand this difference. They employ autism-friendly teaching and learning methods tailored to the needs of each individual child, helping them progress at their own pace.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230818080856_22f33d80714b875edde5a4092593e2bb4efefe50b1165c84260c926763a72341.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20230818080856_22f33d80714b875edde5a4092593e2bb4efefe50b1165c84260c926763a72341" data-rendition-name="original" width="1536" height="1024" loading="lazy" alt="Autism care"> <figcaption>Surendra Bajracharya lecturing volunteers in an autism awareness workshop.</figcaption> </figure>  On a national level, the availability of such institutions, therapists and specialists is inadequate. To bridge this gap between the rising cases and insufficient specialists, ACNS has been running a diploma in special education in autism spectrum disorder. ACNS also conducts several awareness and training projects across Nepal, including a parent-child training project that has seen widespread success in 44 districts across all seven provinces. Plans are underway to set up a new National Centre for Autism in Lalitpur to provide education, training and other services to individuals and families affected by autism. ACNS hopes to work with the Ministry of Education, Ministry of Health and Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare to diversify and decentralise autism care. While much of the ignorance and taboos associated with autism are dissipating with increased knowledge and awareness, the condition remains a public health concern in Nepal. The cases are going up and those afflicted are increasingly younger.&nbsp; Experts say the government has to abandon its one-size-fits-all approach in dealing with autism spectrum disorders. For a health issue as wide-ranging and variable as this, care must also be provided to meet diverse needs. Says Manju Shrestha: “Recognising the abilities, talents and sparks within each child with autism demands drastic shifts in our present state of healthcare and education. This change is long overdue.” As for Surendra Bajracharya, the middle aged man he met in Doti nine years ago is still etched in his mind, and it inspires him to do more. He says, “The innocence in his eyes … it is tragic that people have to suffer so much from an affliction when care can be made available.”&nbsp;

Why are autism cases rising in Nepal?

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101120/636b70d49c7e80680e06009bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="803"/><figcaption>Photo : UNICEF</figcaption></figure>Last month, the prestigious <a href="https://www.nejm.org/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">New England Journal of Medicine</a> published a study of the <a href="https://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMoa1905047" target="_blank" rel="noopener">successful trial of a new typhoid vaccine</a> that could prevent thedeaths of many children around the world. The vaccine research was conducted at Patan Hospital by a Nepali researcher.The randomised control trial of the typhoid conjugate vaccine (TCV) was conducted among more than 20,000 participants in Lalitpur district, and the efficacy of the new vaccine was found to be 81.6% -- a major improvement on previous vaccines. (See box below).The positive news from Nepal came as various parts of the world, including the US, Europe, Samoa and Africa, struggled to cope with the biggest measles outbreak in decades. Most of the cases have now been associated with people forgoing recommended preventive shots because of fears of side-effects fanned by social media.Fear of vaccination started ever since a paper in 1998 in the medical journal <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Lancet</a> cited a link between autism and the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/maurice-hilleman-the-vaccine-man,1852" target="_blank" rel="noopener">measles, mumps, rubella (MMR) vaccine</a>. The research was later found to be fraudulent and retracted, but the anti-vaccine movement gained traction again in the past year after the rumours resurfaced on the Internet resulting in families rejecting early childhood immunisation against diseases like polio, rubella and measles.“The good news is that unlike in the rest of the world, people in Nepal demand vaccines. If we miss to vaccinate a child for any reason, parents come knocking, asking for the shots,” says Jhalak Gautam of the Family Welfare Division at Teku.Sameer Mani Dixit of The Centre for Molecular Dynamics Nepal concurs. “Entire communities actively participate in vaccination programs and are well aware of the benefits. Every mother in Nepal knows the immunisation schedule by heart.”The Centre for Molecular Dynamics Nepal has just completed a study on why the country has been so successful with its immunisation program, and the results will be published later this month. This study and similar studies underway in Senegal and Zambia are being conducted with  funding from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, in an effort to analyse the success of vaccination programs in developing nations.Nepal’s national immunisation program started in 1988 and now vaccinates some 620,000 children under 15 months of age every year against 11 infectious diseases such as <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/tb/">tuberculosis</a>, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Bouncing-back-higher-wheelchair-basketball,3802" target="_blank" rel="noopener">polio</a>, pneumonia and measles.The last case of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/polio-hunt/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">polio</a> was detected in Rautahat district in 2010, and Nepal was declared polio free four years later. The country also eliminated maternal and neonatal tetanus in 2005. Similarly, Japanese encephalitis, diphtheria, pertussis and pneumonia have all been controlled, and there are regular vaccinations against congenital rubella syndrome and hepatitis B.Despite the high immunisation rate, thousands of Nepali children continue to die due to easily preventable and treatable communicable diseases <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16988#.XiBL7_4zaUk" target="_blank" rel="noopener">like diarrhoea</a> and according to Nepal Demographic Health Survey 2016, one in a hundred Nepali children have still not been vaccinated against any infectious diseases.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-is-a-microcosm-of-all-of-the-changes-in-world-health/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">"Nepal is a microcosm of all the change in world health"</a>Immunisation coverage data from last year also shows a worryingly high dropout rate. While 93% of newborns received BCG jabs, the first in the national immunisation schedule, the coverage dropped to 73% by the time children received the last vaccine, an immunisation against measles and rubella, recommended at the age of 15 months.Several cases of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=186#.XiBGW_4zaUk" target="_blank" rel="noopener">measles</a> have been detected in Kapilvastu, Dang, Makwanpur, Sarlahi and Manang districts recently, and Nepal has not been able to meet its previously set target to eliminate measles and rubella by 2019. The new goal is to eliminate the diseases by 2023.“Dropout rate is a challenge, we have not been able to reach the remotest corners of the country, and children miss their shots because of migration,” says Jhalak Gautam. “We now have a strategy to identify missed pockets and deliver shots at home if required.”The Immunisation Section of the Ministry of Health is now gearing up for a nation-wide measles-rubella vaccination campaign aimed at those who might have missed routine shots. Three million children between the ages 9 months to 5 years are expected to participate in two phases of the campaign later this year.Polio drops will also be administered at the same time to 1.5 million children under five in 19 Tarai districts. The Immunisation Section is also introducing a new vaccine against rotavirus this June to reduce the prevalence of childhood diarrhoea.The new challenge to vaccination comes from an unlikely quarter: federalism. There is confusion about where the vaccines are sourced and who should pay for them. There is concern about the quality of vaccines, many of which need a cold chain with refrigeration to the point of delivery.Warns Patan Hospital physician Buddha Basnyat: “Nepal’s immunisation program is a model of success, but we cannot afford to be complacent.We have to introduce newer and more effective vaccines while also prioritising hygiene and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/toilet-trained/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">sanitation</a> simultaneously.”<h2>Successful trial of new typhoid vaccine</h2><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101120/636b70d79c7e80680e06009cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000">Over 20,000 children between 9 months and 16 years of age in Lalitpur district participated in the <a href="https://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMoa1905047" target="_blank" rel="noopener">first large-scale randomised controlled trial</a> of a new vaccine against <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17306#.XiBGav4zaUk" target="_blank" rel="noopener">typhoid</a>, a disease that affects millions across South Asia.Half of them received the vaccine and the other half received control shots. The efficacy of Typhoid Conjugate Vaccine (TCV) was found to be 81.6%, and the results were published last month in the prestigious New England Journal of Medicine.Prior to this, a small-scale TCV trial was conducted in Britain, and the World Health Organisation (WHO) has since strongly recommend the use of the vaccine for countries and regions where the water and food-borne infection is most common. "Pakistan has been able to control typhoid with this vaccine and <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/langlo/article/PIIS2214-109X(19)30320-1/fulltext" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Vietnam</a> has eliminated it," says lead author of the paper, Mila Shakya, "Administration of this new, effective vaccine by our government will help control the most common bacterial disease in Nepal and South Asia."<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=12158#.XiBGbP4zaUk" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Typhoid</a> is a contagious infection caused by the bacteria Salmonella typhi, which is found in contaminated food and water and which causes fever, diarrhoea and vomiting. It can easily be prevented with awareness, safe drinking water and frequent hand-washing.The vaccine is useful because it is a prophylactic in places where preventive measures are taking time to implement. There are some 21 million typhoid cases and 161,000 typhoid-related deaths annually worldwide. South Asia has been often dubbed as the hub of typhoid and there are some 500 cases per 100,000 population in the region.“This study is Nepal taking a lead in preventing typhoid, after never having really prioritised it. It might not kill as many people as other diseases do, but it still affects thousands of school-going children,” says physician Buddha Basnyat at Patan Hospital.TCV is <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18178#.XiBGdP4zaUk" target="_blank" rel="noopener">not the first typhoid vaccine to be developed</a>. Currently there is an injectable unconjugated polysaccharide vaccine for persons aged two years and above, and an oral capsule for those over six years of age. But they do not work well on young children and they provide protection only for a few years. TCV on the other hand can be given to children below 2 years and the immunisation lasts up to five years.“A single dose of the new vaccine is safe, immunogenic, and effective, and the deployment of the vaccine will reduce the burden of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/so-far-so-good/infectious-enthusiasm-for-travel/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">typhoid</a> in high-risk populations,” stated the interim analysis. “This new evidence of efficacy is especially timely with the recent spread of extensively drug resistant typhoid fever, which threatens child health in affected regions.”Pakistan, which has been struggling against an outbreak of drug resistant typhoid fever since 2016 is already using TCV with positive results and its Sindh province will become the first region in the world to include TCV in routine childhood immunisations.<a href="https://www.gavi.org/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance</a>, which has earmarked $85 million to fund the introduction of the vaccine in the world’s poorest countries, is supporting the program. Nepal is also eligible for funding from the alliance.Says Basnyat: “We should take action before we are also hit, like Pakistan, by the drug-resistant typhoid. What are we waiting for, when Gavi is ready to fund the vaccination program for free and its benefits are so clear. This is a case of vaccine under-utilisation.”Sonia Awale

Sonia Awale

A shot in the arm for vaccines in Nepal

Sometimes, we need to take a step back to realise what a tectonic movement Nepali politics witnessed this month.
In a region and world ruled by elected authoritarians, Nepalis &nbsp;went to the ballot box freely to express a collective will for change.
These faces in this group photo of the RSP’s 180 freshly-minted MPs at the ballroom of the Royal Tulip Hotel on Wednesday is symbolic of what Nepal has come through.&nbsp;
The ship of state righted itself after the September Storm, installing an interim government that held an election within six months in which voters banished obsolete politicians and their parties into oblivion.
Nepalis, fed up with the inept kakistocracy of the past three decades, took the country into a post-ideological phase — replacing Marxists, Maoists and monarchists &nbsp;with a belief in a new governing culture that rewards delivery and accountability. And they have trusted the RSP to carry it through.
Nepal’s history has never been linear, it jerks ahead in lurches. The polity also tends to take one step forward and two steps back, so the public’s great expectations is tempered by a sense of cautious optimism and guarded pessimism.
This could be the great leap forward that Nepalis have waited for and deserve, but it could also be a Gramscian interregnum in which the old is dead and the new is not yet born. We will have to wait to see whether this transitional period will also see ‘morbid symptoms’.
As disruptor-in-chief, it was the Balendra Shah ‘wave’ or ‘craze’ that propelled the RSP to power. The former Kathmandu mayor needed a party platform, and the RSP’s tainted leader Rabi Lamichhane required a booster. Nepal's voters were looking for a saviour.
Personality-wise Shah and Lamichhane are poles apart: one is Type B and the other Type A. One is enigmatic, the other phlegmatic. But yin and yang do also tend to complement each other.&nbsp;
Kathmandu’s chattering class is already making self-fulfilling prophecies about the two falling out, and are fishing for hints that they already have. Shah’s absence from the RSP’s orientation this week was taken as a clue.&nbsp;
Closing the two-day tutorial on Wednesday, Lamichhane delivered a fiery 30-minute speech that laid out the RSP’s main agenda: to function differently from the old parties, serve the people, avoid middlemen, become true lawmakers without taking the law into their own hands.&nbsp;
“The old political parties contributed to history, we will build the future with a new political contract with citizens,” he said, trying to rise over past controversies and his abrasive rhetoric to sound statesmanlike.&nbsp;
GIVE AND TAKE
Lamichhane is said to be in touch with the reclusive Shah to announce a compact cabinet next week. Its composition will be an indication of how much give-and-take there was, and whether the criteria for selecting ministers is competence or loyalty.
Will RSP ministers behave like rulers or service providers? The new government will dive right into the economic fallout of the West Asia war with soaring fuel &nbsp;prices, inflation and uncertainty about remittance inflows.
On Thursday, Gagan Thapa resigned as NC chair, taking moral responsibility for the party’s election loss. The UML’s unrepentant K P Oli does not share the same sentiment about who is responsible for his own party’s historic downfall.&nbsp;
NCP chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who was luckier than his cross-party cohort, is now a comparative relic in a Parliament largely comprised of freshmen and sophomore lawmakers.
But the NC, UML and NCP still control provincial and most municipal governments. The old parties could try to make things difficult for the RSP at the centre, but it is also an opportunity for them to clean up their act ahead of local elections next year.&nbsp;
Another test for the RSP will be dealing with a heavily-politicised klepto-bureaucracy which has to frontend its policy decisions. &nbsp;

People’s power

The RSP and its prime minister are being sworn in this week after gaining an unprecedented election victory. This is a welcome change for many Nepalis who see it as a remedy to decades of coalition instability.&nbsp; Yet Nepal’s political history suggests otherwise. No majority government has ever completed its full term. This reveals a deeper structural problem: weakly institutionalised parties dominated by personalities rather than ideas. 1951: Dissatisfaction with the oppressive Rana regime among the educated elite led to the creation of political parties like the Nepali Congress (NC), Praja Parishad (later merged into the Nepali Congress), Gorkha Parishad, and the Nepal Communist Party.&nbsp; They emerged secretly, mainly in India during the height of that country’s independence. They organised a successful armed uprising against the Rana rule.&nbsp; 1959: The NC won a two-thirds supermajority in the first general election. Within a year, King Mahendra staged a coup and established the partyless absolute monarchy called the Panchayat system.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130332_a416ab5703287898f0566dc6d2a6b95d797ce2f4ed55bffcfae2e8edc7737c5e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260322130332_a416ab5703287898f0566dc6d2a6b95d797ce2f4ed55bffcfae2e8edc7737c5e" data-rendition-name="original" width="675" height="849" loading="lazy" alt="Mahendra and BP"> </figure>  1991: After the People’s Movement, the ban on parties was lifted and Nepal became a constitutional monarchy. Elections were held under a new Constitution and the NC won 110 out of 205 seats, joining the United Leftist Front which functioned as a loose coalition.&nbsp; Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala’s first term ended with his resignation due to infighting, particularly with Ganesh Man Singh, who accused him of <a href="https://doi.org/10.2307/2645025" target="_blank">“emerging as a dictator, downgrading democratic norms and values, and even selling out national interests.”</a> Parliament was dissolved and the NC ended up losing the ensuing elections. 1994: Following the NC’s defeat, a <a href="https://doi.org/10.2307/2645025" target="_blank">hung parliament emerged</a> with the UML forming a minority government that lasted only nine months before collapsing after a no-confidence vote, allowing a NC-led coalition to return to power.&nbsp; 1999: Voters gave the NC a second chance and the party won 111 out of 205 seats. The party was divided between supporters of Koirala and Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, who became prime minister. &nbsp;The internal NC power struggle intensified and Koirala became prime minister again only to face bribery scandals, the Maoist insurgency, and the royal massacre.&nbsp; In 2001, under growing pressure from both the public and the party, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2001/07/20/world/nepal-premier-resigns-caught-in-chaos-after-royal-blood-bath.html" target="_blank">Koirala was forced to resign</a> to be replaced by Sher Bahadur Deuba. The party eventually split into Koirala’s NC and Deuba’s NC (Democratic). &nbsp;In this chaos, king Gyanendra dissolved the parliament and assumed executive powers.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130332_e107b95de5641044f72a13fd20f417d16b9a2d1ecbae3492126ee5fd4244bd84.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260322130332_e107b95de5641044f72a13fd20f417d16b9a2d1ecbae3492126ee5fd4244bd84" data-rendition-name="original" width="1250" height="753" loading="lazy" alt="Deuba and Girija"> </figure>  2017: This was the first election under the federal constitution. The UML and Maoists created a surprise pre-electoral alliance, breaking the Maoist coalition with the NC. The left alliance won a massive victory with the UML winning 121 seats and the Maoists 53 seats. Prime Minister K P Oli fell out with Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoists. The House was dissolved, with the UML itself breaking into factions. What followed was seven shaky coalition governments in eight years.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130352_8b09b374d7fcb811e0a652c7f60b30eea4b9052a19ed3d768ba8ca9aaeb4dec7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260322130352_8b09b374d7fcb811e0a652c7f60b30eea4b9052a19ed3d768ba8ca9aaeb4dec7" data-rendition-name="original" width="667" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Oli and Prachanda"> </figure>  2022: The RSP was formed only four months prior to elections, but managed to become the fourth-largest party. In this month’s &nbsp;election, the RSP won a commanding parliamentary majority by presenting itself to the electorate as different from the discredited old parties.&nbsp; The RSP leadership structure is largely personality-driven and opaque. Party leader Rabi Lamichhane joined the governing coalition with the Maoists and UML securing four ministerial positions. Lamichhane became Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, using his swing vote to be the kingmaker party in the coalition. Lamichhane was embroiled in various scandals which he blamed on political vendetta. There was internal dissent within the party and among supporters who felt the coalition betrayed RSP’s founding ideals.&nbsp; Lamichhane <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2023/02/key-ally-quits-government-in-nepal/" target="_blank">reportedly</a> bypassed the party’s internal mechanisms, unilaterally deciding to pull out of the government without broad consultation.&nbsp; The youth-led September protests gave the RSP an opportunity to represent GenZ aspirations, and its popularity was cemented after Balendra Shah joined the party as a prime ministerial candidate.&nbsp; With its dramatic election victory, there is a question whether the &nbsp;party can separate itself from its two leaders, and have internal democracy. Or will it just be a vessel for new political elites to continue staying in power?&nbsp; ‘BALEN PARTY’ The RSP has increasingly relied on the same tactics that the NC once used in its heyday. Backed by Balendra Shah’s meteoric rise to fame, the RSP is called ‘The Balen Party’. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/cyberia/rsp-s-pr-list-is-not-good-pr" target="_blank">RSP’s PR list</a> includes celebrities, actors, singers, pageant winners, business personalities, and athletes to maximise visibility and public appeal. Many of these soon-to-be MPs have little to no experience working in government, or together as a team. Which is perhaps why they needed a two-day orientation last week. In today’s attention economy, political currency depends on visibility. This is why the RSP’s strategy to harness Shah’s popularity was necessary to secure victory, while Shah needed a political platform for the election.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130348_abd1522a1f4f8ad4a0861c3916d86bd9688deafc7c44081b976378405d2b8e39.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20260322130348_abd1522a1f4f8ad4a0861c3916d86bd9688deafc7c44081b976378405d2b8e39" data-rendition-name="original" width="900" height="900" loading="lazy" alt="Balen and Rabi"> </figure>  Political parties are essential for a democracy, but when they &nbsp;revolve around one dominant leader, internal institutions become weak, and decision-making becomes centralised in the leader rather than in party committees, rules, or ideological platforms.&nbsp; This is exactly what led to the downfall of the NC and the UML. Both over the years were ridden with inter- and intra-party strife and failed the electorate. RSP must take a lesson from this and unite to institutionalise beyond its two personalities. Or it will suffer the same fate as the legacy parties. Since its inception, RSP has espoused a populist and anti-establishment agenda. The ‘new’ RSP with the Balendra brand gained massive support by being a clear ‘other’.&nbsp; The RSP can fall into the same trap as the NC and the UML by defining itself by what it is not, rather than what it is for. Beyond the external enemies they oppose, these parties often struggle to articulate what they actually stand for.&nbsp; RSP positions itself as an alternative to established parties — a pragmatic, results-oriented political force rather than one driven by traditional ideologies. However,<a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/theorizing-in-comparative-politics/parties-and-ideology/8386083191B53EC86A239B8852D4A6A6" target="_blank"> ideology gives a party identity and direction.</a> Without ideological grounding, RSP risks becoming a hollow vessel for power-chasing politicians who oppose each other’s every move, a story that is all too familiar.&nbsp; RSP can no longer define itself as being anti-establishment. It is now the establishment.&nbsp; While RSP might look like Congress 2.0 to many who have seen Nepal’s democratic trajectory, RSP does differ from past majority parties in both positive and negative ways.&nbsp; Times have also changed. Nepal is no longer a monarchy, literacy rates are much higher, social media has made information more accessible, and Nepalis are less forgiving, as seen by the events that transpired on 8-9 September 2025.&nbsp; The RSP has fielded more qualified candidates, and they could steer the country in the right direction. Many are experts in their fields and have had years of experience prior to joining politics. Having experts from such different backgrounds is a huge asset.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130352_426011e8c377bffcef6fcb4371325b36fb940eb5a8ab66d3c76ff5cf6f1943c7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20260322130352_426011e8c377bffcef6fcb4371325b36fb940eb5a8ab66d3c76ff5cf6f1943c7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1066" loading="lazy" alt="RSP new MPs"> </figure>  Moreover, having MPs from various other parties/fields can also prevent a cult following of hardcore loyalists within the party.&nbsp; There are members loyal to certain RSP leaders in the party, but there are also those who will not hesitate to go against their leaders if need be. The RSP has little opposition in Parliament, so its own members may have to take on a check-and-balance role. Nepal is in a much better spot institutionally compared to what it was like back in the early days of its democracy. There is a Constitution, there is no active conflict, the monarchy is no longer an existential threat to democracy, and the local and provincial governmental bodies have had the time to settle.&nbsp; This means the RSP is in a better position to work without the basic institutional hurdles that previous governments faced, but it will not be able to hide behind institutional issues if it fails to deliver.&nbsp; In the past, majority parties could easily pin the blame on an authoritarian monarchy, a Maoist conflict, a lack of consensus during the constitution-building process, or a newly implemented federal system.&nbsp; Most of these were just excuses for incompetency. Governments were formed and fell based on self-serving negotiations, but they managed to keep the parties afloat, and the citizenry was willing to give them a second, third, or even fourth chance.&nbsp; The RSP will not have this privilege. Nepal has many problems, but its governmental bodies are better institutionalised than when the NC last had a majority. A challenge for RSP now would be fixing broken institutions, not building new ones. A recurring issue during Balendra Shah’s tenure as Kathmandu’s mayor were his <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/politics/2026/01/28/can-nepal-s-viral-mayor-run-the-country" target="_blank">disputes with the bureaucracy</a> that resulted in months of unpaid salary for KMC staff, a lack of collaboration between him and Deputy Mayor Sunita Dangol, and rarely any public appearances.&nbsp; The RSP is inheriting a bureaucracy tainted by deep-seated patronage networks. Sustaining a government requires institutional collaboration and a willingness to work together, not disruption and division.&nbsp; While Nepal has seen the rise of many populist figures in its democratic history, the RSP’s victory based on Balendra Shah’s fame is new. Populism is usually harmful for a democracy because it punishes dissent, turns criticism into betrayal, and fuels hyper-nationalism, authoritarianism, and polarisation. A trend of punishing criticism is already visible on online spaces. Without an effective parliamentary opposition, the responsibility for democratic accountability will fall on the media and civil society. If the trend of intolerance to criticism deepens, Nepal risks sliding toward a majoritarian politics where popularity replaces accountability. Time and again, the Nepali people have given opportunities to parties that promise change, only to face disappointment. Nepal’s political history shows that majority governments fail not because they lack seats, but because they lack institutions.&nbsp; The electoral earthquake Nepal just witnessed could bring sweeping reforms or drown the country’s fragile democracy. If RSP hopes to succeed where others failed, it must build a party that outlives its founders. Suvexa Pradhan Tuladhar is an Early Career Policy Research Fellow at the Nepal Institute for Policy Research (NIPoRe).

Will it be different this time in Nepal?

Deadly floods two years ago along the southern fringes of Kathmandu Valley killed 200 people. Climate change was blamed, but the destruction was magnified by quarries and sand mining owned by local politicians and crony contractors. Disaster mitigation and environmental risk was not a priority for any of the political parties that ran and won Nepal’s election last week. Although the RSP has a supermajority, rural municipalities that grant mining contracts are still ruled by the established parties that supply aggregates and sand to feed &nbsp;Kathmandu’s construction boom. Here in Lele Valley, residents are worried about another monsoon season that will start in June and fear more floods bringing unmanaged gravel from quarries down the Nallu River.&nbsp; The house of Sanumaya Nagarkoti, 65, and ten neighbours were washed away by the flood on the night of 28 September 2024. She and her husband petitioned the ward and municipal council to remove the crushers but no one listened. The slopes above are scarred by landslides from two years ago, and the banks of the river are strewn with bounders the size of cars that were brought down. “We live in constant fear of landslides,” says Chakra Nagarkoti, “the heavy crusher machinery and tipper trucks also constantly shake the house.”&nbsp; Google Earth images show that 24.6 hectares of mountain flanks have been excavated since 2010, and despite the disaster no lessons have been learnt.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090348_bdce7f17500eadac0ce0814c32c2b4190d01325976fd4d29db9985148459c0bc.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260319090348_bdce7f17500eadac0ce0814c32c2b4190d01325976fd4d29db9985148459c0bc" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="907" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>Photo: GOOGLE EARTH</figcaption> </figure>  The RSP might have got a near two-thirds majority in Parliament but decision-making at the community level is controlled by politicians in cahoots with contractors.&nbsp; Along the Mahadev Khola, the Department of Mines cancelled excavation permits for crushers citing flood and landslide risk. Yet there are still 21 contractors mining stones and sand.&nbsp; Nearby Godavari Municipality also instructed operators who had not renewed permits to close down. No action was taken. One of them is Vinayak Multipurpose which delivers aggregate and stones for United Cement. Local ward chair Milan Silwal, has a stake in Vinayak and locals accuse him of taking the side of industry.&nbsp; Another slope is being gouged out near Mahadev Khola, and comparing satellite imagery from 2010 shows that the scar on the mountain is now five times bigger.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090348_21a8f7f7f9d6cc784c35719da737b20283f934bbe16c9de971d91bf01012499a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260319090348_21a8f7f7f9d6cc784c35719da737b20283f934bbe16c9de971d91bf01012499a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>United Cement operating near Mahadev Khola. Photo: ARCHANA DARJI</figcaption> </figure>  Nearby stands the lone house of 55-year-old Sabina Tamang, who lives with her husband and daughter. Due to the sound of the stone-breakers, they cannot hear each other speak. “Last year, a landslide destroyed our cowshed and latrine,” she says. “Next it is going to be our home.”&nbsp; DRY SPRINGS Lele gets its water from several perennial springs which have gone dry in recent years. One of them is near where the cement factory quarries limestone. “We hardly get any water, and the little that does flow is murky and red,” says local resident Rajesh Shrestha. A parliamentary committee directive ordered excavation to stop 15 years ago after a similar flood to the one in 2024.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090352_af7da754299116578cc1dd91d5318ec337b69e74b0676599260b7c57c6ec6fd7.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260319090352_af7da754299116578cc1dd91d5318ec337b69e74b0676599260b7c57c6ec6fd7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="494" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>Lele over the years. Photo: GOOGLE EARTH</figcaption> </figure>  United Cement’s manager Hari Upreti says his company has fulfilled all requirements and has permission to mine 15 hectares of its own property and 4 hectares of government land. “We have the Department of Mines permit which is valid till 2036 and extract 1,600 tons of limestone every day,” says Upreti. “The local community knew about the mining and if there is a problem with springs going dry it is not because of us.” Environmental researcher Uttambabu Shrestha, however, says there is a direct correlation between the quarry operation and floods, landslides and dry springs.&nbsp; “Extraction should not be allowed without an environmental impact assessment, and companies must stick to set limits,” he says. Investigation of permits show that there is collusion between local officials and contractors. Godavari-6 Chair Bishnuman Maharjan has investment in two quarries and crusher companies operating along Nallu Khola. A paper trail links Maharjan also to Sagarmatha Stone Crusher and Mankamana Aggregate Industries. IMPUNITY&nbsp; Godavari Municipality published a notice in June 2024, instructing crusher companies to submit environmental reports within two weeks, covering initial examination and impact assessment. It also told them to pay local development fees and clear outstanding dues. The municipality even wrote to the Department of Mines clarifying that it had issued permits to only five out of 27 contractors. Within a month, the Department wrote to the District Administration Office (DAO) and District Police Office instructing them to stop illegal excavation, and sent a copy to the Lalitpur Division Forest Office. The DAO then wrote to Lalitpur Police naming Machindranath Multipurpose as operating illegally and should be shut down. There was no followup. The municipality then issued fines worth Rs 60 million to it and one other company for non-compliance. The companies stalled, disputing the calculations.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090356_6e96403d3c5be4aef4d030974d6d92029a0eb396deafd19c511978dae30dd3d2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260319090356_6e96403d3c5be4aef4d030974d6d92029a0eb396deafd19c511978dae30dd3d2" data-rendition-name="original" width="4000" height="2250" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>Another site of extraction near Mahadev Khola in Godavari. </figcaption> </figure>  Machhindranath Multipurpose operator Kedar Timalsina Shashi denies doing anything wrong, and says the landslides were collateral damage because of the steep terrain. When contacted Godavari Municipality Deputy Mayor Muna Adhikari declined to comment. It has been 10 years since Rajesh Shrestha, Nikesh Shrestha, and others raised their voices against the environmental destruction caused by the construction mafia. An agreement was finally reached two years ago between locals and mining and transport businessmen, stipulating that stone mines must close permanently by mid-2025. The agreement also stated that check dams must be built to manage mining debris, and damaged structures must be restored to their original state. Trees were to be planted at sites where stone mines had operated. But the mines in the catchment are still in operation with 500 tipper trucks working on the site every day, transporting stones and aggregate. Local youth have continued holding sit-in street protests and at Lalitpur DAO.&nbsp; After one sit-in, the mines closed for about a month but they started back up a month later.&nbsp; Birendra Maharjan owns one of the crusher units, and says he follows all environmental protocols. He told us: “You need stones to build, and we must dig to extract stones. Some trees have to be cut, people get employment, and besides, floods and landslides happen across Nepal.” &nbsp;&nbsp; Centre for Investigative Journalism – Nepal.

Loot in Lele

This week, the RSP held a two-day closed orientation camp for its newly elected members of Parliament. The party has also decided to assign parliamentary and Cabinet roles to leaders only after the new MPs are sworn in on 28 March.&nbsp;
This means the new prime minister and his cabinet of 15 ministers are likely to be installed closer to the Nepali New Year, and the expectation is that it will also usher in a new era of governance and politics in Nepal.&nbsp;
Between now and then, there is much speculation regarding who will become new ministers and from which camp—Balendra Shah's or Rabi Lamichanne’s. Meanwhile, the final argument in the petition against the Rabi Lamichanne case revision is set for Thursday, with a verdict expected on the same day.
“In the past, parties did anything to form coalitions and to keep them from splitting ministries and appointing anyone they wanted to, even going against the spirit of the Constitution, but the RSP doesn’t need to partake in any such activities,” says political analyst Indra Adhikari.
Adhikari notes that governance failures in the past was often the result of coalition governments formed through political bargaining that meant the primary party often had to compromise on their agenda.&nbsp;
“But nothing is stopping the party from fulfilling its election manifesto,” she says. “And if they aren’t able to deliver, we know Nepalis are prone to protests, so another revolt is also a possibility.”
Journalist and author Mohan Mainali agrees that the everyday Parliamentary proceedings should go smoothly for new government because of their majority.&nbsp;
But there are questions as to what a near two-thirds majority allows the RSP to achieve in Parliament. Its 182 seats in the Lower House allows the party to enact and amend laws without hurdles and bypass Upper House’s request for Bill revisions. But the RSP has no presence in the National Assembly, and that means that its majority in the Lower House is not enough to amend the Constitution.&nbsp;
“The Constitution poses no obstacles for the RSP to work on improving governance, development and delivery,” says Mainali. &nbsp;“If they do show some performance, it will be easier for them to go into the next election and ask for a two-thirds majority to also amend the constitution,” he adds.
The last coalition government of the UML and Nepali Congress before the GenZ protests had been built upon a primary agreement to make amendments to the Constitution. So, depending on the nature of amendments, the RSP might find some support within the National Assembly at a time when some of the older parties, such as the Nepali Congress, have committed to supporting the new government as well as internal party reforms.
“What we need is a structural overhaul, from our laws and foreign policy to economy and security apparatus, and for this the RSP needs to champion collaboration and consultation for the sake of nation building,” says Indra Adhikari. “So it all comes down to the understanding and judgment of the RSP’s leadership. If they try to go at it alone, it will lead nowhere.”
To be sure, the provincial government could also clean up their act before the next local and provincial elections, which would help the older parties to regain some of their lost footing and rebuild trust.
As it stands, RSP lawmakers will also have to learn to work with each other. Mainali notes that the RSP not being bound by one clear ideology might lead to future problems, including the rumoured animosity between party president Rabi Lamichhane and prime minister-in-waiting Balendra Shah.
“Parties that came before the RSP had an ideology, whether they followed them or not, but the RSP is made of different kinds of people,” says Mainali. “If they are not motivated by a common goal of achieving something tangible in the next five years, it might be difficult for them to stay together.”
Adds Adhikari: “Balendra and Rabi don’t seem to be compatible. Rabi has already failed when it comes to the matters of governance, and Balendra won’t carry that burden. Additionally, there is a struggle between the two in terms of party hierarchy.”
Speaking at the closing of the two-day orientation, from which Balendra Shah was noticably absent, Rabi Lamichanne said that the RSP’s image as intolerant needs to be changed, and that the country is not heading towards totalitarianism but is in the hands of good, new people.
Regardless of the assurance, the general public has seen Balendra Shah and Lamichanne’s disposition in the last several years, and analysts are worried that their personalities and ambition might lead to an environment of increased intolerance.&nbsp;
As it stands in absence of a strong opposition, the responsibility falls on the media and the civil society to be the watchdog and play an effective check and balance role.&nbsp;
“Seeing how Balendra has ignored the media so far and Rabi has made inflammatory remarks in the past, they are probably more intolerant than the likes of Trump and Modi,” says Mainali. He notes that the party does not just have technical human resource and cyber army but a large number of dedicated supporters.&nbsp;
The media must thus continue to build trust by highlighting good work, educating the public on the importance of impartial journalism in democracy and debate any Bill purposed in Parliament, Mainali adds.&nbsp;
Says Adhikari: “The media should praise the government when they do well, motivate them, but it should also point out wrongdoings without fear, and provide recommendations to do better. Otherwise, absolute power corrupts absolutely, which we have seen happen happen in America with Trump and in India with Modi, where extremism has taken over and democracy has been curtailed.”