On World Health Day on 7 April this week, the Air Quality Index (AQI) in Kathmandu exceeded 300 – one of the dirtiest in any city in the world. Breathing was literally <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/breathing-is-hazardous-to-health">lethal</a>.
Although the main source of pollution this week was smoke from brushfires raging across the country, emissions from diesel and petrol vehicles are a bigger year-round source of hazardous suspended particles and toxic gases.&nbsp;
The good news is that the sale of electric four-wheelers is growing rapidly, and battery-powered vehicles now account for one-third of Nepal’s total car imports. Outside Kathmandu, vans, microbuses and three-wheelers are switching to electric as never before
All this has happened even though there is still a hefty <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/1-step-forward-2-steps-back-in-nepal">tax on battery-powered vehicles</a>. In last year’s budget ex-Finance Minister Prakash Mahat increased the tax on smaller EVs and electric vans while inexplicably reducing the tax on luxury SUVs.
This year, all eyes are on the new Finance Minister Barsha Man Pun, who is under pressure to raise government revenue that has fallen drastically due to a slowdown in imports. Instead of lowering taxes and even announcing subsidies on electric cars and appliances, he may actually increase them. He could also do it selectively to favour certain EV brands imported by cronies.
“The government should be more careful in how it taxes electric vehicles,” says air pollution activist Bhushan Tuladhar who is also the director of Sajha Yatayat, the public transport company that is operating 40 electric buses. “It should be consistent, predictable and guided by science, it can’t be a kneejerk reaction with no real planning.”
One large electric bus can replace at least 10 cars, easing road congestion, improving air pollution and reducing petroleum imports. But existing excise and import taxes make battery-powered buses up to five times more expensive than a diesel bus of similar capacity.&nbsp;
On Tuesday, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/sajha-s-green-buses-go-greener">Sajha Yatayat inaugurated Nepal’s largest charging station</a> with 24 charging points where it will charge its 40 e-buses. Speaking at the event, Kulman Ghising of Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) acknowledged that Nepal was undergoing a “massive transport transition”.&nbsp;
“We will soon have surplus power even in winter, and private EVs can only use so much of our electricity, what we really need is to electrify our mass transport,” he said. “On one hand, by increasing our consumption of electricity, it will reduce our petroleum imports and subsequently our trade deficit. It will also help us meet our net zero target. This is also very feasible as a business model.”
Petroleum imports account for one-fourth of Nepal’s total imports and is more than all of our exports combined. Reducing petroleum consumption by just 10% would save the country over Rs30 billion whereas even exporting all of our current power generation of 3,000MW would earn us just half that amount.
It is simple maths: prioritising <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/missing-pieces-of-the-hydropower-jigsaw">domestic electricity consumption</a> is a win-win-win for the country. Electrification of industries, tourism and agriculture would also mean tens of thousands of new green jobs and help stem the mass exodus of youth.&nbsp;
A policy decision is also urgently needed for electric taxis. Bagmati Province does not register new battery-powered cabs, but they are still being imported as private cars which then buy number plates of the older taxis. This means the electric taxis have to pay higher road taxes, keeping their fares high.
A battery-powered taxi can be fully charged for just Rs106, and will have a range of 180km. A petrol taxi would need Rs3,500 worth of petrol to cover that distance.&nbsp;
Climate expert Manjeet Dhakal says that budget fluctuations make people and investors lose confidence, and this is especially important ahead of the Nepal Investment Summit later this month.
“At a time when the whole world is moving towards clean energy, Nepal’s contradictory policy regarding EV sends out the wrong message to the business community,” he adds. “But at the next &nbsp;budget, we must incentivise electric buses. Even within the EV bracket, this is the segment we have to hit had if we are to make a real difference.”
Without state subsidy and support, the private sector is unlikely to expand on electric facilities. Pollution tax can very well come in handy here if there is a political will.
Even then EVs are just a part of an ecosystem, we need charging infrastructure, skilled human resources for the new technology, and policies that promote them.
Similarly, two-wheelers make up nearly 80% of total vehicles in Nepal. But there are electric bikes and scooters, government and the private sector have much to do to increase consumer and market confidence in them.
Consecutive governments have been flip-flopping tax rates on electric vehicles in recent years. In 2020, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-reduces-tax-on-electric-cars">the government reduced the taxes on battery-powered vehicles</a>. A year later, it re-imposed tax for electric SUVs while cheaper vehicles were still taxed less. Last year, the tax on smaller EVs and electric vans was increased while that on luxury SUVs was slashed.
Not long ago a former finance minister was caught questioning how the government would earn its revenue if it didn’t tax electric vehicles. Such is our policymaking that we rely on imports to generate income for the government when in fact revenue should be based on local industries and goods.
“Financial policy is based on politics and that is the sad reality, more so now with coalition governments,” says Tuladhar. “But even then, taxation should not be a long-term policy. But unfortunately, people who are making policies aren't riding buses &nbsp;so they have no interest in public transport or don’t even know what to do with it.”

Sonia Awale

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EV year २०८१

<img width="1500" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141128/636cfd179c7e80680e0a0bc6jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>In 1911, Nepal became the second country in Asia to install <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-1st-hydroelectric-plant-is-a-museum-piece/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-1st-hydroelectric-plant-is-a-museum-piece/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGTfe_ElDUnDBA5y1fWiNeNMmj3iw">a hydroelectric plant</a>, and was a pioneer in  electric transportation with the opening in <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=1651#.YREMFtMzbRY" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id%3D1651%23.YREMFtMzbRY&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFCMXd7Cwgzp9Nvx_5uv6jjxw5VdA">1922</a> of a ropeway connecting Kathmandu to Dhorsing and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/business/ropeways-connecting-nepal,1749" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/business/ropeways-connecting-nepal,1749&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFoAmTmRhO8F_jUynodP4VGdDGB2g">later to Hetauda</a>.  The Chinese gifted an <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/kathmandu-bhaktapur-trolley-bus/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/kathmandu-bhaktapur-trolley-bus/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEJ0EZMCfEEa7kLPULhzZRB_DGcng">electric trolley bus line</a> from Kathmandu to Bhaktapur in 1975, which provided valuable commuter service for nearly 30 years. In 1995, the government replaced polluting diesel three-wheelers with electric ones, and 700 of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/12-full-opinion/how-to-get-things-done-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/12-full-opinion/how-to-get-things-done-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHCvZcncwin-QX5AckUaljaRos77g">Safa Tempo</a> are still running on 28 routes, serving Kathmandu’s public transport needs. However, despite these milestones in electric transportation, Nepal has not taken the leaps it could have in powering mass transit with the country’s plentiful renewable energy potential.“We missed the bus on electric buses,” says environmental expert <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/cleaner-air-with-greener-buses/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/cleaner-air-with-greener-buses/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEl_IlhZ7KVICnzsc-SRPKQHCTwSQ">Bhusan Tuladhar</a>. “We could have taken e-vehicles to the next level much earlier.”Indeed, the Safa Tempo now faces competition from diesel buses on trunk routes, and government policy on replacing larger diesel buses with electric ones has been erratic. Daily commuter volume in Kathmandu today now needs larger mass transit modes, but Safas are ideally suited for narrower streets of the inner city.“After the diesel three-wheelers were replaced by Safa Tempo, the government adopted a contradictory policy of promoting micro-buses,” explains Dharma Kumar Shrestha of NEVI (Nepal Electric Vehicle Industry).  <figure><img width="1435" height="1845" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141128/636cfd1b9c7e80680e0a0bc7jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Sadly, in the early 2000s, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/kathmandu-bhaktapur-trolley-bus/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/kathmandu-bhaktapur-trolley-bus/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEJ0EZMCfEEa7kLPULhzZRB_DGcng">trolley bus system</a> and another cargo ropeway to Hetauda were closed due to losses and mismanagement. Although private electric cable cars are coming into operation nationwide for tourism, there is still no strategic solution in sight for electrified public transportation, particularly electric buses.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-electric-transport-future-is-here/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-electric-transport-future-is-here/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEluSwdpWldVQB8IdEn83UBiR6-RQ">Electric vehicles</a> still have problems with carbon emission during production and battery disposal, but they will help improve the air quality and reduce Nepal’s petroleum imports which have more than doubled in the past 10 years. Some <a href="http://www.mofe.gov.np/downloadfile/E-mobility%20Assmnt%20NDC%202020_1623998131.pdf" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.mofe.gov.np/downloadfile/E-mobility%2520Assmnt%2520NDC%25202020_1623998131.pdf&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNE2VntIF8kJ7PIXXcPqAHkOF4QTHQ">12%</a> percent of the greenhouse gas emissions from the energy sector in Nepal comes from transportation, with heavy vehicles like fuel-run trucks and buses being the main polluters. There are now about 6,000 battery two-wheelers, over 27 thousand electric three-wheelers, and 1,000 electric vehicles in Nepal, but this is still only 1% of the total, according to a <a href="http://www.mofe.gov.np/downloadfile/E-mobility%20Assmnt%20NDC%202020_1623998131.pdf" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.mofe.gov.np/downloadfile/E-mobility%2520Assmnt%2520NDC%25202020_1623998131.pdf&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNE2VntIF8kJ7PIXXcPqAHkOF4QTHQ">Ministry of Forests and Environment report.</a> <figure><img width="1000" height="589" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141128/636cfd1e9c7e80680e0a0bc8jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“Since transportation contributes a significant amount of Nepal’s total greenhouse emissions, a shift to electric is essential to achieve the country’s goal of being carbon-neutral by 2050,” says Radha Wagle, Chief of the Climate Change Management Division under the Ministry of Forests and Environment. Electric Vehicles are initially more expensive, but in the long run not are not just less-polluting, but will also help improve Nepal’s balance of trade deficit with India. While production and battery cost of electric bus makes them more expensive than a new diesel bus of the same capacity, running costs, maintenance and repairs means that for every kilometer travelled, an electric bus will be <a href="https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/jiee/article/view/34321" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/jiee/article/view/34321&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHvg12N6jF8_nWl4dVJoCTHjzyUSQ">Rs14 cheaper to run.  </a> “The operational cost of a diesel bus is high,” says Tuladhar, who is also a board member of Sajha Yatayat, where 40% of the running cost is diesel. “If we switch to an all-electric fleet, we will have significantly lower costs that will let us provide better service. But because of the higher initial investment necessary, a government subsidy is necessary for the purchase of electric vehicles.” In this year’s budget, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/new-nepal-budget-sparks-electric-comeback/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/new-nepal-budget-sparks-electric-comeback/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGOdQbO8PkEMjBfZpNw847NLJ3Q-w">government reinstated tax rebates</a> on electric vehicles which now makes their cost comparable to 4- and 2-wheelers of the same capacity. However, the capital cost of electric buses is still more than double the cost of diesel-run buses, which is why further subsidies are needed. The government can easily recoup the lost tax revenue from reduced petroleum import bills, experts say.  NEVI’s Shrestha agrees that government subsidies would inventivise buyers for electric vehicles, and also setting up charging stations across the country.  Among all registered vehicles in Nepal, nearly 80% are privately owned two-wheelers, but they contribute only 8% to total emissions from transportation. Trucks and public buses emit 57% of CO2.  The demand for electric vehicles is highly sensitive to government policies. With the taxes imposed in 2020, the import of electric vehicles in the first 5 months of the fiscal year at the start of 2021, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/how-much-will-electric-cars-cost-now/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/how-much-will-electric-cars-cost-now/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFvouUWmKFkrMCzKw9Z2vqYQ76y_g">declined by 88% compared to the previous year</a>. However, sales are expected to pick up again after the tax reversal. Electric rickshaws are gaining popularity in the Tarai, with over 26,000 registered  –- making up 0.82% of all vehicles in the country. <figure><img width="1588" height="946" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141128/636cfd219c7e80680e0a0bc9jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“A transition towards e-transport will reduce our trade deficit massively and further ensure green economic growth,” says Rajan Thapa, a climate change expert. Over the past decades, successive governments have taken pro-electric policies. The National Transport Policy in 2001 was developed to make the transportation sector environmentally friendly, and the Environmentally Friendly Vehicle and Transport Policy of 2014 calls for diversifying vehicles to run on electricity, hybrid, and gas. The government also is going to open 50 charging stations across the country and announced that it is buying 300 electric buses. The second Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) that Nepal submitted to the UN last year pledges a 200km electric railway network, increasing the total sale of private e-vehicles to cover 90% and public transport (besides three-wheelers) to 60% of imports by 2030. This is expected to reduce carbon emission by 28% and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/green-sticker-green-light-to-pollute/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/green-sticker-green-light-to-pollute/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1628960160899000&amp;usg=AFQjCNE3Q7u9yrExf3zy5U0L51alzQDptQ">lower pollution levels in cities</a>. “The government of Nepal is being more ambitious and committed to ensuring net-zero emissions ahead of 2050, " says Prem Kandel, secretary of the Ministry of Forests and Environment (MoFE). “We have made a long-term strategy that will provide us with evidence and policy choices to look at potential ways of reducing carbon emission. E-mobility is one of the means of achieving our ambitious target.”Diya Rijal is a communication consultant for the UK government-funded Policy and Institutions Facility.

The road to electric transportation in Nepal

One aspect of colonial cartography of South Asia leaps out in this must-see exhibition – while the coastline of India, Ceylon, Burma are extraordinarily accurate in maps made more than 200 years ago, the Himalayan hinterland is wholly approximate and inexact. The accuracy improves as modern survey techniques are introduced by atlas-makers, but even then formidable terrain and forbidden lands thwart precision. Map aficionados will be fascinated by the 40 antique maps from The Rajbhandari Collection on display at the exhibition ‘Imaging South Asia: Nepal in the Making at Kathmandu Art Gallery’ at Baber Mahal Revisited from 13 February - 17 March.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260211090252_0cbeb88674a97c6292e2b43b2135df219257ca641cbd4723e9aabf5541c2b258.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260211090252_0cbeb88674a97c6292e2b43b2135df219257ca641cbd4723e9aabf5541c2b258" data-rendition-name="original" width="4160" height="3485" loading="lazy" alt="Map Land NT"> </figure>  The first maps were made on clay tablets and cave paintings, but maps improved with Chinese maritime charts of Southeast Asia and beyond. Nautical maps created during the European Age of Exploration used geometry, latitude and longitude. Competition for colonial riches rested on the accuracy of these maps. The Portuguese had the lead in the 15th century, but were soon overtaken by the Spanish with Columbus voyaging to India but landing up in the Americas.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260211090252_1fb21d20cf29b408119f5279ce666e73dee089356e52277d753a27e3440364eb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260211090252_1fb21d20cf29b408119f5279ce666e73dee089356e52277d753a27e3440364eb" data-rendition-name="original" width="4030" height="3407" loading="lazy" alt="Map Land NT"> </figure>  European mapping of the coastline of peninsular India &nbsp;began after Vasco de Gama sailed around the Horn of Africa to arrive at what is now Kerala in 1498. The British and French struggled for control of India, and the Carnatic Wars of the 19th century were extensions of their rivalry in Europe.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260211090252_0fb0969dc3e07c5a77123b4aa5eb0f11d2ffea73c108077f7e4d1892d6bd4bb6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260211090252_0fb0969dc3e07c5a77123b4aa5eb0f11d2ffea73c108077f7e4d1892d6bd4bb6" data-rendition-name="original" width="2842" height="4160" loading="lazy" alt="Map Land NT"> </figure>  While most of the maps at this exhibition were commissioned by the East India Company and the Survey of India, there are quite a few made by Parisian cartographers and feature Pondicherry and the Danish trading outpost at Tranquebar. Followed chronologically, the maps show improvements in cartographic techniques. The earliest French map L’Inde of J D Barbié du Bocage from 1760 is a copper engraving with hand painted colours demarcating boundaries. ‘Napaul’, ‘Gorka’ and ‘Catmando’ are depicted. The rivers of India are precisely drawn, as is the Brahmaputra (Yarou Tsanpou) even though locations across the rest of Tibet are rough estimates.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260211090252_486dc1b12f391550516be164f27170d4702a69b5125c1b8c4b10f76fdae4c0b1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260211090252_486dc1b12f391550516be164f27170d4702a69b5125c1b8c4b10f76fdae4c0b1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1675" height="604" loading="lazy" alt="Map Land NT"> </figure>  The 1781 map Carte des Indes en deçà et au-delà du Gange of Rigobert Bonne has slightly more detail about Nepal with even ‘Pattan’ and ‘Bagmally’ river marked. William Darton’s 1802 map has ‘Nogarcot’ and ‘Mocaumpour’ wrongly placed to the east of the valley of ‘Napaul’. Samuel Arrowsmith’s 1828 map ‘India and the Birman Empire’ has Nepal’s rough boundaries demarcated for the first time within a hand-coloured green border, with the mountain ‘Dholagiri’ and ‘Dhunchi’ appearing for the first time. The 1835 map by Boston-based American cartographer Thomas Bradford has a more precise ‘Burrampooter’ river with ‘Sgigatoe’, ‘Lassa’ and ‘Bootan’ marked. In Nepal, ‘Batgan’, ‘Macwampour’ and ‘Lelit Pattan’ appear near ‘Catmandu’.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260211090252_5509c8e043a74b3e34e399c0684ca8eef7fc79953ee0dd18aedc738e8189d552.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260211090252_5509c8e043a74b3e34e399c0684ca8eef7fc79953ee0dd18aedc738e8189d552" data-rendition-name="original" width="4094" height="3646" loading="lazy" alt="Map Land NT"> </figure>  One striking landmark appears consistently through a century of map-making from 1760 onwards, and that is the sacred Yamdrok Tso near Lhasa. It is precisely located, although it is drawn as a circular lake called ‘Jamdro or Palto Lake’ till J Bartholomew’s lithographic map in 1893 Constable’s Hand Atlas of India. Bartholomew’s map is also where ‘Mt Everest’ appears for the first time with its altitude ’29,002ft’ after Peak XV was calculated to be the highest mountain in the world by the Survey of India. Meanwhile, ‘Kinchinjunga’ appears in some of the earlier maps from the mid-1800s, north of ‘Dorjeloo’. The maps did not only have locations of towns, rivers and mountains but also other interesting facts about places. History buffs will find much to pore over in these maps.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260211090252_8280c979b175946a2ac29e22b7a2b2427f7f36f22093c3456524f1f529311498.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260211090252_8280c979b175946a2ac29e22b7a2b2427f7f36f22093c3456524f1f529311498" data-rendition-name="original" width="4160" height="2762" loading="lazy" alt="Map Land NT"> </figure>  Many have sites of major British battles while conquering India. The ‘British India’ map by J Rapkin has dates and times of the ‘Principle Massacres’ during the Indian Mutiny of 1857. The map also shows India’s growing railway network with completed lines and those ‘in progress’. Narrow gauge lines can be seen in successive maps snaking up to the Nepal border to haul sal logs for sleepers for India’s expanding railway network. Many maps were drawn by British military intelligence. One even has the Kuti route of the Nepal Army while invading Tibet in 1791, and the Chinese Army’s advance in hot pursuit through Kerung to Nuwakot.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260211090252_a41ff6a7453f95d1e83c12ed3f831911d65ebd4d2389e0e3b774252dfa037132.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20260211090252_a41ff6a7453f95d1e83c12ed3f831911d65ebd4d2389e0e3b774252dfa037132" data-rendition-name="original" width="1173" height="679" loading="lazy" alt="Map Land NT"> </figure>  Pre-1857 maps show the western Tarai as a part of British India, but in later ones the Naya Muluk districts of Banke, Bardia, Kailali and Kanchanpur have reverted back to Nepal. The maps clearly mark Nepal as an independent nation, and represent it differently from Indian princely states. The Atlas of India of 1846 shows the ‘Dominion of the King of Nepal’.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260211090252_52132146d9ee8b922560b98e90d866149715d7f53ced408b5f3af8f3b142a07b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20260211090252_52132146d9ee8b922560b98e90d866149715d7f53ced408b5f3af8f3b142a07b" data-rendition-name="original" width="4149" height="3682" loading="lazy" alt="Map Land NT"> </figure>  Visitors will be curious about Nepal's claim to Limpiyadhura and Lipu Lek. A map by Mason &amp; Payne from 1846 clearly shows the ‘Kallee River’ as being the border between Nepal and British India, with Kalapni within Nepal. The Lipu Gad tributary (which India claims is the border) is not marked. Some other maps, however, seem to show the border not following the Kali river to Limpiyadhura but the tributary up to Lipu Lek.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026021112024_9a1b6055a9fbecca7b64c3882c205efb336aac03e64ecf43a2044cb079cd699f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="2026021112024_9a1b6055a9fbecca7b64c3882c205efb336aac03e64ecf43a2044cb079cd699f" data-rendition-name="original" width="875" height="1215" loading="lazy" alt="Map Land NT"> </figure>  Imaging South Asia: Nepal in the Making&nbsp; Kathmandu Art Gallery, Baber Mahal Revisited&nbsp; 13 February – 17 March For guided walk-throughs and curatorial tours: +977 1-5318048 Panel discussions: -Cartographic Practices from the &nbsp;Gorkha Polity to the Present with Buddhi Narayan Shrestha and Kanak Mani Dixit&nbsp; Friday, 13 February, 4pm -Mapping Beyond Borders with Akhilesh Upadhyay and Amish Raj Mulmi Wednesday, 25 February, 4pm&nbsp;

Map land

The recent Nepali Times Substack post titled ‘Unresident Nepalis’ made me realise I also belong to the category of Nepalis who are technically Non-resident Nepali (NRN), but want to ‘permanently reside inside Nepal’.&nbsp;
Although this was meant as a joke, it is ironic that many of those who go abroad long to come back home, and those who have not emigrated cannot think of a good enough reason to stay back in Nepal.&nbsp;
As soon as the NRN Citizenship was officially introduced in late 2023, I had tried to apply for one but was shut down before even submitting my documents as the district administration office firmly told my then lawyer that I needed to prove “तिन पुस्ता” proof of three generations of Nepalis from my father’s side.&nbsp;
My late father was from Japan and relinquished his citizenship to become a Naturalised Nepali citizen in 2006. Three years ago, I dismissed the rejection with the thought that I will try again later when government officials would gain more experience with such applications.&nbsp;
Now, with an ailing mother and an energetic toddler, I felt the need to act soon and reached out to a law firm that specialises in NRN citizenship applications. To my surprise, they were positive after reviewing my documents, although they did warn me that we may need to overcome some obstacles.&nbsp;
In 2023, I had applied in the district office where my father had received his naturalised citizenship, but now the suggestion was to try from the district where my mother had received her Nepali ancestral origin “बंसागज” citizenship.&nbsp;
The lawyers pointed to the NRN citizenship mandate which clearly states that it can be acquired via a Nepali origin father, mother, grandfather or grandmother. The firm helped arrange the necessary documents required and the first step was to get a “सिफारिस” &nbsp;recommendation letter from my mother’s ward office.&nbsp;
This was the first hurdle as the ward office was unsure if they could issue such a letter, so they checked in with their head office, and luckily we received the go ahead. After persistent follow up from the law associates, they were able to provide us with a recommendation letter and we filled out the application forms.&nbsp;
The law firm wisely suggested that I take the paperwork myself to my mother’s district office while they stayed in the background in case I needed help explaining my situation.&nbsp;
With a big smile and cheerful tone, I dutifully followed the process and to my surprise, I found most of the officials ready to help without creating unnecessary hurdles. The application has to be signed off by the Chief District Officer (CDO) or Assistant CDO and just when I thought wow, I am going to breeze through this, one officer noticed that my father’s naturalised citizenship was from a different district and told me that I should apply for my NRN from there.&nbsp;
I explained that my father has already passed away and as he was not originally a Nepali, therefore it is not possible for me to get my NRN from his documents, as the requirement is ancestral “बंसागज” citizenship. The officer then went to check with their seniors and later told me that I would need police verification as an extra precaution.&nbsp;
Off I went to the police headquarters where they issued a sealed letter to be given to the police station that was in the same vicinity as my mother’s ward office. At the station I was told to get four people who are not my relatives to testify our documents are true.&nbsp;
This process happened to be more stressful than dealing with the government offices. At first, it turned out that most of my mother’s old neighbours had already passed away or had citizenship papers from another area. Others confirmed their availability, but later had conflicting schedules. Luckily, one very helpful old neighbour was able to arrange for enough people to verify the documents.&nbsp;
Encouraged that the end of the tunnel was in sight, I went back to the district office with all the requested documents, and after some initial pushback, I was finally referred to meet the official who signs off the documents before it goes to the CDO.&nbsp;
As luck would have it, the officials were in a meeting that lasted more than two hours, and I had to give my mother her insulin shot and noodles from the cafeteria in the waiting area.&nbsp;
When we were finally able to meet the officer, he didn’t even look at my papers properly and started questioning my lawyers whether they had even read the law, how could I apply for Nepali citizenship when I already had a Japanese passport, etc. He somehow assumed that I was looking to get a normal Nepali citizenship from my mother’s side, and we informed him that I was only looking to get an NRN citizenship, after which his tone became more apologetic and said that he would need to look into the law more closely.&nbsp;
It had already been three full days of working through each step of the process, and I had no problem waiting another day for the conclusion.&nbsp;
Perhaps because this NRN citizenship is a fairly new law and perhaps a lot of NRNs apply from the Nepal’s embassies in their country of domicile, throughout my experience, officials kept on telling me that a case such as mine has not been processed before.&nbsp;
My case being that I have never had a Nepali citizenship, my father having a naturalised Nepali citizenship and my mother being the only 100% Nepali in the family. I kept on saying that just because it has never been done before does not mean that it cannot be done, and sure enough, the next day the officer signed off on my documents, even kindly saying that they should have highly respected my application upon learning about my late father and his contributions to Nepal.&nbsp;
Although the intricacies of the NRN citizenship law have not been fully hacked out such as the transfer of land ownership, it is definitely a positive step in securing the rights and aspirations of fellow NRNs as many would agree that no matter where we go, “यो मन त मेरो नेपाली हो!”&nbsp;
Sonia Miyahara, Managing Director of Hotel Everest View, Trans Himalayan Tours &amp; Trekking Pvt Ltd &amp; Himalaya Kanko Kaihatsu Co. Ltd.

How I got my NRN Citizenship in Nepal

Besides being an election year in Nepal, 2026 is also the year of anniversaries. It is exactly 30 years since the Maoists launched their armed struggle on <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/13-february">13 February 1996</a>, and it was on 27 April 2006 that the ceasefire came into effect after a month of massive pro-democracy protests.
Alas, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/not-ever-again">three decades on</a>, the decade-long conflict that claimed 17,000 lives has been <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/ghosts-of-war">air brushed from our history</a>. For the survivors, and the families of those disappeared and killed, memories of loss and suffering are fading. The party that fought the war in Mao’s name has dropped it.
It is important on this day to remember not to forget that <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=3203">violent decade</a> -- so that it does not happen again, and so the youth movement that has led to this election will also not be in vain.
The 8 September 2025 rally, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">the massacre that followed</a>, and the nationwide mayhem and carnage the next day were largely a result of public anger boiling over. Nepalis had been let down repeatedly by rulers promising revolution in the name of the ‘people’: from the 1990 People’s Movement I, to the Maoist ‘People’s War’, and the 2006 People’s Movement II.
There are some positive residual effects of the insurgency. One-third of the Maoist militia was <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Nation-sibling-war-juna-rai,731">composed of women</a>, this empowered not just the female guerrillas themselves, but indirectly made a whole generation of young women aware of their rights.&nbsp;
The peace process itself resulted in the Maoists entering the democratic mainstream, and the induction of many of the guerrillas into the national army – a rare occurrence after a conflict.
The ceasefire was followed by an interim government, and the first elected <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-letter-and-spirit">Constituent Assembly</a> abolished the monarchy in 2008. Deadlock over the model of federalism meant a second election had to be held in 2013, and the new Constitution <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/by-the-way/new-constitution-should-adopt-inclusive-democracy-with-federalism-republicanism-secularism,538">finally promulgated in 2015</a>.&nbsp;
That statute was supposed to devolve political decision-making away from Kathmandu to autonomous provinces, improve inclusive representation of women and hitherto excluded castes and ethnicities at all three levels of government, ensure accountability and good governance to generate jobs and lift living standards.
There were seven governments in ten years after 2015, and tottering coalitions one after another failed to fulfil any of those provisions in the Constitution. There were subliminal gains in representation of women thanks to affirmative action, but as this election shows, women candidates are still used as proxies by patriarchal parties.&nbsp;
Since the two warring sides of the Maoist war both became the state, sharing power in dozens of coalition cabinets since 2006, they colluded to bury the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-unpunished-war-crimes">transitional justice process</a>.
The former supreme commander of the Maoists Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda) has become prime minister three times in the last 20 years. He is contesting this election from Rukum East, where he marked the 30th anniversary of the start of armed struggle on Friday.
The word ‘Maoist’ has been erased from the Nepali Communist Party which Dahal formed with more than a dozen other smaller leftist outfits. His main rival, Janardan Sharma, quit the Maoists and is standing for elections in Rukum West.
Both former comrades are competing for the hearts and minds of people of this former base area from where the Maoists went on warpath on 13 February 1996 by attacking a police station in Athbiskot, and simultaneously on targets in <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=7812">Holeri of Rolpa</a>, Sindhuli and Gorkha.
The former ideologue of the Maoist party, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/20-years-wasted-in-war,2850">Baburam Bhattarai</a>, was the architect of the revolution while Dahal was the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=6369#.Y-XIii8w1KM">executor</a>. Bhattarai submitted a list of 40 demands to the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/deubas-denouement">Sher Bahadur Deuba</a> (during his first tenure as prime minister in 1995) but did not wait for a reply before launching the armed struggle.
The Maoists felt that the constitutional monarchy after 1990 was too feudal, and a patronage-driven parliamentary system too slow to bring about change. Besides, the democratic parties were accused of using state security to prevent Maoist candidates from winning elections.
The Maoists followed Mao’s Red Book to the letter, attacking police stations, looting weapons and targeting local elected governments, eliminating ‘class enemies' with summary executions.&nbsp;
They destroyed telecommunication towers, highways, bridges and airfields in remote areas. Threats forced health posts, schools, post offices to be withdrawn from areas where people needed them the most. The country’s development was pushed back decades.
Nepal in the early 1990s was ripe for revolution. There was inequality, social injustice, exclusion, and the political parties in Kathmandu were too busy squabbling to do their job. The Maoists wanted an end to the monarchy, but in 2001 the monarchy imploded with the royal massacre.
ABSOLUTE POWER
King Gyanendra succeeded his <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=8338">murdered brother</a> to the throne, and took the country back to absolute rule with a military-backed coup in 2005. Within a year, street protests forced him to step aside. And by 2008, it was too late to save the monarchy.
We can look back as far as we want to the roots of the Maoist conflict. It can be blamed on elected leaders post-1990 who abandoned the people once in power, the 30 years of partyless Panchayat system that stifled dissent and let social pressures build up, or even 100 years of Rana rule.&nbsp;
It was the prolonged indifference on the part of successive rulers in Kathmandu that fed public discontent. These accumulated grievances were also the reason for the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-gen-z-protest-turns-deadly">September 2025 events</a>.&nbsp;
During China’s Cultural Revolution, Mao Zedong said: ‘The old has to be uprooted to be replaced with the new’, and that could almost be the anthem of the GenZ movement and this election.
The objective conditions that drove the Maoist insurgency 30 years ago are still evident today. And much will depend on the government(s) that will be formed after March.&nbsp;

Remembering not to forget

As Nepal mourned its dead in the September violence and public buildings smouldered, former Chief Justice Sushila Karki was installed as prime minister to pull the country back from the brink.
She gave herself six months to conduct elections, and has gone about achieving that goal with a single-minded sense of purpose. Supporters praise her poise and decisiveness, while others fault her for not pursuing justice for the death and destruction, and postponing the release of the inquiry commission yet again.&nbsp;
But that also highlights her steadfastness to hold free, fair and peaceful elections on 5 March, and not allow it be derailed by distractions. It has not been easy for the 73-year-old — she has had to balance radical calls for scrapping the Constitution while appeasing entrenched leaders of established parties.&nbsp;
Karki has displayed patience, determination, foresight, and, above all, a deep love for country. It has been a lonely struggle, no doubt.
The very youth who voted for her on Discord demanded her resignation, &nbsp;she had to cajole discredited leaders to take part in polls, and she was not dismayed when her chosen ministers abandoned the government to contest polls. And this is not to mention geopolitical demands that must be happening behind the scenes.
This being Nepal, there is endless speculation about who is ‘pulling the strings’. Yet her record both as chief justice and interim prime minister offer ample evidence of integrity and principled leadership.
Regardless of geopolitical interpretations of her intentions, Karki is a Nepali leader through and through who has lifted herself from the highest judicial office to the highest executive position, adhering to both mandates.
Organising national elections within five months was a formidable task, which many doubted — and are still doubting — can be accomplished. Karki has worked closely with the Election Commission, security forces, and mainstream political parties to ensure participation.&nbsp;
In doing so, she has set an example not only for Nepal but for South Asia. Bangladesh, which went through its own GenZ protest in 2024 and held elections on Thursday offers a study in contrast. The Awami League and its exiled prime minister who was deposed have been banned from front contesting, there is growing influence of the Jamaat-e-Islami-led alliance.
Her first address to the National Assembly on 2 February was characteristically candid. She laid out the facts sequentially and emphasised Nepal’s most urgent priority: holding elections on schedule and transferring authority to elected representatives. Timely election was the only constitutional path forward, she said.
She acknowledged that GenZ activists had pressured her to appoint certain individuals to her Cabinet. She had to personally persuade Kulman Ghising, Mahabir Pun, and Jagdish Kharel to join her Cabinet. Others she was advised to induct turned out to have controversial pasts, and she was forced to rescind the nominations. She admitted Pun resigned as education minister because he could not get legislative proposals passed.
Educated, professionally accomplished, known for her frugal lifestyle, Karki has distanced herself from the culture of excess often associated with power, and has turned down multiple invitations for foreign junkets.
Her meeting with editors at Baluwatar in December was a breath of fresh air for Nepal’s jaded journalists used to excessive displays of power and pomp. Her frankness about threats from the GenZ and pressures from disgraced party leaders drew gasps.
In the last five months, Karki has attempted to restore a sense of governance anchored in constitutional duty rather than partisan ambition. But Nepal’s problems have been decades in the making, and it would be unrealistic to expect an interim government to solve all of them at once.
Nepal now stands at a crucial juncture. Leadership alone cannot safeguard democracy, elections alone do not guarantee legitimacy. That must come from delivery, performance and accountability. Citizens casting informed votes on 5 March will determine whether Karki’s handover to leaders capable of placing national interest above party and personal agendas.
In a region where democratic transitions often falter, Nepal has another chance to demonstrate that home-grown movements, constitutional discipline, and principled leadership can coexist.&nbsp;
Whether this moment becomes a turning point depends not only on one leader, but on the collective resolve of the nation and polity.
Watch a timelapse video of how Anup Tamu drew this portrait of Sushila Karki, <a href="https://youtube.com/shorts/tchdBwBZDJE?si=PD9Sd3__t-1-lILh">here</a>.&nbsp;

battery-powered-vehicles

EV year २०८१

The road to electric transportation in Nepal

Map land

How I got my NRN Citizenship in Nepal

Remembering not to forget

Mission (nearly) accomplished