<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/waiting-for-bipin-joshi" target="_blank">Nepali student Bipin Joshi</a>, who was taken captive by Hamas on 7 October 2023, was not on the list of those freed following the end of the bombardment and fighting in Gaza.&nbsp; On Monday morning, the Israeli military notified Bipin's family and Nepal’s ambassador to Israel Dhan Prasad Pandit, that there is no evidence of him still being alive. However, Nepal's Foreign Ministry is yet to be notified by Israel's government of Bipin's status. The news came three days after a US-brokered ceasefire between Israel and Hamas came into effect, and hostage and prisoner exchanges by the two sides started Monday morning.&nbsp; Almost 2,000 Palestinians held in Israeli prisions are expected to be released by Israel in exchange for the hostages during the next phase of the peace deal between the two parties, and the bodies of deceased hostages remaining in Gaza are also expected to be returned.&nbsp; Bipin Joshi was among a group of Nepalis who had arrived in Israel in 2023 just weeks before 7 October 2023 as part of a ‘learn and earn’ program to work and earn in kibbutz farms there.&nbsp; Along with other students Joshi had been working on a farm in Kibbutz Alumim in southern Israel near Gaza. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/war-in-israel-earthquake-and-grief-in-nepal">Ten Nepali students were killed </a>while taking cover in shelters near their farms in two separate attacks by Hamas fighters.&nbsp; Joshi’s colleagues, fellow Nepalis who survived the attack, recall gunmen lobbing two grenades into the bunker that they had taken cover in. Bipin hurled one of the grenades out, they say, but the other one exploded, killing and injuring Nepalis inside. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Shortly after, Bipin was captured by Hamas along with a Thai national and led away into Gaza. CCTV footage showed Bipin alive and at a hospital in Gaza on the day of the attack itself after he was taken hostage.&nbsp; Thirty-one Thai citizens, who like Nepalis worked in farms in Israel, were taken hostage during the Hamas attack, the highest number of foreign captives in October 2023.&nbsp; <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/deft-diplomacy-freed-thai-hostages">Deft Thai diplomatic engagement</a> with officials from Iran, Egypt, and Qatar brought about the release of 23 of its nationals in 2023. Five more Thai nationals were released earlier this year.&nbsp; In August, Joshi’s family visited Israel at the invitation of the government and urged the international community to push for his return. Bipin’s mother Padma and sister Pushpa have been at the United Nations to lobby for his release.&nbsp; His family last week also released a video clip of Bipin briefly speaking on camera, reportedly obtained by Israel and said to be filmed in November 2023, around a month after he was taken captive. Joshi looks healthy in that video.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251013091028_d551c7f88204c52217152fb5db655bb5a5f8bf2cff1e6a055326ebf64453ff9f.png" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251013091028_d551c7f88204c52217152fb5db655bb5a5f8bf2cff1e6a055326ebf64453ff9f" data-rendition-name="original" width="2848" height="1528" loading="lazy" alt="Bipin Joshi NT"> </figure>  More than 67,000 Palestinians have been killed during the last two years of the genocide in Gaza. About 1,200 people were killed during the Hamas attack on 7 October 2023, while more than 251, including Bipin Joshi, were taken as captives.&nbsp; This is the third ceasefire implemented in Gaza since 7 October 2023 after previous ones in November 2023 and January 2025. This 20-point deal facilitated by intermediaries US, Qatar, Turkey, and Egypt included terms for Hamas to give up its arms, and for a devastated Gaza to be governed by a Palestinian body of independent technocrats, while Israeli troops will withdraw in stages from Gaza.&nbsp; Hamas has agreed to relinquish control of Gaza, but has rejected the demand for disarmament, saying the group will demobilise but is prepared to resume fighting if Israel breaches the ceasefire.&nbsp; Following the ceasefire, Palestinians in Gaza have begun long journeys back to homes reduced to rubble by Israel’s two-year assault on the strip. The flow of humanitarian aid in the city has also increased following the peace deal.&nbsp; Israel's closure of humanitarian corridors in the past months had blocked the entry of food and medicine into Gaza, causing widespread famine. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) has said that the restriction of aid into the beseiged city has left as many as <a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/news-releases/gaza-unrwa%E2%80%99s-lancet-study-reveals-alarming-surge-child-malnutrition">54,600 children acutely malnourished</a>.&nbsp; Meanwhile, US president Donald Trump landed in Israel on Monday as hostages were being released, and world leaders are expected to head to Egypt for an international summit to discuss the next steps in Gaza, Israel, and West Asia.&nbsp;

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Nepali hostage in Gaza not alive: Israel

Thailand’s use of every possible diplomatic pressure point to secure the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/hamas-releases-thais-but-where-is-bipin">release of its hostages from Hamas custody</a> may also provide pointers to Nepal as it seeks to free one of its students believed to be held by Hamas in Gaza. Thai negotiators used Shia Muslim politicians including House Speaker Wan Muhamad Noor Matha and Leaprong Sayed to approach the Iranian backers of Hamas directly. They made several trips to Tehran in the past weeks. The fact that the Thai Muslims were non-political and were sympathetic to the Palestinian cause is said to have helped secure the release. In addition, the Thais also worked with Qatari and Egyptian mediators and managed to get their workers released in a deal that was not part of the overall ceasefire agreement and the Israeli and Palestinian prisoner exchange deal. There were an estimated 30,000 Thai farm workers in Israel, but about 7.500 of them have returned to Thailand after the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepalis-confirmed-killed-in-hamas-attack">war started on 7 October</a>. More than 1,200 Israelis were killed in the attack, and 257 were taken hostage.&nbsp; More than 15,000 Palestinians, most of them children, have been killed in heavy Israeli bombardment of Gaza until the ceasefire on 26 November. The ceasefire has been extended till Thursday. The highest number of foreign hostages held and killed by Hamas were Thai agriculture workers, and so far 17 have been released in three phases. Fifteen are still held by Hamas, and 39 Thais were killed in the 7 October Hamas attack. Ten Nepali agriculture students working in Kibbutz Alum were killed, and one of them, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/waiting-for-bipin-joshi">Bipin Joshi</a>, 21, was reported to have been led away by Hamas militants along with the Thais.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231125061124_c3be67c2eb407598616b4dcfe7fcacb556d850b7781e443bf03f1fcbfaec2ade.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20231125061124_c3be67c2eb407598616b4dcfe7fcacb556d850b7781e443bf03f1fcbfaec2ade" data-rendition-name="original" width="800" height="533" loading="lazy" alt="Bipin Joshi NT"> <figcaption>Bipin Joshi</figcaption> </figure>  Later CCTV videos captured by the Israel Defence Force from Al-Shifa Hospital purportedly shows Joshi being led down the corridor by Hamas along with an injured Thai in a stretcher. In a statement on Monday, the Thai foreign Ministry said: ‘We thank all parties involved in the efforts towards this latest releases, and the Royal Thai government continues to exert all efforts towards the safe release of the remaining 15 Thai hostages.’ Meanwhile, in Nepal Bipin Joshi’s family has appealed to the Nepal government to strengthen its efforts to get his release by Hamas. They said they had been hopeful that he would be freed along with the Thais, but have been disappointed so far. Joshi, along with the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/war-in-israel-earthquake-and-grief-in-nepal"> ten students who were killed were all university agriculture students</a> selected by the Israeli Embassy in Kathmandu for its ‘earn and learn’ program in farms in Israel.&nbsp; Last week, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal met visiting Qatari Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Soltan bin Saad Al-Muraikhi, and asked him to use his good offices to secure Joshi’s release. Foreign policy analysts say Thailand has been much more engaged in the hostage release negotiations because many more of its nationals are involved compared to Nepalis. Also, Thailand has more clout in the international community, and has also strategically used its Muslim leaders, which Nepal has not.

Deft diplomacy freed Thai hostages

Israel and Hamas on Friday began a prisoner exchange during their temporary ceasefire, but a Nepali student who was abducted on 7 October from a kibbutz near the Gaza border was not among the foreign hostages released on Friday.&nbsp; Bipin Joshi, 23, survived two Hamas raids on bunkers and was seen by fellow-students to have been led away at gunpoint by the militants. Earlier this week, the <a href="https://twitter.com/IDF/status/1726319791865016493">Israel Defence Force released a captured cctv footage </a>of the Al-Shifa hospital purportedly showing the Nepali student being dragged into the hospital by Hamas militants on 7 October.&nbsp; The IDF claimed that a Nepali and a Thai hostage abducted by Hamas had been taken to Gaza’s Al-Shifa Hospital following the 7 October attacks. One of the hostages looked wounded and was on a stretcher, while the other was being dragged down the corridor of the hospital.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231125061120_920d38eb4c911374a194895466276bab77fd0942e5c66c26b72c00214347e460.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20231125061120_920d38eb4c911374a194895466276bab77fd0942e5c66c26b72c00214347e460" data-rendition-name="original" width="582" height="618" loading="lazy" alt="IDF Bipin Joshi"> </figure>  That video has not been verified, and Bipin Joshi has not been positively identified in it.&nbsp; Hamas released 13 Israelis on Friday during the first swap under the temporary ceasefire deal. Ten Thai agriculture workers and a Filipino were also released under a separate agreement facilitated by Qatar and Egypt with Hamas. In exchange, Israel released 39 Palestinian detainees, among whom 22 women, two girls, and 15 young boys who had been held in Israeli prisons.&nbsp; The Nepal government had been in discussion with the governments of Israel, Qatar, and the International Red Cross to facilitate Joshi’s release.Nepal's Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Foreign Minister N P Saud even made a special request on Friday to Qatar’s state minister for Foreign Affairs, Soltan bin Saad Al-Muraikhi, who is on a two-day official trip to Kathmandu. Qatar, Egypt, and the US have taken the lead in negotiations between Israel and Hamas. Thailand’s Foreign Minister Parnpree Bahiddha-Nukara had travelled to Qatar and Egypt to seek diplomatic mediation with Hamas to free its workers. Thirty-two Thai workers were killed by Hamas and 30 were taken hostage, the biggest group of foreign captives taken by Hamas &nbsp;on 7 Occtober.&nbsp; Ten Nepali students from western Nepal under an 'earn and learn' program of the Israel government were killed in Kibbutz Alumim, and Bipin Joshi was said to have been taken away along with the Thais from the bunker they had taken cover in. Nepal’s Foreign Minister NP Saud had gone to Israel during the repatriation flight to bring back 250 Nepali citizens, including students, stranded in Israel. The Qatari Minister is said to have assured Nepali ofcicials that his country would assist in negotiating Joshi’s release. Foreign minister Saud has said video received from the Israeli government shows Bipin Joshi was safe, but other officials have said it is not confirmed.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/waiting-for-bipin-joshi">Waiting for Bipin Joshi</a>

Hamas releases Thais, but where is Bipin?

This is the 45th instalment of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/diaspora-diaries-1/">Diaspora Diaries</a>, a regular series in Nepali Times with stories of Nepalis living and working abroad. Pramod KC, Salyan&nbsp; In Israel, we were advised during orientation to run to bunkers when the siren went off. It is a normal part of daily life there.&nbsp; But for us 17 <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepalis-confirmed-killed-in-hamas-attack">Nepalis at Kibbutz Alumim</a>, it was the first time since we landed in Israel a month previously that we heard the siren go off that Saturday morning, and had to run to the bunker near our apartment.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231022071024_d4ca226cf4525a29a724b1df66653246c012b5c386a4361c24288b0e023fc6ad.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20231022071024_d4ca226cf4525a29a724b1df66653246c012b5c386a4361c24288b0e023fc6ad" data-rendition-name="original" width="1224" height="1632" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis in Iarael Hamas attack"> <figcaption>Pramod KC</figcaption> </figure>  It soon turned into a nightmare. We were hiding in the bunker, all 17 of us crammed together. Outside, there were gunshots, sirens and explosions, &nbsp;we also heard increasingly loud and angry voices in Arabic. We did not understand what was being said, but it was evident that something was terribly wrong.&nbsp; Hamas had captured the area and armed men were coming near our bunker.&nbsp; Birendra Chaudhary, Kailali&nbsp; The sounds of firing got closer. One of our friends who was closer to the door got shot in the leg. Another friend tried to explain to the gunmen that we are Nepalis, hoping they would show some mercy, but got shot as well. Both died on the spot.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231022071028_ffb2d5cb464470b461466f5f5617196319a7d01476bc322c757ba6f20b1847f5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20231022071028_ffb2d5cb464470b461466f5f5617196319a7d01476bc322c757ba6f20b1847f5" data-rendition-name="original" width="960" height="958" loading="lazy" alt="Neplais in Iarael Hamas Attack"> <figcaption>Birendra Chaudhary</figcaption> </figure>  The gunmen then threw two grenades inside our bunker. Bipin Joshi quickly hurled one of them out. But the second one exploded inside, injuring five of our friends, mostly below their waists. I can't describe the scene, their legs were crushed, and they were in a lot of pain.&nbsp; Avash Bhattarai, Kailali&nbsp; Bipin and Himanchal worked on a farm in a kibbutz 12 km away from mine. The three of us have been inseparable since our undergrad years, and had gone to Israel together.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023102207108_7d0bcffe976766d01e8bffda420c707a5050bf00868a1557ce03edfbdbeb52d8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2023102207108_7d0bcffe976766d01e8bffda420c707a5050bf00868a1557ce03edfbdbeb52d8" data-rendition-name="original" width="780" height="780" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis in Israel Hamas attack"> <figcaption>Bipin, Avash and Himanchal had been inseparable since their undergrad years, and had gone to Israel together.</figcaption> </figure>  At my farm, Saturday was a workday. We were packing onions and tomatos from 7AM. Our friends had sent us group pictures from the bunker where they were hiding so we knew something was up, but we did not take it seriously.&nbsp; The pictures were of happy selfies and them playing ludo on their phones in the bunker.&nbsp; But after 8AM, the electricity went off. Things were already getting tense with sounds of sirens and missiles, so our employer told us to stop working and that we would resume when things normalised. &nbsp; By now, the news was bad from where Himanchal and Bipin were. I called Himanchal, he did not pick up but sent me a message saying two of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/war-in-israel-earthquake-and-grief-in-nepal">our friends had died after getting shot</a>. We were shocked. &nbsp; After that he went out of contact. We were terrified. Instead of the bunker, we hid in our apartment because we had already learnt that Hamas gunmen were coming inside bunkers. Bunkers no longer felt safe.&nbsp; Pramod KC, Salyan&nbsp; Of the 17 of us Nepalis in the bunker, five were injured and two were dead. How do I describe that scene, of watching your friends suffer, die in front of your eyes?&nbsp; Three Israeli medical policemen finally arrived at our bunker, which gave us a little bit of hope. They attended to our injured friends. They took the remaining ten of us to another bunker nearby with a kitchen. Bipin Joshi was with us.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231022071036_34f97f3eed7167a9b8e1d1e22331c5d054dc49c605abbd6f5c4e0b6a5766aad8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20231022071036_34f97f3eed7167a9b8e1d1e22331c5d054dc49c605abbd6f5c4e0b6a5766aad8" data-rendition-name="original" width="703" height="540" loading="lazy" alt="Iareal Hamas attack"> <figcaption>Bunkers after the Hamas attack. Source: https://fb.watch/nQj7lvGUpq/</figcaption> </figure>  We hid wherever we could in that crammed space, and the location we managed to squeeze ourselves in would later decide our fate.&nbsp; Also hiding in the second bunker were <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/as-in-nepal-thais-mourn-nationals-killed-in-israel">workers from Thailand</a>. We got calls from friends who had been injured in the grenade attack, the Israeli police apparently left them there and did not take them immediately to hospital. We called the embassy and other Nepalis but there was no help. Only two of those injured survived. We could do nothing.&nbsp; Himanchal Kattel, Tel Aviv About 90 minutes after we sought shelter in the kitchen bunker, Hamas fighters broke down the door and started shooting at us. I was shot thrice – in my left chest, right chest, and in my finger.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231022071012_12c290d603cdadef2ffaa2b4144b4487c7653ceed75b77a965bc9d2f5563b446.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20231022071012_12c290d603cdadef2ffaa2b4144b4487c7653ceed75b77a965bc9d2f5563b446" data-rendition-name="original" width="1080" height="1084" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis in Isreal Hamas attack"> <figcaption>Avash with Himanchal who was shot thrice, and is now recovering in a hospital.</figcaption> </figure>  Bipin Joshi was not shot. They took him and three Thai men outside. I do not know what happened there. I was rescued after six hours from the bunker by Israeli soldiers and taken to hospital where I am now recovering.&nbsp; Birendra Chaudhary, Kailali&nbsp; The gunmen did not pick targets, they just shot mercilessly at whatever they saw and left. At various points I had thought I would die, and had tightly shut my eyes waiting for the end. But somehow, I survived.&nbsp; One of the grenades had hurt my leg and it was bleeding. I tried to stay still for hours in the corner, and could not switch positions no matter how much it hurt. It was hard to breathe too because of the tear gas. &nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bringing-nepal-to-israel">Bringing Nepal to Israel</a>, Prabha Ghimire Everything else is a blur. The wounded were asking for water, but I was hiding in the corner trembling with fear and could not help. I waited for hours. &nbsp; Later, the Thais heard Hebrew being spoken and said Israeli soldiers had arrived. So they went out, and we followed them.&nbsp; Pramod KC, Salyan&nbsp; After we were rescued by the Army, I was asked to identify bodies in the bunker. We did not see Bipin anywhere, and we presumed he was taken with the Thais as hostage. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231022071032_030bca84d0663d2ebe78d4a8ab22603e3c3b5055bbc96b69d8880fd11cbc13f0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20231022071032_030bca84d0663d2ebe78d4a8ab22603e3c3b5055bbc96b69d8880fd11cbc13f0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1125" height="2000" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis in Iarel Himas attack"> </figure>  To get news, any news, about his whereabouts would help. His family is deeply worried. We hope the government and media can lobby for him.&nbsp; I am lucky to have come out of this unhurt. When I first saw the Nepali flag plane that came to Tel Aviv to take us back, I felt I had already reached home. It was a bittersweet feeling to be safe, but I lost all those friends. I went to visit my friend Prabesh Bhandari’s mother, who is also from Salyan. He was her only son. She is in shock and tells me that she has lost everything and just wants her son’s body (“सास त आएन लास त ल्याइदिनु नि, बाबु”).  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231022071040_5df7f440928f09bf0f9bc493d06b6fb91ff412999d6afba53e99e7d9ee328f29.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20231022071040_5df7f440928f09bf0f9bc493d06b6fb91ff412999d6afba53e99e7d9ee328f29" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis killed in Israel Hamas attack"> <figcaption>The bodies of three of 10 Nepalis killed in Israel, Narayan Prasad Neupane, Lokendra Singh Dhami and Dipesh Raj Bista arrived in Kathmandu on Sunday. Four identified bodies were sent, the body of Ashish Chaudhary will arrive in the afternoon. Photo: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption> </figure>  I cannot sleep properly. I wake up, replaying the trauma in the bunker in my mind, I hear the sound of sirens and voices of friends asking for water. These memories haunt me. The slightest sound frightens me. After a week at home and spending time with family and friends, it has got slightly better.&nbsp; I feel this is my second birth. I stared at death in the face twice in those bunkers.&nbsp; Avash Bhattarai, Kailali The first time I communicated with Himanchal after October 7, it was in the hospital where he is now recovering. We spent about an hour chatting before I headed to Nepal, and I call him every day.&nbsp; I am of course happy to be with my family who really were under a lot of stress, but I still have mixed feelings about leaving my friends behind, and losing many.&nbsp; Bipin is still nowhere to be found. I hope he is ok. The news of two American hostages being freed has given us a tiny flicker of hope. One can only hope and pray that he is safe, and will be returned soon.&nbsp; But my mind also goes in different directions: between hope and fearing the worst. His parents and sister are in shock and waiting for him.&nbsp; Bipin had said we should join forces for an agriculture startup after we returned from Israel. We had literally gone to Israel to ‘<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/diaspora-diaries/i-went-to-earn-and-learn">learn and earn</a>’. Look what happened.&nbsp; Birendra Chaudhary, Salyan&nbsp; It is still difficult to imagine how I survived when so many others died. I had my second session today with an Israeli counsellor. She has helped me relax a bit. The night before this massacre, it was a Friday and we had cooked chicken together for dinner. Little did we know what lay in store for us the next day.&nbsp; For Dasain, we had planned a full goat cookout, our first Dasain away from Nepal.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231022071028_77bda722eabbffed7c1a209651901723c29a966dd6f204c54dc8df3869e9a7e2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20231022071028_77bda722eabbffed7c1a209651901723c29a966dd6f204c54dc8df3869e9a7e2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis in Israel Hamas attack"> <figcaption>Birendra, Pramod and other Nepali students in Isreal before the attack.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20231022071020_8f87b5fd87fc7b1ac2aa99ed658f6c8b9f194934be5917f8fd2465c13a3ab89a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20231022071020_8f87b5fd87fc7b1ac2aa99ed658f6c8b9f194934be5917f8fd2465c13a3ab89a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1249" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Nepali students at the bunker before the Hamas attack on 7 October. "> <figcaption>Nepali students in a bunker before the Hamas attack on 7 October.</figcaption> </figure>  Translated from a conversation. Diaspora Diaries is a regular column in Nepali Times providing a platform for Nepalis to share their experiences of living, working, studying abroad.&nbsp; Authentic and original entries can be sent to editors@nepalitimes.com with ‘Diaspora Diaries’ in the subject line.&nbsp; Compiled with help from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/a-nepali-s-lucky-escape-from-hamas" target="_blank">Nischal Pandey</a> now in Kailali and Ramesh Joshi in Tel Aviv.

Waiting for Bipin Joshi

Jazz as healing music

Already trying to balance youth demands with legal provisions in the Constitution, Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s interim government faced yet another challenge over Dasain: a receding monsoon dumped unseasonal rain unleashing floods and landslides that killed at least 60, mostly in eastern Nepal.&nbsp; The government was rated positively for its early warning and the ‘visibility’ of its disaster response, with many comparing it to the inaction of the NC-UML coalition during last year’s floods.&nbsp; Government agencies and police proactively closed off hazardous sections of highways as Kathmandu was marooned from the rest of the country in the peak holiday season. Stranded passengers were taken care of, with police, army and local governments in Ilam coordinating rescue and relief efforts. Many of the problems were structural and inherited from decades of neglect and corruption in highway contracts. Shoddy bridges and encroachment of settlements along river banks have increased risk from more frequent extreme weather caused by climate breakdown. With Dasain over Tihar around the corner and the worst of the disaster behind, the Karki administration is trying to balance the separate demands of GenZ movers and shakers who installed her in office with constitutional provisions. It has not helped that the badly-mauled political parties are spoiling for a fight, and the three top leaders show little signs of stepping down. “Nepal’s movement did not happen in a democratic vacuum, so this government walks a very fine line in political legitimacy," says Bidushi Dhungel of the National Democratic Institute in Nepal. "In this fragile space, whatever the work done — or not done— by the interim government within its limited mandate, it may open up avenues for further dissent from old and new actors. They are &nbsp;caught between a rock and a hard place.” Civil society activists issued a statement on Wednesday calling on the main political parties to heed the writing on the wall and reform themselves. Signed by professor Krishna Khanal and former ambassador Keshab Mathema, the statement said: 'The main leaders of the main parties should say sorry, and voluntarily resign ... they must respect public sentiments and work to reform and transform their parties to be more accountable to the public, or risk being irrelevant.'&nbsp; Complicating matters further are the sometimes contradictory demands of various GenZ factions on punishing those responsible for the carnage and rampage of 8-9 September, Constitution and elections. Karki faces calls to immediately detain former PM KP Oli and Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak for their involvement in the massacre outside Parliament. Under pressure from GenZ delegates, Home Minister Om Aryal fired off a letter to the police to arrest Oli and Lekhak. But later at a confrontational midnight meeting at the prime minister’s residence in Baluwatar, all four security chiefs advised Karki that arresting the UML and NC ex-ministers could unleash violent confrontation on the streets. The interim government is in a bind. It has formed a committee headed by Gauri Bahadur Karki to investigate the killings last month as well as the arson and vandalism that followed. The question is: should it wait for the committee to submit its report before punishing perpetrators, or let police arrest those who can easily be identified in social media posts setting fire to Singha Darbar, the Supreme Court and other sites.&nbsp; GenZ’s Sudan Gurung faction has gone beyond its original demand to submit an 8-point ultimatum that includes the sacking of the Chief Justice and officials of the anti-corruption bureau.&nbsp; The Prime Minister is caught in the crossfire between managing the expectations of a movement that appointed her, and working within the framework of her interim government’s mandate and Constitution. But it is not just the government that faces challenges. The lack of clear consensus among youth factions and their outspoken collectives is surfacing.&nbsp; &nbsp;“This has been a leaderless and decentralised movement, and the traditional variables typically seen in a political revolt seem missing here," notes political scientist Sucheta Pyakuryal. “There is no organised structure, nor any ideological pull factor, therefore a big question is how much bargaining power does a movement like this have, and how sustainable will it be.” GenZ leaders seem to be in two main camps. Demands like the one for a directly elected prime minister, and the constitutional processes that can make for such an outcome, have emerged as a major point dividing the movement.&nbsp; Nepalis both within and outside the youth movement are watching Hami Nepal’s Sudan Gurung closely — especially after his recent interview with Al-Jazeera during which he expressed his interest to run for Prime Minister and seemed to not accept a win by political parties in the March elections.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251009201044_fcba7e92bb9a8812fd0ad4e9770d6f4d4189972de5229f91e9a832a26e388901.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251009201044_fcba7e92bb9a8812fd0ad4e9770d6f4d4189972de5229f91e9a832a26e388901" data-rendition-name="original" width="2916" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="One month on NT"> <figcaption>GROUND ZERO: The destroyed centre of Nepal's government with Singha Darbar (in green scaffolding), the Attorney General's Office, Supreme Court, and in the distance, Parliament building. Also seen are the nearly finished new Parliament Complex and the new Supreme Court buildings. Drone shot taken on Thursday morning. Photo: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption> </figure>  Gurung’s participation in the NDRRMA’s disaster management meeting and manner of his interaction with officials at the event was met with both bouquets and brickbats. Interestingly, some of the criticism was youth activists themselves. &nbsp;“There's a lot of self-involvement and self-importance that seems to be guiding a fragmented young leadership, as opposed to constructively engaging in how to concretise reforms,” says Dhungel. “There seems to be very little stocktaking of what's happened in the past, and what's happened in other countries to try identify where lapses could be before they occur."&nbsp; In the absence of unified positions and level-headed leadership, the youth who spearheaded post-protest negotiations, as well as the GenZ movement in general, risk losing public goodwill already dented by the destruction of state property on 9 September. This also leaves an opening for political parties which are on the defensive and licking their wounds to capitalise on youth discord.&nbsp; Says Pyakuryal: “Post revolution, the political landscape becomes extremely unpredictable and therefore there is a risk of co-optation from several Machiavellian political actors including political parties, monarchists, as well as other forces, and that is concerning.” The immediate and visible transformation that Nepal’s youth expect will not manifest right away, and while there is a need for long-term political planning, the caretaker government must also undertake measures that have a palpable impact on the daily life of citizens. &nbsp;&nbsp; “While youth frustrations must be addressed urgently, statecraft isn’t just about fulfilling short-term goals,”says Pyakuryal. &nbsp; Many, including the youth themselves, now see the need for GenZ to have a more united stance and to move beyond making demands that the interim government cannot fulfil and start mobilising for elections — even by forming its own party.&nbsp; A strong showing in elections can enable them to enact the changes they want to strengthen Nepal’s democracy, and make future governments more accountable.&nbsp; This week, the Election Commission announced 16 November as the deadline to register new parties for the 5 March polls.&nbsp; Youth representatives have said that they want to be active participants in the political process, particularly in national-level politics. The Constitution defines ‘youth’ as being between the ages of 16-40. In the 2022 elections, the Election Commission stated that over 41% of locally-elected representatives were from ages 21-40 years.&nbsp; If young Nepalis are to contest the election outside the banner of mainstream parties, this leaves electoral aspirants little more than a month to decide whether to form a loose coalition with existing parties, a separate political party, or to contest elections independently. “This is first of a kind movement, where political language is digital, not ideological, where organising is done through online platforms and where there is no one leader spearheading the movement,”says Pyakuryal. “I don’t know if ‘anti-corruption’ or ‘political reform’ have a strong enough ideological pull to band people together in the long run.” Indeed, the RSP was formed only four months before the 2022 elections and cashed in on anti-incumbent and anti-corruption sentiments of voters — mainly driven by social media. But controversy and strife within their party means it has largely lost its public trust.&nbsp; Nepal’s September Uprising and its aftermath have shown that a majority of young people are entirely disillusioned with establishment parties and politicians, even using ‘ex-political parties’ as a phrase of reference. Any new young political figures that emerge from this movement and this election will have to work with mainstream parties in a multiparty democracy.&nbsp; &nbsp;“The reality of politics is that change is not possible without engaging with existing political institutions and actors,” says Dhungel. “To say that they do not want to engage, negotiate, or identify allies or proactively seek out input from at least the reform-minded individuals within each of those outfits is political naivety, and may lead to a lack of institutionalised reform.” However, Dhungel notes that the youth leadership would have more agency if they are clear not just on what they want to change, but about whether they are interested in active politics or civic engagement. “The window of opportunity that is fast closing is to really negotiate hard and push for internal reforms within political parties and across the electoral system,” she adds. Pyakurel also adds: “GenZ are smart and politically mature, I hope they see these loopholes. I am optimistic about the direction they take.”

One month on

7:30pm Tuesday, 9 September.&nbsp; I was driving my daughter back from a relative’s house in Baneswar where she had taken refuge after a curfew was declared the previous day while she was in school. She was riding pillion on the back of my moped. We drove past Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">where 19 people had been killed by police </a>the previous day. We passed Thapathali, where the Kantipur highrise was on fire. The sky had gone dark, and the stinging smoke made it hard to breathe. A gas cylinder exploded, and the crowd dispersed briefly. The blast provided a moment to escape the raging mob. By myself I may not have been so scared, but my daughter’s safety made me more afraid. I had never been this frightened in my journalism career, even while covering the Maoist insurgency 20 years ago. At the Tripureswor intersection there were more angry crowds. The further we got from the epicentre of the GenZ demonstration, the more elderly the protesters looked. Many were muscular gentlemen with tattooed arms. Prime Minister K P Oli had just <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-burns-despite-pm-resignation">resigned</a>, but the crowd was still chanting “के पी चोर, देश छोड”. Soon, we were surrounded by an enraged mob. &nbsp;My survival instinct took over, and I started shouting “के पी चोर” and my plucky daughter screamed from behind “देश छोड”. Father and daughter waved at the &nbsp;protesters, and gave them a thumbs up. &nbsp;We finally got home, scared and smelling of burning rubber and smoke.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251007031028_c5c04095cdb6f0b24cdc2cc60bf627f49c15e0cf9b509ad149df35a2e73e1d3f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251007031028_c5c04095cdb6f0b24cdc2cc60bf627f49c15e0cf9b509ad149df35a2e73e1d3f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Reporter's diary of 8-9 September"> <figcaption>A building in Baneswar was damaged by protesters. </figcaption> </figure>  ARSON AND LOOTING I was born in the remote mountains of western Nepal in Rukum, the district that was the stronghold of the Maoist guerrillas after they launched an armed struggle in 1996. I moved to Kathmandu for higher studies, and as a student witnessed the popular uprising of 2006 against Gyanendra’s absolute monarchy. I have covered violence and chaos. I have been caught in the crossfire between the rebels and state security. I covered the violent <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-historic-youth-dissensus">street protests</a> of the 2006 People’s Movement that ended the war, the Madhes movement and the Indian blockade of 2015.&nbsp; But never was I more scared than during the 30-minute drive home through the city with my daughter at the back of my moped.&nbsp; Last month’s protests were initially led by youth groups which had loosely banded together as GenZ to protest corruption and impunity. On 8 September, I drove to the Mandala in my trusty moped to cover the rally, some protesters were in school uniform. There was singing and chanting. Just before noon, a slightly older group of protesters peeled off from the sit-in in front of Everest Hotel, broke through the half-hearted police cordon and moved towards the intersection outside Parliament. Most of the original young demonstrators remained at the sit-in, while the grownup protesters who were clearly not a part of the GenZ, started to break the perimeter wall of the Parliament complex. The young protesters looked a bit confused about what to do next as they also neared the Parliament gates. Violence was not a part of their plan, and the infiltration had begun in earnest. A group of organised older rioters broke through the western wall, even as police were concentrated along the main south gate. These agitators seemed focused on a single mission: to burn down the Parliament building, and they went about it purposefully.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251007031032_1fcd474774c8e110e833485cf54a7e63e8c8388ec78c2b4d3ae6e830c203c183.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20251007031032_1fcd474774c8e110e833485cf54a7e63e8c8388ec78c2b4d3ae6e830c203c183" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Reporter's diary of 8-9 September NT"> <figcaption>Blood seen in Baneswar.</figcaption> </figure>  Too late, the police used water cannons to disperse those by the south gate. I went closer, my press card dangling from my neck. A tear gas canister whizzed past my head. I was not able to see clearly, and backed away to safety. The police opened fire at point blank range, killing 19 protesters. Hundreds of injured were carried to the nearby Civil Hospital. There are many video clips on social media of task force police kneeling, taking aim with SLR rifles and shooting, they show protesters being hit and falling. The riot police fled, and the Armed Police Force and Nepal Army soldiers came out, but remained close to the trucks that had transported them to the intersection. Seeing that the security forces were not stopping them, the crowd then went on an arson rampage — it became a free-for-all as government buildings were set on fire one after another. Most of the arsonists were not GenZ, they were in the mid-30s, and I heard many shouting slogans for the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/why-the-monarchy-still-sways-nepal-s-republic"> restoration of the monarchy</a>. Others were there simply to vandalise and loot. After having chased the police away from the Parliament building, they posted pictures and videos, having the run of the premises, instigating new arrivals to continue with the arson, and also brandishing looted automatic weapons. A curfew was declared, but this did not stop the rampage throughout that evening and into the night. Unable to return home, I spent the night in a friend’s office, and returned to the Parliament area the next morning. The black asphalt was dyed red with blood. Shoes, slippers and pieces of clothing littered the street. The next day, 9 September the much-feared and expected revenge attacks ignited. There was hope that the Army would be able to protect government buildings and provide public security, but the arson, vandalism and looting went unchecked — even when the seats of government were set on fire. The military did make an appearance, but only after 10pm to enforce the curfew, but by then the mob had already gone home.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251007031032_578cfa7c9e56f6ffcf1ca9b148e114a87b5332268cf97720584b70906823c074.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20251007031032_578cfa7c9e56f6ffcf1ca9b148e114a87b5332268cf97720584b70906823c074" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Reporter's diary of 8-9 September NT"> <figcaption>A protester receiving treatment at Civil Hospital.</figcaption> </figure>  That was the moment I asked myself: Where have the students gone? Has the GenZ movement been hijacked? I could not see any of the GenZ-ers anywhere on 9 September. It was around midday of 9 September that millennials, including from groups like Hami Nepal came forward to the media, claiming to speak for the GenZ. They claimed to have led the protests. Others claiming to be GenZ said they were for the restoration of the monarchy, but they did not look the age.&nbsp; Mobs were out of control, burning down the prime minister’s office, the Supreme Court, the CIAA and the official and private residences of ministers. Within 27 hours Nepal became a country without a government, and leaders without homes. Important official documents went up in flames with the buildings that housed them. PM Oli resigned, too late to save the day. The Army occupied itself airlifting ministers from their official residences. Former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife foreign minister Arzu Rana Deuba were dragged out, beaten up and their home set on fire. They were rescued and taken to an army base. It became hard to tell over the next few days if the Army was providing them security, or keeping them incommunicado in detention. The Army was negotiating with GenZ as well as pro-monarchists at its headquarters, but moved the talks to President Ram Chandra Paudel’s office on 11 September.&nbsp; Former chief justice Sushila Karki was nominated interim head of government by GenZ delegates voting on Discord, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/march-to-5-march">mandated to hold elections</a> on 5 March.&nbsp; Will that happen? Things are too fluid at the moment. And my mind is still reeling from the fear and panic of that moped ride with my daughter through rampaging mobs. Did all that really happen in front of my eyes, or was it just a nightmare?&nbsp; Bhadra Sharma is a reporter for The New York Times based in Kathmandu.

Reporter's diary of 8-9 September

The annual United Nations General Assembly is always an occasion for taking stock of the state of the world. But this year, on the 80th anniversary of the UN’s founding, it was also an occasion to take stock of the organisation itself.
By any measure, the UN’s situation is dire. While Russian aggression against Ukraine and mounting tensions between the United States and China cannot be blamed on the UN, they do highlight a fundamental problem. The UN Security Council – where China, Russia, and the US each wield a veto – is locked in a permanent confrontation over one issue or another, blocking the rest of the organisation from moving forward on almost anything.
Consider the situation in the Middle East, where the UN has played a central role in conflict resolution and peacemaking ever since the State of Israel was established (under a UN resolution). Numerous UN peacekeeping operations in the region have helped to alleviate tensions, and massive humanitarian efforts, primarily aimed at Palestinian refugee communities, have saved countless lives. While the UN has not forged a lasting peace, it has certainly helped prevent some wars and shorten others.
In recent years, however, the UN has increasingly been sidelined. The so-called Quartet – the UN, the US, the European Union, and Russia – is now a distant memory, and numerous UN operations have come under direct attack, primarily by Israel. The Israeli government not only questions the humanitarian efforts of UNRWA (the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) but now also blocks the organisation’s work whenever it can.
Before Hamas’s October 7, 2023, attack on Israel, the UN was essential to keeping the situation in Gaza relatively stable. Though it couldn’t overcome divisions among the Palestinians, especially after Hamas assumed power in Gaza in 2006, it could, and did, help provide the basic means of survival for the enclave’s two million people. But now Israel has questioned or attacked virtually every aspect of the UN’s work on this issue, and it could not have done so without America’s tacit support. US President Donald Trump, in particular, has proved willing to accept virtually everything that Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s extremist government does.
Meanwhile, the UN has struggled to mobilise an effective response in South Sudan, a semi-failed state, and in Sudan, where a devastating civil war is entering its third year. Similarly, from the Katanga secession in 1960-63 to the recent peace operations in northeastern Congo, Central Africa continues to preoccupy UN peacekeepers and mediators.
Around the world, there is no shortage of crises that demand UN engagement – from Gaza and Sudan to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, Myanmar, and Afghanistan, to name just a few. But with the larger powers fixated on their confrontations with one another, and with the Trump administration withdrawing not only active support but also funding, the outlook for the UN appears grim.
The US provides 25% of UN funding, but it has <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/united-nations-must-adapt-or-die-by-adekeye-adebajo-2025-09" target="_blank">stopped</a> sending its contributions. It also traditionally accounts for an even larger share of voluntary financing for humanitarian operations, but these funds, too, have been cut. Making matters worse, China, the UN’s second-largest contributor, is also behind on its payments.
With its financial situation growing desperate, UN Secretary-General <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/antonio-guterres" target="_blank">António Guterres</a> warns that staff across the organisation will need to be cut by <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/sep/18/united-nations-un-2026-budget-job-losses-us-funding-cuts" target="_blank">one-fifth</a>. Morale is said to be low, as is the prospect of a change for the better. With his recent address to the General Assembly, Trump made clear that he has nothing but contempt for the organisation. The only role he seems able to see for it is to help him get a Nobel Peace Prize. The Trump administration’s forthcoming review of America’s multilateral commitments is almost certain to deliver more bad news.
Does the UN have any future? While the demand for it is as great as ever, its ability to deliver has obviously been diminished. There is no way for it to survive without scaling back its ambitions and abilities; precisely how it goes about this will be a central issue over the next few years.
With Guterres’s tenure ending in 2026, the process of selecting his successor will also have to feature a debate about ensuring the UN’s long-term survival. Moving the headquarters out of the US is a natural step, owing not only to the withdrawal of US funding and the need for cost savings, but also to the US refusal to grant visas to those attending UN gatherings (as it did with the Palestinian leadership this year).
Yes, a UN that is no longer headquartered in New York would be different in many ways. But relocation also may be the only way for it to survive. Dag Hammarskjöld, the UN’s second secretary-general, famously <a href="https://ask.un.org/faq/14623" target="_blank">remarked</a> that the body was not created to deliver Heaven, but rather to spare us from Hell. That task remains as important as ever. But for things to stay the same, everything must change. © Project Syndicate
Carl Bildt is a former prime minister and foreign minister of Sweden.

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