<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/637238749c7e80680e0c7388jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3908" height="2767"/><figcaption>The Karnali is the Nepal-China border at Hilsa. At left is Nepal and at right China. Photo: Nabraj Lama</figcaption></figure>Nepal’s northern border is demarcated by the main chain of the Himalaya, but west of Langtang the highest mountains like Manaslu, Annapurna, and Dhaulagiri are completely inside Nepal. In fact, nearly one-fifth of Nepal in the districts of Manang, Mustang, Dolpo, Mugu and Humla are actually beyond the mountains.Year-round mobility from one side of the mountains to the other used to be difficult. But despite that, the indigenous people on both sides of the Himalaya have maintained trade and cultural links.The religious, socio-cultural, political and economic relations between Nepal and Tibet are centuries old, but the context of these links have changed in both degree and scope. After monasteries in Tibet were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution, many monks fled south and established replica shrines in Nepal and India.Monasteries in Humla therefore have association with those in Khojarnath, Taklakot, Rakshas Tal, and Gyangdrak to the north of the border.Ancient Tibet is divided into three parts by altitude, Mad Domad (Khamsum; Lower part), Par Utsang (Ruzhi; Middle part), and Tod Ngari (Kovsum; Higher part). The altitude of Humla and Tod Ngari being similar, their socio-cultural arrangements are also identical. The culture and traditional practices of the ancient Khas kingdom, Zhang Zhung kingdom, and Tibetan culture are still preserved in their ancient form in Humla.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/637238779c7e80680e0c7389jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1008" height="988">Songs sung during festivals in Tibet are still practiced in their original form, and the traditional furniture and Chinese brocade are still intact in Humla. Similarly, Losar (New Year) celebrations of Humla and the Tod Ngari region of Tibet are held simultaneously.Till three generations ago, the people of northern Humla used to depend upon Tibet's rulers for protection and justice and paid two types of taxes: Mi thral (people) and Sa thral (land). They paid the land tax to Nepal, and the people tax to Tibet.The Tibetan government was called Dewa Zhung (the government of Peace and Good Governance). There was a system of Gowa (headmanship) and Chekyap, who collected taxes in Humla on behalf of the Tibetan authority from various regions of Humla. There is now no provision for sending tax from Humla to the Tibetan side.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/6372387a9c7e80680e0c738ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4756" height="3023"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Humla and the Karnali are today a far-flung region of Nepal, but it used to be a prosperous land till as recently as three generations ago. The Upper Humla people were primarily dependent on animal husbandry and used to take livestock to graze on the Tibetan Plateau every summer. Such seasonal migrations opened an opportunity for trade, and the large herds of sheep and goats provided the transport facilities for trade across the Himalayas. Such caravan trade fulfilled the basic needs of each side, increasing access to items and trade.But a boundary protocol signed between Nepal and China on 23 January, 1963 was the beginning of the end of this crossborder use of pastureland. This drastically affected the livelihood of the communities in northern Humla.Chhakka Bahadur Lama, Humla’s MP to Parliament says there were two provisions in the 1963 agreement that affected the people of Limi in Humla. People on the Nepal side needed to reduce the number of livestock gradually and develop grazing land within Nepal itself.A crossborder grazing agreement with China ended in 1990, and was never renewed. Many herders sold their cattle and changed their profession, leading to the economic decline of the Humlis.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/6372387d9c7e80680e0c738bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3886" height="2353"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>During and after the Maoist insurgency in which Humla was affected, border controls were tightened further because of Chinese fears that the insurgency in Nepal would influence the Tibetans. The Nepal government was also wary of possible arms smuggling for the Maoists from across the border. A permit system was introduced that limited the mobility of people in border districts to 30km on each side of the border. The duration of stay was also limited to a month. Other traditional trade routes between Nepal and China were also closed.It has been 17 years since the end of the Maoist conflict, and the former revolutionaries have been in government several times to the present, but the border restrictions remain in place. Humla, for instance, continues to pay the price for this with the end of the traditional barter system and Nepal imports more than it exports.Across Nepal’s Himalayan region the people are trapped between marginalisation and discrimination by Nepal and China, especially because of the sensitivities about Tibet. There have been instances in the past of people from Humla being regarded suspiciously in Lhasa if they speak Tibetan.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/637238809c7e80680e0c738cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1765" height="954"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Nepalis in Humla speak Tibetan just like Nepalis in the Tarai speak Hindi. It is unjust to discriminate against Nepalis who have a different mother tongue that happens to be the same as the ones spoken on the other sides of the northern or southern borders.Many people from Humla have changed their Tibetan names to Khas language while making their citizenship certificates. The real name of MP Chhakka Bahadur Lama himself is Tshewang Lama, but a government official told him ‘Tshewang’ was difficult to pronounce and changed his name in his citizenship certificate.The Chinese authorities should also understand and distinguish between people with political links and local people of the Himalayan region of Nepal. Just because monasteries in Humla have a shared history with Tibet does not mean that they are associated with the Dalai Lama.Nabraj Lama is a research scholar and his work focuses on geopolitics, indigenism, international affairs. <a href="mailto:mail@nabrajlama.com">mail@nabrajlama.com</a>Read also:  <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-salt-of-the-earth/">The salt of the earth</a>, Jag Bahadur Budha

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Between a rock and a hard place in Humla

The dispute over the tri-junction of India, China and Nepal on the remotest northwestern tip of the country is the latest strain on bilateral relations.The <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2014/01/05/double-centennial/">Sugauli Treaty of 1816</a> between the East India Company and the defeated Gorkhalis clearly stated that the main channel of the Mahakali River would form a shrunken Nepal’s western border with British India. But the Survey of India maps of 1850 and 1856 slyly tucked the area back into Garhwal.Successive rulers in faraway Kathmandu were either unaware or did not care that the boundary had been moved. After the Chinese annexation of Tibet in the 1950s, Nepal allowed India to put up 17 military checkpoints along its northern border. China and India fought a fierce Himalayan war in 1962 during which the Indian military set a base on the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=2049#.Xcp6ktIza70">strategic Lipu Lekh Valley</a>. That base is still there. In 1969, Prime Minister Kirti Nidhi Bista got Delhi to remove all its checkpoints on the Nepal-China border, except the one in Kalapani. Was Lipu Lekh a quid pro quo for the removal of the other bases? <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/from-nepali-press-his-highness-gave-us-Kalapani,2570">Did King Mahendra sacrifice the region</a> in return for Indian support for his takeover? Historians are divided.Whatever the case, the elected rulers of Nepal after 1990 used anti-Indian nationalism for political benefit, but did little to press Nepal’s legitimate claim over the territory. K P Oli, who now heads the united NCP in government, was one of the most vocal in Parliament demanding that India return the area. Current Tourism Minister Yogesh Bhattrarai even led a student group to Kalapani to raise the Nepali flag in the tract occupied by India.  <img width="624" height="718" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181144/636a95af9c7e80680e05dc20jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Many field reports from the area have just gathered dust in Singha Darbar. No action was ever taken, except when it was politically expedient to raise an anti-Indian drum beat. Nepal’s own official map in 1975 showed Lipu Khola as the boundary between Nepal and India, and not the Mahakali River. Ultra-nationalists cry themselves hoarse about ‘big bully’ India, but why would a neighbour respect your boundary if you yourself do not really care where it is? New Delhi has not really been bothered about winning the hearts and minds of Nepalis, either. It believes in carrying the big stick and showing who’s boss. And all this is convenient for Nepal’s India-bashing pseudo-nationalists who have a handy excuse to take to the streets every time the border dispute flares up.For Prime Minister Oli the brouhaha could not have been better timed. It has allowed him to distract public attention away from his administration’s non-performance, and once more drape himself in the flag. But what good is it to work ourselves into a frenzy of territorialism over this tiny strip of land when our rulers do not seem to care what happens to the rest of the country over which they enjoy full sovereignty?This is also not one where Nepal can play India off against China. In fact, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/PM-task-in-China,2929">Beijing seems to be on the same page as New Delhi</a> on the issue. As far back as 1954, India and China agreed to allow Indian pilgrims to use Lipu Lekh Pass on their holy trek to Lake Mansarovar. Lipu Lekh was discussed during visits by Indian External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh to Beijing in 1999, by <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=289#.Xcp8z9Iza70">Chinese Premier Wen Jiaobao to Delhi in 2005</a>, and by Chinese President Xi Jinping in India in 2014. A joint communiqué between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi in 2015 in Beijing listed Lipu Lekh as one of the Sino-Indian border passes through which the two countries agreed to conduct trade. <img width="3455" height="1679" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181144/636a95b19c7e80680e05dc21jpeg.jpg" alt="">One of the few instances in Nepali history when anti-Chinese protests broke out in the streets of Kathmandu was four years ago after that India-China joint communiqué on Lipu Lekh. Yet, Nepal’s governments since then did not dare broach the subject with the Chinese, it was not even raised last month during <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/president-xi-in-kathmandu/">President Xi’s state visit to Kathmandu</a>.Nepal cannot go to war with India over this. (For one thing, our men are enlisted in their army.) How about first revising our own official map, and take up the matter at the highest level in every future bilateral? And they may as well also talk about disputes along the Tarai caused by rivers changing course, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/borderline-disorder/">border pillars mysteriously moving under cover of darkness</a>.The time is right for dialogue: there is a government in Kathmandu with a solid two-thirds majority, we have rare all-party unity over the matter, and Nepal’s international stature is higher than it has been in a while.

TERRITORIALISM

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108131148/636a504f9c7e80680e04fd52jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="888"/><figcaption>Pic: ANEK PANDEY</figcaption></figure>When Nepal signed the Sugauli Treaty with British India in 1816, parts of the demarcated border  followed the courses of rivers. Since then, the sediment-heavy rivers flowing down from the mountains have changed course many times. The Kosi itself now flows 120km west of where it was in Bihar when the treaty was signed two centuries ago.Since 1994, India and Nepal have decided to follow the Fixed Boundary Doctrine, meaning the border line does not change even if the river alters course. Though survey teams from the two sides are supposed to work together to keep track of the border, it is a difficult task during the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/monsoon-2019-deluge/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">monsoon flood</a> season.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-must-keep-water-on-its-land/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal must keep water on its land</a>, Anil Chitrakar<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/flood-of-recrimination/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Flood of recrimination in the Nepal Tarai</a>, EditorialThis year has been no different. Many pillars along the 1,880km Indo-Nepal border have either been washed away or are submerged. Of the 8,554 border pillars, 2,105 are actually located within rivers, and more are along floodplains that are submerged in the monsoon. Among them, 452 pillars have either been removed or lost – half of them because of floods.The big flood of 13 July washed away many of the remaining pillars. Among them were four that were reinstalled just last year in Bijaynagar of Kapilvastu district (one of them, pictured above).Survey Department staff themselves admit that the design of pillars located on riverbeds must be changed from cement to steel structures bolted to concrete foundations to withstand floods.Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Flood-on-the-border-Nepal-India,3915" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Border wall</a>, Kanak Mani Dixit<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-tarai-learns-from-past-floods/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal Tarai learns from past floods</a>, Sewa BhattaraiNepal has deployed 15,000 Armed Police along the Indian border, with outposts every 20-30 km. These bases are supposed to keep track of the state of the pillars and keep the Home Ministry updated on their condition.However, experts say that increased sedimentation in Tarai streams due to deforestation and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/crushing-tale-of-Chure" target="_blank" rel="noopener">quarrying in the Chure Range</a>, as well as poorly-designed roads and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Flood-on-the-border-Nepal-India,3915" target="_blank" rel="noopener">embankments</a>, will <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/flood-of-recrimination/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">make floods worse</a> in coming years.“The solution is for India and Nepal to work jointly not just to repair border pillars, but also to stop blaming each other for floods every monsoon and forget about it after the rains,” Birganj-based writer Chandra Kishore says. “Nationalism is not going to prevent future disasters.”Meanwhile, all along the India-Nepal border this rainy season the state of the border pillars are a stark reminder of the inability of the two countries to work together to reduce their mutual risk from floods.Ramu Sapkota with Gopal Bhandari in Kapilvastu

Borderline disorder

National boundaries are usually not visible from the air. They are just lines on a map, and you can cross entire continents without knowing which country you are flying over.Exceptions are the bright halogen lamps on the tightly-guarded border fence in the desert between India and Pakistan which can be clearly seen from an airliner flying overhead at 11,000m. Even from the Space Shuttle, the Koreas appear in sharp contrast: bright on the south and completely dark north of the DMZ.  <figure><img width="1190" height="595" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104141144/6365177a9c7e80680e02c27bjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Dark section is North Korea and the bright one is South Korea from space orbit.</figcaption></figure>However, the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Flood-on-the-border-Nepal-India,3915">Nepal-India border</a> is open and is not even noticeable from ground level. One side of a tea shop is in India, and on the other side is in Nepal, where you have to reset your watch 15 minutes ahead. Many visitors who have strayed into India and unknowingly taken pictures with their mobiles have been detained by Indian BSF.But there are some sections of the Nepal-India border that can be detected from the air, and one such is a straight line in Parsa district where a forested patch of the Balmiki Nature Reserve in India is separated from the rice fields of Nirmal Basti on the Nepal side (see pictures, above).Google Earth satellite images show the border visible even in 1984, and the steady <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2017/08/13/flood-of-recrimination/">deforestation</a> on the Nepal side by 2016. The frontier is visible from the left side of planes as they begin their descent into Kathmandu.The other section of the India-Nepal border that can also be seen on satellite image is in Dang, where the slopes of the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19811#.WrzCiS5ubIU">Chure Range</a> north of the border are severely denuded. <figure><img width="1400" height="1050" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104141144/6365177c9c7e80680e02c27cjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img width="800" height="1067" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104141144/636517809c7e80680e02c27djpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img width="1000" height="750" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104141144/636517839c7e80680e02c27ejpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img width="845" height="645" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104141144/636517859c7e80680e02c27fjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img width="1400" height="902" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104141144/636517889c7e80680e02c280jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><img width="1400" height="919" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104141144/6365178b9c7e80680e02c281jpeg.jpg" alt=""><img width="1400" height="926" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104141144/6365178e9c7e80680e02c282jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figure><img width="2048" height="1536" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104141144/636517919c7e80680e02c283jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Read also:<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2017/08/13/flood-of-recrimination/">Flood of recrimination</a> ,  Kunda Dixit<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19811#.WrzCiS5ubIU">Help save the Chure hills</a>,  Tirtha B Shrestha