<figure><img width="1500" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141152/636d02ea9c7e80680e0a36a7jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: SONIA AWALE</figcaption></figure>Nepal is going beyond just counting its population in its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/everybody-counts-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">12th National Population and Household Census</a>, and this is throwing up issues of identity and citizenship. Postponed from June to November because of the second Covid-19 wave, this is the country’s first census under a federal system. But Nepalis without citizenship have launched a campaign refusing to participate, encouraging others like them to deny census officials from entering into their homes.“Those of us raised by single mothers have become stateless,” said Indrajit Safi, a civil engineer and national coordinator of the activist collective Nagariktabihin Nepali (Nepalis Without Citizenship). “If we are denied citizenship despite our parents having been Nepali citizens, what is the point of participating in the census?”Stateless Nepalis have been mobilising across various social media groups to urge others without citizenship to boycott the census, saying that the foundation of the national count was built on ‘a violation of the Constitution that has made Nepali youth stateless’.In 2013, the Forum of Women, Law and Development (FWLD) conducted a study <a href="https://fwld.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Acquisition-of-Citizenship-Certificate-in-Nepal-Estimating-Prevalence.pdf">Acquisition of Citizenship Certificate in Nepal: Estimating Prevalence</a>, to conduct its own ‘census’ of the number of Nepalis who did not have citizenship documents. It used data for the number of Nepalis aged 16 and above from the 2011 census as well as the number of citizenship certificates issued by the Home Ministry from 1952 until 2010 as the main parameters.  The <a href="https://fwld.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Acquisition-of-Citizenship-Certificate-in-Nepal-Estimation-and-Projection.pdf">result of the study</a> estimated the number of Nepalis without citizenship at 4.6million, and projected that at the rate of population growth at the time the number of stateless Nepalis would increase to 6.7 million by 2021."If the Citizenship Act is not amended, we will also obstruct the upcoming elections," Safi added at a meeting on Wednesday. “This discriminatory Constitution must be amended as soon as possible.”Activist Deepti Gurung, who raised her two children as a single mother recalled how a school teacher tore up her daughter’s SLC registration form because it did not mention the name of the father, and another where her younger daughter’s birth certificate included श्रिमान ठेगान नभएको (Husband not known) as the name of her father.“I was introduced as an unwed mother in front of the CDO officials,” Gurung says. “And I would be constantly asked to detail the story of what ‘actually happened’ with regards to the father, as if officials were more concerned with keeping records of such incidents. What I experienced is that women must provide a narrative of being pure of character who have been victimised by bad men who led them to their circumstance— to appeal citizenship for their children.” Gurung eventually filed writ petitions in the Supreme Court to get her daughters birth and citizenship certificates. She was able to win both the cases. And while Gurung hoped that the court ruling in her case would be a precedent she was informed that this was being done in a "case-by-case basis".  “So we have not really won,” she says.Activists point to articles in the Constitution related to citizenship that <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/stateless-daughters-in-nepal,863">treat women differently from men</a>, and are discriminatory. Under Article 11(5), for instance, children born to a Nepali father and a foreign-born mother are eligible for citizenship by descent, while those born to a Nepal-born mother and a foreign-born father will be <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/patriarchy-in-an-oligarchy/">granted naturalised citizenship</a>, with less privileges.Politicians have used nationalism to justify this, saying that allowing offspring of foreign men citizenship would lead to a surge of Indians marrying Nepalis. Activists and politicians, especially in the Tarai, say this is absurd.The other thorny issue in the November census is how to conduct the census in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/politics-and-history-of-nepals-kalapani-claim/">disputed border areas of Kalapani and Limpiyadhura</a>. Rival claims to the territory strained relations between India and Nepal after Prime Minister K P Oli got Nepal’s Parliament to unanimously pass an amendment bill to include the territory in its national emblems and its own political map.Now, the question is how to conduct a census in the remote mountainous region at the northwestern tip of Nepal that is occupied by India. In 1961, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/remembering-the-1961-census/">journalist Bhairab Rijal</a> was one of the enumerators who was assigned to conduct the census in Kalapani, and says it was within Nepal’s boundary then.Risal and his team reached the villages of Gunji, Nabi and Kuti in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/politics-and-history-of-nepals-kalapani-claim/">disputed Kalapani and Limpiyadhura territory</a> which is now claimed by India.“The fact that we actually conducted a census there 60 years ago is irrefutable proof that Nepal extends all the way to the main channel of the Kali River,” Risal says. But given the sensitivity of the issue, Nepal is unlikely to provoke India by forcibly sending census enumerators there this time.For its part, by Nepal’s Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) maintains that it is ready to conduct the census anywhere in Nepal. “If the administration, our security forces, and concerned authorities determine that the situation is feasible and give the go-ahead, our census officials are trained and ready to conduct the census in Klapani, Limpiyadhura, and Lipulekh,” says Tirtha Raj Chaulagain of the CBS.The census had<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-postpones-census-amid-covid-19-surge/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> been planned for June 2021</a>, but now with the daily caseload and fatalities falling, it will be conducted 11-25 November.This marked the second time that Nepal’s census is not being held as scheduled in the 110-year old history of the exercise. During the upheaval after the fall of the Rana regime, the 1951 census had been postponed.The 2021 census will comprise of three separate questionnaires: House and Household Listing, the main questionnaire, and the Community Questionnaire.This first phase before the census, during which officials conduct the House and Household listing, began on 15 September and is set to end on 4 October. At present, 8,500 census supervisors trained by the CBS in April are conducting the House and Household listing before the main census activities begin.In early November, 39,000 enumerators from across the country will be trained to approach, interact with, and interview people and fill out the main questionnaire. After that, enumerators will be deployed across the country to fill up the main census questionnaire while the census supervisors fill the Community Questionnaire during two weeks from 11-25 November.“By now, census supervisors should have conducted the listing for approximately 2 million households across the country,” says Chaulagain of CBS, speaking to Nepali Times from Siraha, where he is overseeing census-related activities.The 2011 census put the number of Nepali households at 5.4 million, but CBS officials say the number is expected to go up to 7 million in 2021. The three questionnaires, which are comprehensive and will include new questions, combined with the changed modality of data collection that allows officials in the Kathmandu Valley to conduct a ‘paperless’ census are expected to provide more detailed <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/lies-damned-lies-and-statistics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">data</a> and to reflect the country’s changing socio-political and demographic landscape more accurately.Nepal’s distinct ethnic compositions, cultures and religious communities are also expected to be reflected in the data as the country goes through a socio-cultural shift. In fact, data from the previous census shows that rising ethnic awareness and openness have resulted in a sharp population increase of some ethnic communities like the Kami and Badi that previously went underreported. Meanwhile, census data shows that the percentage of Nepalis who identify as Hindu has declined over the years after the country became secular. However  royal-Hindu-right parties at present have attempted to cash in on increasing public disillusionment by flagging secularism as being unsuitable for Nepal, and even leaders like Rabindra Mishra of the alternative Bibeksheel-Sajha party called for a referendum.Initial reaction shows that many people are reluctant to disclose their true household income, and share other personal details related to property and assets. Census supervisors and enumerators, unlike government school teachers in the past, will be educated young Nepalis who will have better knowledge and context about their local communities.The CBS has adopted the motto, ‘My Census, My Participation’ for this iteration of the census, and publicising the census through mobile ringtones for citizens to get up and be counted.

Shristi Karki

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Nepal holding census despite Covid and boycott

<figure><img width="1500" height="900" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181116/636be1049c7e80680e083e25jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: DIWAKAR CHETTRI</figcaption></figure>India is making calculated moves to rebuild relations with Nepal that were damaged by a border dispute earlier this year, while at the same time sending a subtle message to Kathmandu not to cosy up to China.After ignoring Nepal’s overtures for talks to resolve a thorny border dispute, New Delhi has been dispatching to Kathmandu a slew of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334289000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGiac1o5B1XOVTuOJ5F-jl99pneoA">intelligence</a>, military and diplomatic emissaries – in that order. First came the head of India’s external intelligence agency on 21 October, followed on 4 November by its army chief. Now, Indian foreign secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla is scheduled to arrive on 26 November.Nepal’s media commentators have said the choice of the first two interlocutors have actually been <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHW67LjxEMbQ4Kn4FxTDOi0T1--0g">counterproductive to normalising relations</a>, and they raised even more suspicions in Kathmandu about the kind of message New Delhi was sending Nepal. Read more:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHW67LjxEMbQ4Kn4FxTDOi0T1--0g">New Delhi’s new dealings in Nepal</a> by Kanak Mani Dixit“It is quite natural for Nepalis to be taken aback by India selecting the head of its spy agency as the first visitor, after all it is quite clear that it was not an ordinary visit,” wrote Surya Nath Upadhyay, a member of the Indo-Nepal Eminent Persons’ Group (EPG), in <a href="https://nagariknews.nagariknetwork.com/opinion/379641-1605072399.html?click_from=category" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://nagariknews.nagariknetwork.com/opinion/379641-1605072399.html?click_from%3Dcategory&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNE-eisVVEXS9b_SG-f58-45y3JJ4A">the Nagarik newspaper</a> on Tuesday.
Modi has been sitting for the past two years on the EPG’s report on revising the 1950 Indo-Nepal Treaty and other bilateral issues. But Upadhyay had even more serious objections about Indian Army Chief Manoj Mukund Naravane’s three day visit to Nepal to be conferred the ceremonial title of honorary general of the Nepal Army. 
Gen Navarane is the same person who caused a ruckus in May after Nepal strongly objected to the Indian road to Lipu Lek, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/gorkhas-on-the-frontline-between-india-and-china/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/gorkhas-on-the-frontline-between-india-and-china/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFg5obXnutCkcO64t80UTpX1qrbsQ">insinuating that Nepal was being put up to it by China.</a> There was an uproar in Nepal, and Naravane was criticised even in India for a remark many saw as being insensitive.
Upadhyay went on to speculate if the real reason Samant Goel of R&amp;AW met for three hours late at night in Baluwatar with Prime Minister K P Oli on 21 October was to undermine his nationalist image among Nepalis. This theory carries some credence since although Goel also met other political leaders in Kathmandu, those were kept under wraps.
Indeed, the prime minister immediately came under fire from other leaders, including his rivals in the Pushpa Kamal Dahal faction of his own party, for having met an Indian spy-in-chief. Oli had to then clarify that he had agreed in his phone conversation on India’s Independence Day in August with Prime Minister Narendra Modi to receive an emissary, but that he did not know it would be the head of R&amp;AW.
<a href="https://ekantipur.com/opinion/2020/11/11/160506277628759749.html" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://ekantipur.com/opinion/2020/11/11/160506277628759749.html&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFLUiT98uCKhqnzzOzn-XPidMEPZA">Writing in Kantipur newspaper</a> on Tuesday, strategic affairs expert Geja Sharma Wagle said Oli agreeing to meet Goel was ‘not just unfortunate but objectionable’. Wagle was also critical of Gen Navarane wearing a Nepali dhaka cap and engaging in ‘religious and cultural diplomacy’ by visiting Pashupati and the Kumari temple in Kathmandu.
‘The Goel and Naravane visits have at least ended the absence of communication between the two countries, but Modi sending a spy chief and an army general instead of a political or diplomatic emissary have raised questions about India’s perspective, policy and intentions in Nepal, especially given the border dispute,’ Wagle wrote.
Gen Naravane’s visit came a week after US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Defence Secretary Mark T Esper (since fired by Donald Trump) held a ‘2+2’ meeting with Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh to sign the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-Spatial Cooperation (BECA). The strategic pact is said to be aimed at countering China’s increasing <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/from-mt-everest-to-the-indian-ocean/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/from-mt-everest-to-the-indian-ocean/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGo_dnfkt6569YBk9I0ZaJ-bm35qQ">military clout in the Indian Ocean.</a>
This has raised speculation that the Goel and Naravane visits to Kathmandu had more to do with China than Nepal, because it came at a time when New Delhi’s relations with Beijing are at their worst since the 1962 war. Some analysts say there could be a realisation in Prime Minister Modi’s circle that India might have gone too far with the 2015 Blockade and the Kalapani issue, prompting Prime Minister Oli to lean towards China. 
Interestingly, the visits also came at a time when Prime Minister Oli himself <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-communists-on-verge-of-split-again/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-communists-on-verge-of-split-again/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHdkImqPzp77UeqYehrtTJvJkI0bw">is on shaky ground</a> with a vigorous challenge from the Dahal faction of the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) to clip his wings. Oli ignored Dahal’s effort to call a Secretariat meeting, and spent the whole of Tuesday visiting eastern Nepal by helicopter.
Even that visit was an indication of the fine balancing act Nepal has to tread between its two giant neighbours. Oli visited Kimathanka on the Chinese border, as well as the 900MW Arun III hydropower project being built by the Indian public sector company, SJVN.
Foreign Secretary Shringla’s visit to Kathmandu later this month is expected to put India-Nepal relations on a more even keel. Although no analyst expects New Delhi to back down from its claim to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/untangling-the-kalapani-knot/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/untangling-the-kalapani-knot/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNF35Xiuy9ZlpdS0nCPZz9TuBkPGPQ">Limpiyadhura-Lipu Lek</a>, Nepal will try to allay Indian concerns about China in the Himalayan region.
Relations soured after India unveiled an official map last year that showed the Kalapani region of northwestern Nepal as a part of India, and then made a high-profile inauguration of a military road through that territory to the Chinese border.
Nepal retaliated by getting Parliament to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/lines-on-a-map/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/lines-on-a-map/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHYQOrlON1cO-EodrvlzvjpPnP--g">pass a new map</a> that included not just Kalapani but the entire east bank of the Kali River within its boundary, citing the 1816 Sugauli Treaty with British India.

India’s multi-pronged line to right Nepal ties

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141132/636babe59c7e80680e077f01jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="987" height="511"/><figcaption>The India-China border flashpoints in the Himalaya are hotspots in more ways than one. The latest clashes threaten to derail cooperation on climate change between two countries that have the world's biggest carbon footprints.</figcaption></figure>One of the casualties of the strain in relations between India and China will be the cooperation between the two of the world’s most populous countries on the climate crisis.After the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/view-of-galwan-from-bhutan/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">violent clash on Galwan Valley in Ladakh</a> on 15 June that left at least 20 Indian soldiers dead, the two countries have been taking tit-for-tat economic action against each other. The latest was India’s ban on 50 Chinese apps, including TikTok which had at least 125 million users in India.After a brief period in the 1950s of ‘Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai’ bilateral bonhomie under Mao Zedong and Jawaharlal Nehru, things have not been the same. There is economic competition and there have been major border confrontations since the 1962 Himalayan war.Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping, Sino-Indian relations had actually improved with the two leaders having met multiple times since Modi came to power in India in 2014.Modi’s visit to Xian in 2015 saw a breakthrough in bilateral relations, with the <a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__southasianvoices.org_india-2Dand-2Dchina-2Dfrom-2Dpolitical-2Ddifferences-2Dto-2Deconomic-2Dsimilarities_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=7k-SLurfVGd6ue7b1xrHgg&amp;m=H9GhrTj_2jGmOawKuU1gRp-_CL6hWK9-HdamIhGuL_o&amp;s=zEqnZMnVgge9Vp_ANwzx7Kxt-8J4K-RkMaX1KTy1ypE&amp;e=">signing</a> of 24 agreements ranging from economic and infrastructure development and military co-operation. Among the agreements signed were the ‘Memorandum of Understanding on Co-operation in Ocean Sciences, Climate Change and Cryosphere’ and the ‘MoU on Co-operation in Earthquake Science and Engineering.But even while the two sides seem to have taken measures to de-escalate tensions along their disputed border, a new cold war has set in over the Himalaya just a time when the mountain range is thawing because of the impact of climate change.The International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) in its ‘<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/a-terrifying-assessment-of-himalayan-melting/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Himalayan Assessment</a>’ last year said that one-third of the ice on the Himalaya would be gone by 2050 and two-thirds by the end of the century if measures are not taken to cut global emissions.Although the specific details of the Xian MoUs between India and China are not available, they were taken as positive signs in that both countries recognise the climate crisis to be a pressing challenge in the region in the coming years. It was also an indirect acknowledgement of the fact that the two countries together produce one-third of global greenhouse gas emissions – China 28% and India 7%.But both countries also share common climate vulnerabilities such as depleting water resources, weather extremes resulting in floods and droughts, extreme heat stress, and rising sea levels. Ironically, the very mountainous border both are fighting over is also Asia’s water tower, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-third-pole-is-warming-faster-than-expected/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Himalayan glaciers</a> are the source of major rivers in India, China, and the rest of Asia.The China–India agreements on climate change were perhaps the strongest agreements and bilateral networks between the two countries and provide a salient case study on what the future of collaboration between China and India could look like.In 2001, the United States withdrew from the Kyoto Protocol, much like its withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement in 2016. Both led to a vacuum in international climate governance. With help from the European Union, China and India negotiated through the BASIC Group (Brazil, South Africa, India, and China) to come up with a joint climate agenda.Before the <a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=http-3A__archive.nepalitimes.com_news.php-3Fid-3D16428&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=7k-SLurfVGd6ue7b1xrHgg&amp;m=H9GhrTj_2jGmOawKuU1gRp-_CL6hWK9-HdamIhGuL_o&amp;s=GefS1VCcGSBnLD_CrmPlX43Y1MuRNDwnJ9XNz2-f8UY&amp;e=">Conference of Parties (COP15) negotiations in Copenhagen</a>, China and India took early steps to develop more coordination within the group to come up with a common position that would serve their national interests. In 2009, the two countries <a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.tandfonline.com_doi_abs_10.1080_10220461.2011.622945&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=7k-SLurfVGd6ue7b1xrHgg&amp;m=H9GhrTj_2jGmOawKuU1gRp-_CL6hWK9-HdamIhGuL_o&amp;s=_Ldw6R-NfoiWh_1NZaJWbnuqa1TeaSk5fLOvkGIVJZ4&amp;e=">met</a> in Beijing to sign an agreement to coordinate their approach to climate negotiations.In Copenhagen in 2009, the BASIC Group got a boost by being recognised as a negotiation group of emerging economies. Its members were hailed for salvaging the conference by brokering the Copenhagen Accord with the United States at the very last minute despite criticism of leading a non-transparent and exclusionary decision-making process.However, tensions soon emerged within the BASIC group. While India was praised for the newfound role of a mediator, China was seen as a bully in climate negotiations by the international community. The two countries also differed their own positions on points like emissions reduction targets and peaking of emissions.Things started going downhill after that. In 2014, President Xi signed a joint climate agreement with then President Obama which formalised the rift between India and China. As a response to China’s joint agreement with the US, Prime Minister Modi <a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__economictimes.indiatimes.com_news_politics-2Dand-2Dnation_obama-2Din-2Dindia-2Dpm-2Dnarendra-2Dmodi-2Dbarack-2Dobama-2Dstrike-2Dalliance-2Don-2Dclimate-2Dchange-2Dair-2Dpollution-2Drenewable-2Denergy-2Dfocus-2Dareas_articleshow_46016108.cms-3Ffrom-3Dmdr&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=7k-SLurfVGd6ue7b1xrHgg&amp;m=H9GhrTj_2jGmOawKuU1gRp-_CL6hWK9-HdamIhGuL_o&amp;s=jOu4w8J5xVH_d7OkpM_aZ2oTh9lQd4MHEv-A6rKTxi4&amp;e=">said</a>: “India will not be arm-twisted into climate action going against its national interest just on account of other countries.”Although China and India presently do not have any official alliance on climate, they continue to share large carbon emissions profiles, vulnerabilities to climate change, and the common interest for energy-resilience.The energy sector in both countries is following similar trajectories. China is the largest greenhouse gas emitter in the world, with India at number 3 behind the United States. China’s carbon emission from the energy sector is expected to decline after peaking in 2030, while India is taking action to curb coal consumption and the associated problem of air pollution. The two countries also have a shared interest in reducing their dependence on imported fossil fuels and to promote national energy security.To do so, solar energy has emerged as a key interest in both countries. China is now the largest manufacturer of solar systems in the world. India has also <a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__onlinelibrary.wiley.com_doi_abs_10.1111_1758-2D5899.12550&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=7k-SLurfVGd6ue7b1xrHgg&amp;m=H9GhrTj_2jGmOawKuU1gRp-_CL6hWK9-HdamIhGuL_o&amp;s=mkdMtvidoqWthvwS-Qgk7P3_bl8sCeFwW-RNi76U5Ls&amp;e=">pursued</a> policies promoting initiatives like the International Solar Alliance, and to drive down the costs of solar power and increase its share in the energy grid.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141132/636babe79c7e80680e077f02jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1047" height="627">China is India’s second-largest trading partner, and building an alliance to promote the diffusion of technology across both countries and to learn from each other brings a win-win situation for both countries. It remains to be seen how much impact the current bilateral tension will have on trade.The 2019 meeting between President Xi and Prime Minister Modi <a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.nepalitimes.com_latest_political-2Dgeography-2Dof-2Dindia-2Dnepal-2Dchina-2Dties_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=7k-SLurfVGd6ue7b1xrHgg&amp;m=H9GhrTj_2jGmOawKuU1gRp-_CL6hWK9-HdamIhGuL_o&amp;s=oirjoEgzy256RbHnATPQeb4OKgya3bAc9C5jRioq3dc&amp;e=">in Chennai</a>, just before Xi <a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.nepalitimes.com_banner_what-2Dis-2Dxi-2Djinpings-2Dbig-2Dsurprise_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=7k-SLurfVGd6ue7b1xrHgg&amp;m=H9GhrTj_2jGmOawKuU1gRp-_CL6hWK9-HdamIhGuL_o&amp;s=H7Gu_6O6J0tXHn0cACUsEUV1Y1ZezQ98gsaq-TkvCkM&amp;e=">flew to Nepal</a>, had generated tangible results and was <a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.chinadailyhk.com_articles_187_234_97_1571201543459.html&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=7k-SLurfVGd6ue7b1xrHgg&amp;m=H9GhrTj_2jGmOawKuU1gRp-_CL6hWK9-HdamIhGuL_o&amp;s=IrdTk6LcChKRTTg3OLR3rspvQUzxa2MrPrrtfnpLiR8&amp;e=">supposed</a> to have opened a new chapter in bilateral relations. The informal meeting mechanism had also provided an opportunity to put territorial disputes aside to <a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__southasianvoices.org_india-2Dand-2Dchina-2Dfrom-2Dpolitical-2Ddifferences-2Dto-2Deconomic-2Dsimilarities_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=7k-SLurfVGd6ue7b1xrHgg&amp;m=H9GhrTj_2jGmOawKuU1gRp-_CL6hWK9-HdamIhGuL_o&amp;s=zEqnZMnVgge9Vp_ANwzx7Kxt-8J4K-RkMaX1KTy1ypE&amp;e=">focus</a> on bilateral relations given common challenges like climate change.Despite the media war between the two countries over the current border clash, it is in the national interest of both countries to increase collaboration in trade, climate action, and other issues – especially as the world plunges into a recession caused by the <a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.nepalitimes.com_here-2Dnow_the-2Dclimate-2Dconnection-2Dto-2Dcovid-2D19_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=7k-SLurfVGd6ue7b1xrHgg&amp;m=H9GhrTj_2jGmOawKuU1gRp-_CL6hWK9-HdamIhGuL_o&amp;s=GP_3RzYeaWUVZtOLjy8k7uFbGrXHgpUmGGHuZH6H1Ik&amp;e=">COVID-19</a> pandemic.It could be this realisation that prompted Modi’s downplaying of the crisis by <a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.hindustantimes.com_india-2Dnews_chinese-2Dtroops-2Ddid-2Dnot-2Denter-2Dour-2Dterritory-2Dsays-2Dpm-2Dmodi-2Dat-2Dall-2Dparty-2Dmeeting-2Don-2Dladakh-2Dstandoff_story-2DQGgGUyL3sVRYB7mp3Y8bBI.html&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=7k-SLurfVGd6ue7b1xrHgg&amp;m=H9GhrTj_2jGmOawKuU1gRp-_CL6hWK9-HdamIhGuL_o&amp;s=RIRMrA_GMmSKg7m5qcAfROA_BMHG8mgK_FvSVIso3zQ&amp;e=">suggesting</a> that the “Chinese neither entered our territory nor has any post been taken over by them.”<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-climate-connection-to-covid-19/">Rastraraj Bhandari </a>is pursuing a Masters in Economics and China Studies at the Yenching Academy of Peking University in Beijing.

Right climate for India-China talks on climate change

<figure><img width="1445" height="2000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181144/636a95c69c7e80680e05dc29jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: DIWAKAR CHETTRI</figcaption></figure>Nothing unites Nepalis more than a dispute with India. So, when India issued its new official map this month putting the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=1680#.Xc0XfNUzbIU">east bank of the Kali River</a> that Nepal claims squarely within its own territory, all hell broke loose in Kathmandu.The brouhaha could not have come at a better time for Prime Minister KP Oli. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/prime-ministers-health-condition-under-wraps/">In failing health</a>, with falling public support and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/dangerous-driving/">facing serious challenges from within his own party</a>, the dispute with India united politicians across the political spectrum. It also allowed Oli, who has always used nationalism as a political plank, to send the message that he is standing up to India.Even the opposition Nepali Congress, which had been hesitant to speak against India during the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/09/25/unofficial-blockade/">2015 Blockade</a>, this time mobilised its students to protest outside the Indian Embassy. Student unions in some Tarai towns also staged anti-India protests.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/territorialism/">Territorialism</a>, Editorial<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=11208#.Xc0Xg9UzbIU">What India wants from Nepal,</a> Rajendra DahalBut it is from his own NCP that Oli faces the greatest challenge, and he has been scrambling to put a trusted caretaker team in place ahead of a planned trip to the United States. Baluwatar insiders say <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/in-wait-and-wait-mode/">Oli may be away for at least two months if he needs a new kidney.</a>Last week in a surprise move, Oli got his team of a dozen advisers to resign en masse. Although it looks like some of them (including his foreign policy and political advisers) will be reinstated after pressure from senior party leaders, the move suggests that the Prime Minister is working on a major overhaul in case he needs to be away longer.On Wednesday, Oli met his main critic within the NCP, former Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, for the first time since August, when they had an angry exchange in Baluwatar. Relations between the two have not been good since Oli <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/one-body-two-heads/">out-manoeuvred Nepal</a> at the UML party convention four years ago. Nepal is said to have been miffed at Oli’s surprise appointment of new provincial governors.      Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/four-year-itch/">Four-year itch,</a> EditorialSources said the two had a “heart-to-heart talk with self-reflection”, with Oli promising to consult his party colleagues more closely. It is very likely the PM will be looking to induct Nepal loyalists to his reshuffled cabinet, and may have asked Nepal for recommendations. Oli also wants to finalise selection of the 120-member politburo before he goes away, and for this may need Nepal’s help to outflank Pushpa Kamal Dahal.Dahal, for his part, has been biding his time knowing that sooner or later he will be prime minister. His reaction to the border dispute with India has been remarkably lukewarm, calling for a “diplomatic settlement” and the surprising suggestion that Nepal should not internationalise the issue.Prime Minister Oli appears to be preparing for a protracted absence from Kathmandu during which time he does not want Dahal to be calling all the shots.Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/own-worst-enemy/">Nepal PM is his own worst enemy</a>, Editorial

Power plays

The dispute over the tri-junction of India, China and Nepal on the remotest northwestern tip of the country is the latest strain on bilateral relations.The <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2014/01/05/double-centennial/">Sugauli Treaty of 1816</a> between the East India Company and the defeated Gorkhalis clearly stated that the main channel of the Mahakali River would form a shrunken Nepal’s western border with British India. But the Survey of India maps of 1850 and 1856 slyly tucked the area back into Garhwal.Successive rulers in faraway Kathmandu were either unaware or did not care that the boundary had been moved. After the Chinese annexation of Tibet in the 1950s, Nepal allowed India to put up 17 military checkpoints along its northern border. China and India fought a fierce Himalayan war in 1962 during which the Indian military set a base on the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=2049#.Xcp6ktIza70">strategic Lipu Lekh Valley</a>. That base is still there. In 1969, Prime Minister Kirti Nidhi Bista got Delhi to remove all its checkpoints on the Nepal-China border, except the one in Kalapani. Was Lipu Lekh a quid pro quo for the removal of the other bases? <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/from-nepali-press-his-highness-gave-us-Kalapani,2570">Did King Mahendra sacrifice the region</a> in return for Indian support for his takeover? Historians are divided.Whatever the case, the elected rulers of Nepal after 1990 used anti-Indian nationalism for political benefit, but did little to press Nepal’s legitimate claim over the territory. K P Oli, who now heads the united NCP in government, was one of the most vocal in Parliament demanding that India return the area. Current Tourism Minister Yogesh Bhattrarai even led a student group to Kalapani to raise the Nepali flag in the tract occupied by India.  <img width="624" height="718" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181144/636a95af9c7e80680e05dc20jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Many field reports from the area have just gathered dust in Singha Darbar. No action was ever taken, except when it was politically expedient to raise an anti-Indian drum beat. Nepal’s own official map in 1975 showed Lipu Khola as the boundary between Nepal and India, and not the Mahakali River. Ultra-nationalists cry themselves hoarse about ‘big bully’ India, but why would a neighbour respect your boundary if you yourself do not really care where it is? New Delhi has not really been bothered about winning the hearts and minds of Nepalis, either. It believes in carrying the big stick and showing who’s boss. And all this is convenient for Nepal’s India-bashing pseudo-nationalists who have a handy excuse to take to the streets every time the border dispute flares up.For Prime Minister Oli the brouhaha could not have been better timed. It has allowed him to distract public attention away from his administration’s non-performance, and once more drape himself in the flag. But what good is it to work ourselves into a frenzy of territorialism over this tiny strip of land when our rulers do not seem to care what happens to the rest of the country over which they enjoy full sovereignty?This is also not one where Nepal can play India off against China. In fact, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/PM-task-in-China,2929">Beijing seems to be on the same page as New Delhi</a> on the issue. As far back as 1954, India and China agreed to allow Indian pilgrims to use Lipu Lekh Pass on their holy trek to Lake Mansarovar. Lipu Lekh was discussed during visits by Indian External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh to Beijing in 1999, by <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=289#.Xcp8z9Iza70">Chinese Premier Wen Jiaobao to Delhi in 2005</a>, and by Chinese President Xi Jinping in India in 2014. A joint communiqué between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi in 2015 in Beijing listed Lipu Lekh as one of the Sino-Indian border passes through which the two countries agreed to conduct trade. <img width="3455" height="1679" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181144/636a95b19c7e80680e05dc21jpeg.jpg" alt="">One of the few instances in Nepali history when anti-Chinese protests broke out in the streets of Kathmandu was four years ago after that India-China joint communiqué on Lipu Lekh. Yet, Nepal’s governments since then did not dare broach the subject with the Chinese, it was not even raised last month during <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/president-xi-in-kathmandu/">President Xi’s state visit to Kathmandu</a>.Nepal cannot go to war with India over this. (For one thing, our men are enlisted in their army.) How about first revising our own official map, and take up the matter at the highest level in every future bilateral? And they may as well also talk about disputes along the Tarai caused by rivers changing course, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/borderline-disorder/">border pillars mysteriously moving under cover of darkness</a>.The time is right for dialogue: there is a government in Kathmandu with a solid two-thirds majority, we have rare all-party unity over the matter, and Nepal’s international stature is higher than it has been in a while.

border-conflict

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Right climate for India-China talks on climate change

Power plays

TERRITORIALISM