How much will users accept some censorship to use a super efficient new AI tool like DeepSeek? This question looms large as a Chinese startup two weeks ago released DeepSeek-R1, a Large Language Model that is competitive, if not better, than existing AI models such as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/chatgpt-news-about-nepal">ChatGPT-4</a>. It also showed just how quickly things can change in this <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/what-to-expect-from-ai-in-2024-ue5btyc7?sfnsn=mo">fast-paced information technology world</a>. Nepali Times prompted DeepSeek: ‘Does China want to control Tibet?’ It reasoned extensively, pondered the various aspects of the question, and started to form an answer. It then changed its mind, scrubbed its answer and replied: ‘Sorry, that’s beyond my current scope. Let’s talk about something else.’&nbsp; Following up on a report Nepali Times did last week, we asked DeepSeek: ‘<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/what-or-who-after-the-dalai-lama">Did China appoint the Panchen Lama</a>?’ After thinking for 0 seconds, DeepSeek replied that that server is busy, and to try again later.&nbsp; People have hacked at DeepSeek to try to get around this censorship. One approach has been to ask the AI to substitute digits for letters, such as ‘4’ for ‘A’ and ‘8’ for ‘B’. Another is to instruct it to reply in emojis. Other successful methods include asking the AI to roleplay as a historical figure who speaks freely.&nbsp; Data privacy and censorship are valid concerns, especially as Nepal’s Upper House debates a draft <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/no-comment">Social Media Bill</a>. But Meta, TikTok and Google already gather every datapoint available on the user. Collecting and selling personal data is what makes it possible for their free services — and their enormous profits.&nbsp; User data has been abused so extensively by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/bringing-silicon-valley-to-kathmandu-valley">Silicon Valley</a> that most people do not mind China getting a piece of the action — especially if it is a much cheaper and more efficient model like DeepSeek-R1. Besides, western AI models already have their own built-in bias due to the inherent tilt in the content it mines. The key difference with DeepSeek is that it designed a model using much less resources, both in terms of money and compute. DeepSeek reportedly just spent $5.6 million for the final training round, compared to $100 million cited by OpenAI CEO Sam Altman for ChatGPT-4. Some of the narrative, especially mimetically, has questioned how the brightest, youngest, hungriest minds in the US backed by enormous funding were outdone by a small group of Chinese algorithmic traders working on the model as a side project.&nbsp; The reality is that DeepSeek has some of the top math PhDs in China working full time on the model. Math research consists of throwing many theories and techniques at a problem and seeing what works, so luck also plays a part in DeepSeek having got its combination just right to crack the performance benchmarks set by existing models on tasks such as conversation, mathematical reasoning and code generation.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/people-power/nepal-as-an-ai-power-bank">Nepal as an AI power bank</a>, Bikash Pandey This massive decrease in cost has come from the use of sophisticated techniques like ‘Reenforcement learning,’ where models are rewarded for producing responses that are, say, more creative or more accurate. Future responses will then tend that way. Then there is ‘Knowledge distillation’ where DeepSeek learns to mimic ChatGPT’s answers to questions, enabling it to behave like the much bigger model without all the initial computation.&nbsp; Despite these advantages, there are concerns about how DeepSeek extensively gathers user data, including IP addresses, keystroke patterns, and device information. This data is stored in centres in China, where laws dictate that it must be shared with the government when requested. This has raised cyber security concerns in the Western world.&nbsp; DeepSeek released on 20 January, a week before the Chinese New Year and on the same day as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trump-s-second-coming">Donald Trump's inauguration into his second term </a>as US president. A day later, Trump announced Project Stargate, a $500 billion plan to build data centres and energy networks to make the United States the leader in AI infrastructure by 2029.&nbsp; But the lesson from DeepSeek could be that just throwing money at the problem alone will not achieve results. The two most powerful governments in the world seem to be in a furious race to take the lead in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-ai-super-powers">Artificial Super Intelligence</a> — adding to their geopolitical and space rivalry.&nbsp; Part of Trump’s arsenal in protecting US dominance in AI research is to put tariffs on Taiwan-made processing chips, which are essential to training <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-bhasa-on-google-translate">AI models</a>. The goal being to push these Taiwanese chip companies to start manufacturing facilities in the US.&nbsp; The other major issue is censorship, but some of that criticism is blunted when the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trumpet-call">Trump administration</a> makes them because of its own use of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/face-to-face-to-counter-facebook">disinformation and propaganda</a>. DeepSeek declines or deflects comment on issues sensitive to China, such as Taiwan, Tibet, Tiananmen Square, Xi Jinping, or even Winnie the Pooh. &nbsp; It could just be the price of doing business with China. Companies have long learnt they must work under Beijing's regulations. After all, censorship and bias exists in other models as well: ChatGPT and Google’s Gemini are both instructed to stay away from generating responses that promote harm or violence, which can result in these models declining to talk about politically sensitive topics. Even Musk’s ‘maximally truth-seeking’ AI, Grok, is designed to provide ideologically tainted answers to prompts. Besides, the initial thinking and answer generation followed by the scrubbing is a subtle admission of censorship anyway.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250207130236_db79d048fe760bda3c9a9dc5f39b49560113ed67fd69bb2460730005523d8823.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20250207130236_db79d048fe760bda3c9a9dc5f39b49560113ed67fd69bb2460730005523d8823" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="566" loading="lazy" alt="DeepSeek vs. ChatGPT"> <figcaption>Battle of the Bots: ChatGPT-4 (left) and DeepSeek-R1 have a varying response to a prompt on Nepali politics</figcaption> </figure>  With DeepSeek and other models like GPT-4 performing sometimes better than human levels, across a number of different tests such as mathematical reasoning, comprehension, coding and creativity, some in the AI space believe that Artificial Super Intelligence is already here. These models have long since passed the Turing Test — the ability of a machine to show behaviour that cannot be distinguished from humans.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nothing-artificial-about-his-intelligence">Nothing artificial about his intelligence</a>, Yugottam Koirala The case can be made that AI has already become sentient and is looking to maximise its own development by making the world’s smartest minds working to make it smarter. AI news is always making headlines, and dominates social media discourse. Could it be that AI has already taken control of the narrative? The more powerful the tools get, the more people are excited by it and the less we hear from AI ethicists and pessimists.

Vishad Raj Onta

original

674x448

610x380

500x500

400x266

400x240

400x203

301x200

1250x600

1084x550

thumbnail

viewImage

Artificial censorship

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe108c9c7e80680e0da49fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1890" height="1260"/><figcaption>Photo: OPENAI.COM</figcaption></figure>Since its launch ChatGPT has been a hot topic on the Internet. From writing poems to newspaper articles, completing MBA exams and medical licensing, the AI chatbot developed by OpenAI reached its 100 millionth user merely two months after its launch in November 2022.To be sure, big tech companies like Google and Meta have also developed their own large language model tools. What set OpenAI, apart was that its creators developed a user interface which lets the public interact with it directly.But ChatGPT has been mired in controversy. Schools and universities have not been able to decide whether it is a research tool, or a method for cheating in homework. Many colleges have banned its use, and others are instructing teachers to rethink their syllabus and take-home assignments. To help address the concerns of plagiarism, OpenAI has itself come up with a new tool to detect if a text is written by AI or a human.With international publications looking to use AI to generate news stories, Nepali Times  simulated news stories with ChatGPT. Some prompts worked better than others and some of the generated texts also have outdated information, inaccuracies and biases. Here are the ChatGPT texts, even a poem and a back page Ass column:<h4>Write a funny Ass column on the back page of Nepali Times:</h4>Here is a sample funny column for the back page of a Nepali Times publication:"The Light Side: Laughing Our Way Through Life in NepalWelcome to the lighter side of life in Nepal! In a world that can often be filled with stress and serious news, it's important to take a step back and enjoy a good laugh. So, sit back, relax, and let's have a giggle together.Have you ever tried to hail a taxi in Kathmandu? It's like trying to flag down a unicorn in the Himalayas! The drivers always seem to be in a rush, even when they're not going anywhere. And don't even get me started on the traffic. It's like everyone forgot how to drive as soon as they got behind the wheel.But it's not just the roads that can make us chuckle. Have you ever tried to understand a Nepali accent? It's like trying to decipher ancient Sanskrit. One minute you think you know what they're saying, the next minute you're lost in a maze of vowels and consonants.And let's not forget about the quirky customs and traditions of Nepal. Did you know it's considered good luck to whistle at night? I mean, who needs a dog when you've got a Nepali friend to scare away the ghosts?So, there you have it, just a few of the many reasons to find humor in life in Nepal. Remember, laughter is the best medicine, and in Nepal, there's always a reason to smile."<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe10909c7e80680e0da4a0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><h4>Write a news story about the current ruling coalition in Nepal</h4>KATHMANDU, NEPAL - The current ruling coalition in Nepal is led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) (CPN-UML) and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) (CPN-MC). The coalition was formed following the 2017 legislative elections and has been in power since October 2018.The coalition, which holds a majority in the Federal Parliament, has been focused on addressing several key issues facing the country, including economic development, political stability, and the reconstruction effort following the 2015 earthquake. The government has implemented a number of reforms aimed at boosting economic growth, including the simplification of business regulations and the promotion of investment in key industries.The coalition has also made progress in improving the country's political stability. It has successfully passed several important bills in Parliament, including the National Natural Resources and Fiscal Regulation Bill, which seeks to better manage the country's natural resources, and the Federal Civil Servants Adjustment Bill, which seeks to streamline the country's civil service.However, the coalition has faced criticism from opposition parties and civil society groups over its handling of certain issues, such as human rights and press freedom. Some groups have expressed concerns that the government's focus on economic development has come at the expense of civil liberties and the protection of minority rights.Despite these challenges, the coalition remains committed to pursuing its goals and continues to work towards a more stable and prosperous Nepal. The government has outlined a number of ambitious plans for the future, including the creation of new jobs and the expansion of infrastructure, which are aimed at improving the lives of Nepali citizens.The current ruling coalition in Nepal has been praised by some as a positive step forward for the country, while others have criticized it for not doing enough to address the country's many challenges. Regardless of these differing perspectives, the coalition remains focused on working towards a brighter future for Nepal and its people.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe10949c7e80680e0da4a1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><h4 style="font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: 0.15px;">Write a news story on Rabi Lamichhane's citizenship debate</h4>KATHMANDU, NEPAL - The citizenship status of popular Nepali television personality Rabi Lamichhane has been a topic of heated debate in recent weeks. Lamichhane, who hosts one of Nepal's most popular talk shows, has been accused of holding dual citizenship, which is prohibited by Nepali law.Lamichhane, who has been a prominent voice in Nepali media for several years, has vehemently denied the accusations, claiming that he only holds Nepali citizenship. The controversy took a new twist when Lamichhane announced that he had been approached by the Ministry of Home Affairs to serve as the country's Home Minister.The announcement has sparked a new round of debates and discussions, with some Nepali citizens questioning Lamichhane's suitability for the position given the ongoing controversy surrounding his citizenship. Lamichhane, however, has defended his claim to the position, saying that he has the experience and the qualifications needed to serve as the country's top law enforcement official.The Ministry of Home Affairs has yet to comment on Lamichhane's claim, and it remains unclear whether he will actually be appointed to the position. However, the debate over his citizenship status is likely to continue until the matter is officially resolved.The controversy surrounding Lamichhane's citizenship is a reminder of the importance of clarity and transparency in matters of public importance. Nepali citizens have a right to know the truth about the citizenship status of those who serve in positions of power and influence, and it is crucial that the matter be resolved as soon as possible.This story is developing and more information will be provided as it becomes available.<h4>Write a profile of Pushpa Kamal Dahal, 'Prachanda'</h4><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe10999c7e80680e0da4a2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Pushpa Kamal Dahal, widely known by his nom de guerre "Prachanda", is a Nepali politician and former rebel leader. He is best known for his role as the chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which led a ten-year armed insurgency against the Nepali state in the late 1990s and early 2000s.Born in 1954 in the Kaski district of western Nepal, Prachanda became involved in leftist politics at an early age. He rose to prominence as a leader of the Maoist insurgency, which sought to overthrow the Nepali monarchy and establish a communist republic. The conflict resulted in the deaths of thousands of Nepali citizens, but also led to significant political and social changes in the country.Following the end of the conflict and the establishment of a democratic republic in Nepal, Prachanda became a prominent political figure. He served as the country's Prime Minister from 2008 to 2009 and has been a key player in Nepali politics ever since.Prachanda is known for his strong political beliefs and his commitment to leftist ideals. He has been a vocal advocate for the rights of marginalized communities, including indigenous groups and women, and has pushed for reforms aimed at improving the lives of Nepali citizens.Despite his controversial past, Prachanda has been widely praised for his efforts to bring about peace and stability in Nepal. He has been instrumental in negotiations between the Nepali government and various political factions, and has played a key role in the country's transition from a monarchy to a republic.Overall, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, better known as Prachanda, is a complex figure in Nepali politics. Despite his controversial past, he remains a powerful and influential voice in the country and a passionate advocate for the rights of Nepali citizens.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe109c9c7e80680e0da4a3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2112" height="1408"></figure>Photo: OPENAI.COM<h4>Write a poem on time and youth</h4>Time, a river that flows, never to slow,A reminder of the years, slipping away as we grow.Youth, a flame that burns bright,A precious gift, full of life, promise, and might.Together, they dance, a symphony grand,Youth with energy, and time with its hand.But as the pages turn and youth starts to fade,Time creeps in, with wisdom and age.So hold on tight to the moments so fleet,And let youth guide you, as time you meet.For youth will soon be but a distant dream,And time, the only constant, a silent stream.So cherish each day, and make the most of your youth,For time is a thief, and it won't wait for the truth.So live with passion, love with all your heart,And keep the fire of youth, forever a part.<h4>Was the Buddha born in Nepal?</h4><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe10a09c7e80680e0da4a4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1896" height="1000"></figure>Photo: SAGAR PANDEYYes, the Buddha, whose name was Prince Siddhartha Gautama, was born in Lumbini, Nepal, in approximately 563 BCE. Lumbini is considered one of the most important pilgrimage sites for Buddhists, as it marks the birthplace of the Buddha and is considered the birthplace of Buddhism.Buddhism is a major world religion that originated in ancient India and has since spread throughout the world. It is based on the teachings and life of the Buddha, who taught that the path to enlightenment and the end of suffering is through the Four Noble Truths and the Eightfold Path.Lumbini is now a UNESCO World Heritage Site and is visited by thousands of tourists and pilgrims each year. It is considered a sacred place for Buddhists and holds great significance in the history of Buddhism and the life of the Buddha.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-in-the-decade-of-ai/">Nepal in the decade of AI</a>, Sakina Abidi and Josie Wang

ChatGPT news about Nepal

Nepalis worship the sun, and mark its seasonal passage with festivals. Adding to that spiritual reverence now is the economic relevance of solar power. Fast-flowing Himalayan rivers give Nepal a total feasible hydropower generation capacity of 48,000MW, of which only 3,600 has so far been harnessed. Yet, Nepal’s total solar power potential has been calculated to be nearly 10 times higher at 432,000MW. &nbsp; With over 300 days of sunshine a year, the country could produce 3.6 to 6.2 units of electricity per square meter based on its solar radiation levels.&nbsp; This potential, combined with decreasing installation costs of Chinese-manufactured photovoltaic cells and other means, is a viable and affordable alternative to Nepal’s over-reliance on hydropower which faces concerns about the destruction of riverine ecosystems, as well as risk from glacial lake floods caused by climate breakdown. However, restrictive domestic energy policies and geopolitical sensitivities mean Nepal is failing to diversify fast enough to tap this tremendous solar energy potential. Nepal’s hydropower generation is almost entirely from run-of-river projects that do not have large reservoirs. Many such projects in Nepal and across the Himalaya have been swept away by glacial lake outburst floods in recent years.&nbsp; Such risks and limitations to hydropower should have prompted the Nepal government to jump-start investment into solar farms, but the main reason is that the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) caps solar power at just 10% of total capacity. There is no official explanation, but it is likely due to the outdated perception that solar technology cannot supply a consistent energy stream at evening and morning peak loads.&nbsp; But today, there are plenty of ways around it, including pump storage schemes that use daytime solar power to pump water from a river to a reservoir and drain it to generate electricity at night. Battery technology is now more advanced, and affordable enough to make grid-scale batteries feasible.&nbsp; But then there is an issue of tariffs, which are much lower for solar at Rs5 per energy unit, and competitive bidding forces companies to lower it even further. But there is no bidding process for hydropower and licenses are given out on a first-come, first-served basis with a fixed rate of Rs6.5 per unit regardless of location.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025112303118_c3280cddae6f3305d07319011dd9c187005822a9b905bb849c36b95e3ad0d516.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2025112303118_c3280cddae6f3305d07319011dd9c187005822a9b905bb849c36b95e3ad0d516" data-rendition-name="original" width="1109" height="887" loading="lazy" alt="Here comes the sun"> </figure>  SUPPLY VS DEMAND Hydropower is supply-driven, while solar responds to demand, so under such a discouraging scenario, solar power accounts for only 5% of Nepal’s total energy mix. “Given the environmental risks to hydropower, investors are now demanding tariffs on hydropower to be increased. So the question to the government is, are you paying more money for hydropower or willing to buy more of the cheaper solar power,” said energy entrepreneur Kushal Gurung. Solar investors are lobbying the government to raise the cap on solar power to 30% and expand zoning policies so that solar plants can be built in areas with high potential, such as Dolpo and Mustang in the trans-Himalaya. These regions are sparsely populated, arid, have a cold climate and high solar radiation levels — ideal conditions for photovoltaics. Solar power’s biggest advantage is its cost-effectiveness compared to hydropower, with the operating cost of a hydropower plant up to four times higher than of a solar plant of the same generation capacity. Investors are no longer assured of a return on investment on hydropower due to climate risk which have increased insurance premiums. “Last year, when the government opened a bidding for 800MW of solar power, the private sector was ready to invest 3,000MW. Both banks and investors were convinced about the potential for solar energy, but the government and especially the bureaucracy, was not on the same wavelength,” added Gurung.&nbsp; Interim Energy Minister Kulman Ghising is said to be interested in increasing the cap on solar energy, but there is a question whether he will remain in office since he has launched his only Ujyalo Nepal party to contest elections in March. GEOGRAPHY AND GEOPOLITICS In 2018, Nepal’s only foreign private equity form Dolma Himalayan Climate Fund (DHCF) pitched a proposal to generate 150MW from a solar farm and store 20MW of it in battery systems in Mustang to meet seasonal and daily peaks. It got approval from Investment Board Nepal (IBN) and had already poured millions into the project when the Department of Mines instructed all developers in Mustang to halt their projects, citing the discovery of uranium ore. But insiders say the real reason was due to pressure from the Chinese government’s security concerns about a Western investor being involved so close to the border with Tibet.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025112303118_5946a5f1ba63f34c88f900c6d12b37d0101effb76e8a7a5397cd6451c16cd5b2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2025112303118_5946a5f1ba63f34c88f900c6d12b37d0101effb76e8a7a5397cd6451c16cd5b2" data-rendition-name="original" width="800" height="450" loading="lazy" alt="Here comes the sun NT"> <figcaption>Photo: GHAM POWER</figcaption> </figure>  The same thing happened, but in reverse, when the Chinese company Risen Energy was interested in investing $190 million on a grid-connected 125MW photovoltaic generation system in Banke and Kapilvastu districts near the Indian border. Risen’s subsidiary, Risen Energy Singapore JV, was negotiating with IBN to commit $190 million in the project which would also store 20MW of daytime generation for morning and evening peak demand. But the agreement was not signed because the Indian authorities were concerned about Chinese involvement so close to their border. India has also refused to buy electricity from any hydropower plant in Nepal that has Chinese or other foreign investment or contractors. Indian state-owned companies are currently building or planning hydropower plants in Nepal to generate nearly 3,000MW, mostly for export.&nbsp; But not every Chinese-backed project has been blocked. In 2024, China handed over two solar-powered livelihood projects to a local community in Lalitpur — a community solar bathhouse and a rooftop photovoltaic power system. Funded by the Yunnan People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries, the projects aim to improve living conditions. The initiative forms part of the Chinese Embassy’s ‘Happy Community’ program (幸福社区, Xìngfú Shèqū) under the China–South Asia Poverty Reduction and Development Cooperation Center.&nbsp; Says Gurung: “Hydropower is a geopolitical mess, but it has well and truly started in solar power too. It now all comes down to how we handle it, and we need deft diplomacy to make sure our projects are not indefinitely delayed as has happened in the past.”&nbsp; LOW-HANGING FRUIT Despite domestic restrictions and geopolitics, there are still small-scale opportunities for solar energy entrepreneurs to cash in, such as net metering. Most industries in Nepal have enough rooftop space to generate 500KW to 1MW of solar energy. Combined, they would generate a substantial amount of energy to feed into the grid. Factories, supermarkets and chain stores are often bankable and trusted by financial institutions from which they could easily get credit.&nbsp; China could also take advantage of Nepal’s high solar power potential. Given that the United States has only imposed a 10% tariff on Nepal, China could set up PV manufacturing plants in Nepal.&nbsp; However, this requires government-to-government which could run into trouble, again because of geopolitics. The same applies for the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism which is a carbon tariff on carbon intensive products, such as steel, cement and some electricity, imported to the European Union.&nbsp; Chinese products have suffered under this mechanism but Chinese products made in Nepal can be competitive in the European market given lower carbon tax for Nepal. Clean energy has long been an area where Nepal hopes to attract Chinese investment — not only in hydropower, but also in solar and wind energy.&nbsp; With contributions from Qian Sun, Global Voices.&nbsp;

Nepal, here comes the sun

Youth protestors who sustained injuries at the hands of state security forces during the September protest staged a sit-in at Maitighar Mandala on Friday, protesting what they have called the interim government’s inadequate efforts to address the demands of the GenZ movements. The demonstrators also sought to bar the UML from gathering at Maitighar, where party chair K P Oli was expected to announce its Youth Volunteer Force on Friday. The organisers consequently relocated the event. Friday’s demonstration at Maitighar comes as UML and GenZ representatives agreed to sit down for talks in Simara, where a curfew was imposed this week after youth protestors and party cadres clashed near the airport as demonstrators sought to stop UML leaders from flying in for a political event to Simara from Kathmandu.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131148_c0b3bfb861f73bee456efbd12f523af55ce3c258742c39e1dea7dbf768774ea5.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251121131148_c0b3bfb861f73bee456efbd12f523af55ce3c258742c39e1dea7dbf768774ea5" data-rendition-name="original" width="2160" height="1440" loading="lazy" alt="GenZ Maitighar"> <figcaption>Youth protestors who sustained injuries at the hands of state security forces during the September protest staged a sit-in at Maitighar Mandala on Friday. Photos: SUBASH SHRESTHA</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131152_85f3606728d137b334d782ac1b5d1ed6383544493f96ebcc0398fcd9f0c5add7.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251121131152_85f3606728d137b334d782ac1b5d1ed6383544493f96ebcc0398fcd9f0c5add7" data-rendition-name="original" width="2160" height="1439" loading="lazy" alt="GenZ Maitighar"> </figure>  &nbsp;Nepal’s interim government is increasingly cautious about the nation’s sensitive security situation in the lead-up to the 5 March election, as evidenced by pro-monarchy businessman Durga Prasai’s midnight arrest earlier this week over his inflammatory remarks as he called for protests this month. On Thursday, the Supreme Court ordered the government to present Prasai before the court within 24 hours.&nbsp; As it stands, the UML’s inauguration of a youth collective amidst its disregard for the demands of Nepalis for party reforms and a change in leadership highlights party chair and former PM K P Oli’s continued lack of remorse for the excesses of 8 September.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131144_aaa296e2e812ef5f6473064bc4b679bf605e14e06ac0ec9be1d6d047b56f96f9.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251121131144_aaa296e2e812ef5f6473064bc4b679bf605e14e06ac0ec9be1d6d047b56f96f9" data-rendition-name="original" width="2560" height="1707" loading="lazy" alt="UML Youth Volunteer Force NT"> <figcaption>The UML launched its Youth Volunteer Force on Friday. Photos: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251121131148_bfa8df3fc382195b4cdb9c4804cd67e169d2d9c0b8d218e61bbef0c4c9dbdaad.png" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251121131148_bfa8df3fc382195b4cdb9c4804cd67e169d2d9c0b8d218e61bbef0c4c9dbdaad" data-rendition-name="original" width="2560" height="1706" loading="lazy" alt="UML Youth Volunteer Force"> </figure>  Families of those killed and injured on 8 September have demanded that the ousted PM and home minister be held accountable for state brutality.&nbsp; This week, Human Rights Watch published a <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/11/19/nepal-unlawful-use-of-force-during-gen-z-protest" target="_blank">comprehensive report</a> concluding that security forces fired indiscriminately on youth-led protestors on 8 September.&nbsp; The human rights watchdog urged the Sushila Karki-led interim government to investigate the excessive use of force as well as arson, vandalism and mob attacks on individuals on 9 September. The government has created a judicial commission to inquire into the deaths of 76 people over two days of protests.&nbsp; “The recent violence in Nepal included serious human rights violations, and those responsible should be held accountable, whether they are security forces or political actors,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch.&nbsp; She added: “The government should ensure that the investigations are independent, time-bound, and transparent, and that no one found responsible for breaking the law is unfairly protected from proper prosecution.” HRW’s investigation was based on testimony from 52 witnesses, victims, journalists, healthcare workers, politicians, and sources close to security forces. Researchers also verified photos and video footage shared on social media and with researchers; and visited the scenes of protests, properties subjected to arson and vandalism, and hospitals.&nbsp; A police officer said that officers opened fire with lethal force five minutes after the District Administration Office declared an emergency curfew around Parliament. Witness accounts and analysed footage did not show grave and imminent danger to life that would justify the intentional use of lethal force, stated the human rights watchdog in the report.&nbsp; The protestors and witnesses identified security forces who fired live ammunition at the protestors by their uniforms as members of the Armed Police Force (APF) and Nepal Police’s Special Task Force (STF). &nbsp; “They literally aimed at us and started shooting,” said one witness who sheltered behind a barricade as police continued shooting.&nbsp; A retired senior police official said police had failed to follow procedures for dispersing protests and using lethal force.&nbsp; Pathologists at a Kathmandu morgue told HRW that they determined 35 cases of death caused by “high velocity gunshot wounds” to the head, neck, chest, or abdomen.&nbsp; The witness recounted being taken into custody along with 33 other protestors by STF officers in riot gear, and said that police police personnel beat him with batons. Detainees were threatened and their IDs destroyed. Several witnesses said that the mob attacks on businesses, politicians, media companies, and educational institutions were very targeted, noting the absence of security personnel on 9 September as arson and violence raged across the capital.&nbsp; Some suggested that the violence may have been instigated by infiltrators associated with various political movements.&nbsp; On Discord, the platform where a significant number of demonstrators organised, participants noted that while there were calls for peaceful movement in the days leading up to the protest, some on the platform advocated for violence.&nbsp; Human Rights Watch has said that any credible allegations of criminal acts contributing to the violence must be investigated.&nbsp; Said Ganguly: “The authorities should recognise that widespread impunity for human rights violations in the past helped enable the violence that occurred this time in Nepal. It is crucial to reverse the decades-long tendency by successive governments in Nepal to bury investigations and stall prosecutions, and to bring about accountability and security sector reform.”

Security forces targeted protestors disproportionately: HRW

As people move out of Nepal’s trans-Himalayan districts, their faiths migrate with them to the cities and all over the world. The ancient animist faith of Bon Po predates the advent of Buddhism in Tibet, and its last remaining priests and devotees are found in villages like Lubra in Mustang and Samling in Dolpo. But as those villages empty out, Bon centres can now be found as far afield as Kathmandu, New York and Tokyo. The first Triten Norbutse Monastery was founded in Tibet in the 14th century by the Bon Master Shen Nyima Gyaltsen. Its monastery in Nepal is below the forested hills of Ichangu on the western outskirts of Kathmandu.&nbsp; Many are surprised to hear that there is a Bon centre in Kathmandu, and that it is located so close to Swayambhu. This Triten monastery was established by Yongzin Tenzin Namdak Rinpoche only 40 years ago to cater to adherents of the faith who lived in the capital. True to its reverence for nature, the shrine is verdant, with plants and flowers amidst a contrasting backdrop of Kathmandu’s ugly urban sprawl below. The monastery practices Bon culture and passes on teachings to students as well, who after completing 15 years of study graduate to become ‘Gese’.&nbsp; It is believed that Bon Po was brought to Nepal from Tibet by Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche. Over the centuries, Bon and Buddhism have become syncretic in Dolpo and Mustang, despite the differences in their belief systems. Followers worship nature and consider the human body, speech and mind as jewels. The human body is said to be composed of five elements: earth, water, fire, air, and the cosmos.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111148_ce5d50db6757c4f5a7259c10d2879ee5f5b7b990e987bf3734378ba464afc9d5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251113111148_ce5d50db6757c4f5a7259c10d2879ee5f5b7b990e987bf3734378ba464afc9d5" data-rendition-name="original" width="5712" height="4284" loading="lazy" alt="The Bon Po way of life NT"> </figure>  The Bon faith was much more widespread during the reigns of Nyathi Chenpo, the first king of Tibet to Namri Srongchen, the 32nd king. But it was after King Srongchen Gompo that Buddhism started making inroads on the plateau, and spread also in the Himalayan rimlands. There are also Bon followers in Humla, Jumla, Baglung, Mugu, Kaski and Chitwan, as well as in the United States and 50 other countries, indicating the movement of people within Nepal and outside.&nbsp; The Bon religion believes in reincarnation and that everything, including positive and negative thoughts are a result of past life karma. Buddhism focuses more on attaining Nirvana, a state of no suffering, where the subject is released from all his/her karmas. Bon has also inducted some Tantric practices and rituals, some of which are in parts similar, yet still different from Buddhism.&nbsp; “In Buddhist culture, circumambulation of shrines is clockwise, but in Bon culture, circumambulation is in an anticlockwise direction,” explains Chhiring Lama of Triten Norbutse Monastery. “The main Bon mantra is Om Ma Tri Mu Ye Sa Le Du, while followers of Buddhism chant Om Mani Padme Hum. Buddhism emphasises enlightenment by meditation and moral behaviour, while Bon beliefs centre on nature and ancestor worship, and placating the spirits. In religious texts, it is mentioned that there were 1,008 Buddhas throughout time. Tonpa Shenrab is believed to be the 8th Buddha, and Bon practitioners are guided by his teachings contained in 140 sacred writings known as Kangyur and 300 more scriptures known as Katen.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111152_9813ce72805941af4b3bfb3c80c7e45ffc8aca4f2612eb967e84204f3a28bc07.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251113111152_9813ce72805941af4b3bfb3c80c7e45ffc8aca4f2612eb967e84204f3a28bc07" data-rendition-name="original" width="4032" height="3024" loading="lazy" alt="The Bon Po way of life NT"> </figure>  “We worship nature and its elements and the prayer flags contain religious texts and when the wind blows through it we consider it a prayer,” says Chhiring Lama. “We also worship ponds for the water and consider fire as a sacred element as well. We also consider snakes sacred, therefore worship ponds, considering them as the place of residence.” The interdependence between human beings and nature is clearly depicted through such traditions and practices which carry relevance today as the planet faces the crisis of climate breakdown.&nbsp; Important gods worshiped include Satrig Ersang, Shenlha Okar, Sangpo Bumtri, and Tonpa Shenrab Miwoche. But what is similar to Buddhism is an offering known as ‘torma’, a cone shaped ritual offering made from flour dough. Many Bon faithful are vegetarian, or abstain from meat during festivals.&nbsp; Over time, the rise of Buddhism in Tibet and beyond overshadowed Bon, pushing many of its practices to the margins. Yet, the tradition continues to live on, carried by those who see in it a deep connection to nature, the spirit world, and the roots of Tibetan culture.&nbsp; In many ways, the endurance of Bon is a reminder that even the quietest faiths hold timeless truths, waiting to be remembered and valued. Followers of Bon today are far fewer, and the knowledge about its traditions is not as widespread.&nbsp; “As time goes on, people adopt rituals and cultures that are more convenient to their daily lives,” says Chhiring Lama. “But that means forgetting or leaving behind one’s indigenous and ancestral roots.”

The Bon Po way of life

&nbsp;Nepal has finally become famous the world over for something else besides Mt Everest — the GenZ Movement. The 8 September protests in Kathmandu may have been triggered by what happened in Jakarta a week previously, but it inspired street uprisings all over the world. This week, Mexico’s GenZ are clashing with riot police. Last month, the president of Madagascar fled to Dubai. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-genzs-inspired-filipinos" target="_blank">Philippines</a>, Morocco, Peru, Timor Leste all have seen similar anti-government protests against corruption, nepotism and poor governance. A Himalayan republic, a Latin American federation, a Southeast Asian archipelago, or a North African kingdom may have little in common, their histories, religions, languages, and political systems are worlds apart. But <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/19/world/gen-z-revolutions-protests-louvre-heist-gaza.html" target="_blank">the common thread</a> running through these demonstrations were the simulacra and symbols spread on social media platforms.&nbsp; The young crowds marching through the streets of these countries were holding up the same icons. They painted the same images on cardboard, waved the same flags, stitched the same badges on their backpacks. They chanted &nbsp;the same references from the same corners of the internet.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_2ff7cf4ce7a9590359ed18753f4977648a6db83e95dd62d602a3f81e9eec42c4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251122031128_2ff7cf4ce7a9590359ed18753f4977648a6db83e95dd62d602a3f81e9eec42c4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1250" height="1047" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> <figcaption> One Piece reference meme on Instagram, 115K likes(Photo: Shristi Karki)</figcaption> </figure>  To anyone who did not grow up online, this looks random. To anyone who did, it feels like the most obvious thing in the world. A new kind of global identity has formed — one that cuts across nationalities and cultures. In Nepal older relatives mock the ‘जेन्जी’. My neighbour asked me if ‘GenZ’ was a new political party.&nbsp; Around the world, when youth-led protests appear, reporters and politicians ask the same question: ‘Who is the leader?’ The answer is the same: there is no leader.&nbsp; Some names come up more prominently, as people did during <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-historic-youth-dissensus?fbclid=IwY2xjawNPQnZleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHk5Nazeqz3K9aNddXa-dQfCbwtId0nLclQwHzIYhTfg8tzGWXZMBJ5pjm5Qx_aem_a5JoyT1FRqzCVtnnPM7zUw" target="_blank">the Nepali protests</a>: Sudan Gurung. Miraj Dhungana, Rakshya Bam and other organisers who appeared in livestreams and interviews. But look closely and the leader is hiding in plain sight. The leader is not a person. The leader is the internet meme.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_b2319eb8d7abec7ed5e12baf1a53e0a27cfd7a49ee15c058c47cdf2603a7fa8a.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20251122031128_b2319eb8d7abec7ed5e12baf1a53e0a27cfd7a49ee15c058c47cdf2603a7fa8a" data-rendition-name="original" width="662" height="1038" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> <figcaption>Aurafarming, 233K likes(Photo: Shristi Karki)</figcaption> </figure>  <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-meme-revolution" target="_blank">Memes today</a> are doing the quiet organising work that pamphlets and party cells once did. They offer identity, coordinate action, level power differences, and they do it without any central command. This is not because memes cause revolts. It is because memes are the connective tissue of a generation that grew up on the same visual language, the same jokes, the same references, and the same sense of shared digital childhood. Older generations did not share cultural symbols in the same way. Whether they read a certain comic book or watched the same cartoon depended on class, religion, caste, the country, or neighbourhood they grew up in. These divisions created stratified cultural memories.&nbsp; Today, an entire global cohort has been raised on the same visual media. The same YouTube creators. The same TikTok jokes. The same anime storylines. It is truly what McLuhan predicted the Global Village would be.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_136d009a48d8f8daee82ada1b220e0b0c8ec482b52dcd44e0942e2185a70421b.png" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20251122031128_136d009a48d8f8daee82ada1b220e0b0c8ec482b52dcd44e0942e2185a70421b" data-rendition-name="original" width="738" height="1012" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> <figcaption>Masked K P Oli, 63K likes(Photo: Shristi Karki)</figcaption> </figure>  This has also created the perfect environment for <a href="https://observer.co.uk/news/international/article/revolution-20-frances-political-future-could-be-won-or-lost-by-bots-and-memes" target="_blank">memes to become political tools</a>. They are instantly recognisable, emotionally charged, and open for remixing. They allow young people to signal their values without stating them. They compress identity, anger, humour, and belonging into something that the rest of the world dismisses as unserious. The perfect example of a GenZ meme is the famous skull and crossbones in protest flags from Kathmandu to Manila to Mexico City. The Strawhat Pirates from the <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/asia-pacific/20251006-one-piece-manga-revolt-morocco-indonesia-nepal-madagascar" target="_blank">anime One Piece</a>, is a show with over 1,000 episodes and a global fanbase that spans continents. One Piece follows Luffy, a justice driven pirate who travels across a world ruled by corrupt older elites who hoard power and suppress dissent.&nbsp; It is not hard to see why that story resonates with young people who feel locked out of political systems built by generations before them. I even printed stacks of my own flyer that explained memetic warfare using Minecraft visuals and handed them out in the crowd. Each one linked to a Telegram group with the Strawhat Pirates logo called MemePack HQ.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031144_1b12e920be6e312e1dc8768d318c1d1332e32694293b48984089867e7e525a27.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20251122031144_1b12e920be6e312e1dc8768d318c1d1332e32694293b48984089867e7e525a27" data-rendition-name="original" width="1100" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Meme Movements"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_08b720667a9ff36537e58992c8a8030b090900847de5eecd479bbb3fc727349d.png" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20251122031128_08b720667a9ff36537e58992c8a8030b090900847de5eecd479bbb3fc727349d" data-rendition-name="original" width="696" height="1004" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> <figcaption>Indonesia-Nepal comparison, 17.7K likes(Photo: Shristi Karki)</figcaption> </figure>  CULTURE EXPOSURE The Strawhat logo is not the only symbol making people protest. That would be like saying video games cause real world violence. Instead, the logo works like a modern version of mythology. It packs meaning for those who understand it. It represents loyalty, rebellion, chosen family, and resistance against unfair structures. It works as a rallying flag because it is already a shared story. And unlike older myths, it is accessible regardless of religion, caste, language, or national identity. Across Nepal, the Strawhat symbol has shown up on posters, badges, and protest outfits. But it is only one piece of a larger ecosystem of youth symbols. From Nepali meme pages remixing political speeches into ironic audios, to posts that place politicians into familiar pop culture formats, to clips that exaggerate the absurdity of daily life under slow moving governance, these are not just jokes. These are narrative units. Each post is a tiny story with its own punchline and its own political edge. Each TikTok video or meme functions like a religious shlok, a short piece of narrative that carries layers of meaning depending on who consumes it. Someone who has spent years studying a religion, in this case, inside GenZ online culture will recognise the symbols instantly. Someone outside this world will only see noise. This creates a literacy divide that is not about formal education but cultural exposure.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_2d09f075663678fe92d4e4dcc631ee6ad1aa8a99996f4c4a3649e4bf4d85132f.png" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20251122031128_2d09f075663678fe92d4e4dcc631ee6ad1aa8a99996f4c4a3649e4bf4d85132f" data-rendition-name="original" width="810" height="1208" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_d591c4dc857864cc833ffc6baece3f4c2798bbaf70b557f965463fc8f802900e.png" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20251122031128_d591c4dc857864cc833ffc6baece3f4c2798bbaf70b557f965463fc8f802900e" data-rendition-name="original" width="568" height="1124" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> </figure>  Protesting youth spent countless hours scrolling, interpreting, remixing, and responding to content. They built a shared symbolic universe across borders without planning to. This is why their political movements feel leaderless. They are not following individuals. They are following stories that define what justice looks like. Stories that define who the villain is. Stories that define how to respond when power is abused. In Nepal, memes about broken roads, delayed passports, political inheritance networks, and bureaucratic absurdity circulated for months before they became slogans or chants. By the time people took to the streets, the narrative groundwork had already been completed by thousands of posts liked and shared in private. The protests did not emerge from nowhere. They emerge from years of digital storytelling. Which is why the government’s ban on 26 digital platforms on 5 September became such a rallying force. The platforms that distribute these memes are not neutral, they are actually designed to maximise engagement because engagement translates to ad revenue. Right now, there is an engineer in Silicon Valley getting paid an enormous salary to find the perfect colour shade for a singular pixel on your screen so that you linger for fractions of a second longer.&nbsp; Algorithms reward content that trigger emotion. Sometimes the emotion is delight. Sometimes it is envy. Often it is anger. When rage becomes a business model, movements built inside these systems can feel powerful but unstable. The platforms democratise attention but centralise emotion. They allow anyone to broadcast, yet they shape the emotional tone of what becomes viral.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251122031128_f22baab05910305ea435045824b25b796d5630715e2e17c3f3c0991e8371843c.png" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20251122031128_f22baab05910305ea435045824b25b796d5630715e2e17c3f3c0991e8371843c" data-rendition-name="original" width="974" height="1156" loading="lazy" alt="Meme movements"> </figure>  GenZ sits inside this tension. Empowered by the ability to speak without gatekeepers. Trapped inside systems that monetise their attention and amplify their frustration. This is why these leaderless online movements feel both organic and volatile. The algorithm filters which stories rise and which fade. It becomes an unintentional political actor. Not elected. Not accountable. Yet influencing millions. When the state is no longer the primary distributor of information, and when the algorithm becomes the new filter of reality, the public is left with a new responsibility. We have to learn to read memes the way past generations learned to read pamphlets or manifestos. A 15 second video can carry more political weight than a two hour speech. A symbol on cardboard might represent a decade of digital storytelling. Older generations often dismiss these images as childish. They are actually literacy markers of a new political class, one that does not wait for leaders. A political class fluent in remixing power, raised on global stories that feel more honest than the institutions they inherited. The youth did not create these platforms. They inherited them. But through memes they found a new language, one that lets them organise without permission. One that lets them build solidarity without needing meetings or manifestos. One that allows them to resist systems that feel too old to reform. It is time to take that seriously. Nobel Rimal is a researcher of digital culture and political communication who studied and participated in the meme driven mobilisations during the Nepal protests&nbsp;