A key component of international climate negotiations is finance for adaptation measures, and like other developing countries, Nepal faces difficulties in this regard. The next climate summit (COP 28) in Dubai 30 November – 12 December will be crucial to make the country’s concerns clear.
The Conference of the Parties (COP) is an annual conference under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and brings together member nations for coordinated response to address global climate breakdown. &nbsp;
Although it is a forum for nations to assess and revise climate commitments and foster international cooperation, the summits face political and economic obstacles in securing funding for low-income nations to adapt and pay for loss and damage from the climate emergency.
Earlier COPs have set emission reduction targets, non-binding national commitments as well as the need for support from wealthier countries to deal with impact of weather extremes on developing nations. Within this framework, cross-border carbon credits can act as a reward for Nepal's early commitment to emissions reduction and expanding forest cover.
Since industrialised countries are largely responsible for historical emissions, they are expected to provide financial support to developing countries to transition to cleaner fuels. Climate finance can take the form of grants, subsidised loans, technical assistance. However, there are complex discussions around climate funding, and developing nations including Nepal have expressed concerns about promises not kept, inadequacy of pledges, lack of equitable distribution and transparency, as well as redressal for loss and damage from climate impact. &nbsp;
As far back as 2009, Copenhagen Climate Conference set a fund-raising target of $100 billion a year, these pledges remain largely unfulfilled, even as the rise in global average temperatures, the loss of sea ice and wilder weather are being experienced decades earlier than predicted. &nbsp;
Nepal faces many distinct challenges to reduce petroleum use, adapt to climate change and pay for loss and damage. The country’s ability to invest in resilient infrastructure is limited. Expanding glacial lakes, melting permafrost, floods, landslides, glacial lake outburst floods and springs going dry pose a growing risk to lives and livelihoods.
Farmers dependent on rain-fed subsistence agriculture now have to deal with erratic monsoons and irregular rainfall. Changing precipitation patterns and glacier melt are making hydropower less reliable, and major infrastructure has been damaged and destroyed by freak floods on Himalayan rivers.
Although Nepal has expanded forest cover to 45% of its area, doubling it in the past 30 years, there is a limit to sink capacity especially in the Tarai. Poor urban planning, settlements in high-risk areas and low public awareness of vulnerabilities as well as political instability leading to governance shortcomings hinder meaningful adaptation measures. &nbsp;
Building on the 2015 Paris Agreement's objectives to keep global warming to 1.5 Celsius by 2050, the COP26 Climate Summit in Glasgow produced the Glasgow Climate Pact. Strengthening of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), an emphasis on adaptation, funding for developing countries, and addressing loss and damage. Member states pledged $356 million to the Adaption Fund, and $450 million was offered for local adaption. COP27 in Egypt last year was criticised for not doing enough to advance larger climate goals, but acknowledged the need for money to remedy loss and damage for climate-induced disasters.
In Dubai, Nepal must forcefully back demands for additional climate finance from industrialised nations especially for infrastructure and renewable energy projects. It should also push for a multilateral agreement to implement a loss and damage mechanism because climate-related harm already poses a serious threat.
Placing a price on carbon emissions, carbon taxes, and other pricing mechanisms are based on the ‘polluter pays’ principle. Fossil fuel taxes encourage consumers to minimise emission by raising the cost of using them. On the other hand, cap-and-trade systems place a limit on emissions and permit companies to exchange emission allowances, causing emission reductions in the areas where they are most advantageous.
These instruments work together to constitute a toolset for reducing emissions, along with financial incentives for renewable energy sources, legislative requirements, carbon offsetting, voluntary carbon markets etc.
A cross-border carbon credit framework can be a method to jointly tackle emissions between India, China, and Nepal in compliance with the COP resolutions and the principles of climate justice. Nepal has pledged to achieve net-zero emissions by 2045, which puts it ahead of China (2060) and India (2070). Nepal’s giant neighbours can be partners in assisting Nepal’s transition to clean energy.
In exchange, India and China could receive credits from Nepal's own carbon reduction efforts. This cooperative model would also support technology transfer, capacity building, and even control trans-boundary air pollution. The continued heavy reliance of China and India on coal and other fossil fuels highlights the necessity of such regional cooperation, while upholding international climate obligations.
COP28 in Dubai is expected to yield significant financial assistance for developing countries like Nepal. The summit's main objectives are transparency, responsibility, and enhanced obligations in the distribution of climate finance. In addition, Nepal and other developing countries expect to be compensated for action they have already taken on clean energy and expanding forest cover.
Combating climate change necessitates concerted effort, financial backing, and efficient laws. As one of the countries most vulnerable to the climate emergency, Nepal should take the lead in global negotiations. After all, melting ice in the Himalaya will not just affect Nepal, but impact more than 1 billion people downstream.
But most importantly, COP28 is an opportunity for Nepal’s delegation in Dubai to push for adaptation and loss and damage fund.
Govind Ghimire is Deputy CEO of NMB Bank.

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How Nepal can finance climate action

If there is one thing Nepal’s annual budget is consistent about, it is being inconsistent. In 2020, the government reduced the taxes on electric vehicles, the next one re-imposed it for electric SUVs while cheaper vehicles were still taxed less, this year Finance Minister Prakash Mahat increased the tax on smaller EVs and electric vans while inexplicably reducing the tax on luxury SUVs. &nbsp; By increasing the tax on entry-level battery-powered vehicles, the government has effectively discouraged the public from switching to clean energy at a time when Nepal is all set to have year-round electricity surplus. The decision also undermines the government’s own decarbonisation goals. &nbsp; Continued proliferation of diesel and petrol vehicles will also keep worsening air pollution in the cities, affecting public health. &nbsp; Customs and excise tax on electric cars between 50-100KW has increased by 5% and 10%, meaning they now have to pay 15% customs tax and 10% excise duty, the latter of which was not applicable before. Vehicles in this bracket include electric public utility vans, battery-operated microbuses and smaller e-cars which were gaining popularity across Nepal. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/an-electric-shock-to-nepals-energy-future/">An electric shock to Nepal’s energy future</a>, Ramesh Kumar “This is a blatant disregard for the country’s environment policies because the government has significantly increased the tax on more affordable EV options,” says environmentalist Bhushan Tuladhar. “To add insult to injury, they have slashed the tax on bigger vehicles. This is suspicious, especially as it does nothing for government revenue even if that was the reasoning. It’s not just EVs, even the taxes for higher-end 350cc motorcycles have also been lowered.”&nbsp; Indeed, mid-range and high-end EVs enjoy reduced tax rates or a very minimal increase. Customs and excise for 100-200KW EVs is down from 30% to 20%. Similarly, customs duty for 200-300KW EVs has gone down from 45% to 40% while excise remains the same at 45%. Customs for EVs in the 300KW or above bracket is set at 60-80% against 60% previously with excise maintained at 60%. EVs with 100KW motors will now be at least 20% more expensive.&nbsp; ‘It is deliberate sabotage,’ wrote Atmospheric Scientist Arnico Panday who is also a central committee member of the RSP, the fourth largest party in Parliament on Twitter. ‘The present leadership does not care about clean air, health, people, domestic energy, new technology or the country's future, &amp; probably got bribed by dealers of polluting vehicles in segments with popular EVs.’ The government has changed the tax rates for EVs five times in two years, disrupting the market and raising suspicions that the rates are adjusted based on political patronage of power lobbies among car importers. Especially egregious is the increase in the tax of electric micro-buses which had started becoming a popular form of public transport, and fingers are pointing to diesel microbus importers. &nbsp; “The tax hike is also unfair from a social justice aspect as we are essentially denying those who could otherwise afford entry-level EVs,” says climate activist Shilshila Acharya. “Our EV landscape is being shaped by vested interest groups.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/potholes-on-the-highway-to-nepal-s-ev-future">Potholes on the highway to Nepal’s EV future</a>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230609020628_e4164e59b5982f63d1246eaebbbb6c118a33f051112cdf9885d2c430fd64d862.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230609020628_e4164e59b5982f63d1246eaebbbb6c118a33f051112cdf9885d2c430fd64d862" data-rendition-name="original" width="3000" height="2000" loading="lazy" alt="ELectric bus NT"> <figcaption>Photo: GOPEN RAI</figcaption> </figure>  By 2024 Nepal’s peak power generation capacity is expected to reach 4,500MW while domestic demand will only grow to 2,000MW at current rates of consumption. Much of this surplus therefore risks being spilled. And as of now, Nepal is not allowed to export more than 420MW to India which has rejected any and all Chinese involvement in Nepal’s hydropower projects. Tax incentives for electric public transport would reduce Nepal’s growing petroleum import bill, and improve air quality. Air pollution was the direct cause of over 42,000 deaths in Nepal in 2019.&nbsp; “Our policies contradict our climate targets, but more importantly they make no sense even from an economic point of view,” adds Acharya who is with the Avni Centre for Sustainability. She adds: “We want to reduce our trade deficit and increase the consumption of hydropower. Electric vehicles would have been the best strategy going forward and yet we keep changing our mind about taxing them.” At COP26 in 2021 in Glasgow, Nepal’s prime minister committed to achieving net zero by 2045 and increasing the sales of private electric vehicles to 25% by 2025 and 90% by 2030. Electric public transport would be 20% by 2025 and 60% by 2030. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/e-2-wheelers">e-2 wheelers</a> Another sign of contradictory policies was the signing of two petroleum pipeline deals during Prime Minister Dahal’s visit to New Delhi last week. Both India and China have publicly announced that they would stop manufacturing petrol cars by 2030. By that time, Nepal will not be able to import fossil fuel-powered vehicles even if it wanted to. But perhaps the biggest letdown is the disincentives on switching to electric buses. The budget provides no concessions to electric public transport. India subsidies electric buses, but in Nepal government ministries have been putting up obstacles on charging station to run 40 electric buses by Sajha Yatayat.&nbsp; Within the electric vehicle bracket, it is the electric buses that benefit any country the most. Reliable public transport is accessible to most people, discourages consumerism and reduces traffic. “Things we could do immediately to correct our course of action is reduce the tax on electric micros, the market will boom benefiting small time entrepreneurs and help finance electric buses to rapidly shift to cleaner energy,” says Tuladhar who is also the director of Sajha Yatayat. He adds: “We could use the Rs4 billion already collected as pollution tax, just 5 million will buy 200 electric buses. If you must tax something, increase the pollution tax which is less than 1% of all the taxes we pay, and then divert the fund for clean alternatives.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-goes-electric-but-conditions-apply">Nepal goes electric, but conditions apply</a>, Ramesh Kumar Corrigendum: Corrected some new car prices from print edition.

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1 step forward, 2 steps back in Nepal

In 2020, the city of Mumbai joined the C40 Cities Network, a collective of 97 cities around the world taking climate action at the sub-national level. Subsequently, the city launched the Mumbai Climate Action Plan in 2022, becoming India’s first climate action plan to set net-zero targets for 2050. Conversation on international climate policy is often dominated by federal policies and international negotiations with representations most often from national governments. Yet, cities play a critical role to reach the Paris Agreement targets.&nbsp; More than half of the world's population, or around 4.4 billion inhabitants, currently live in cities, and this trend is only expected to continue moving forward. By 2050, cities will be home to more than 70% of the world´s population and the majority of its industry. Although cities make up only 2% of our world, they consume the majority of global energy and produce <a href="https://unfccc.int/blog/seven-ways-cities-can-take-climate-action#:~:text=Cities%20only%20cover%202%25%20of,the%20way%20our%20cities%20function.">approximately 60% of global greenhouse gas emissions</a>, primarily through the transport and building sectors. Increasing urbanisation strains infrastructure and services, and eventually impacts sustainability and people´s livelihood. With most of the absolute growth in population taking place in Asia, urban low-lying coastal areas are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change. Rising temperatures, sea level rise, and extreme weather events like floods or droughts disrupt the complex infrastructures of cities. High levels of air pollution and waste management burden the livelihood of millions of urban dwellers and exacerbate their existing vulnerability to climate impacts.&nbsp; Cities are where most people live and work, where they host businesses and industries and have the best ground-level understanding of the need to balance development and urbanisation hand in hand with tackling climate change. This means cities can also be and need to be, a part of the solution. With cities being policy laboratories and incubators for climate actions, it is vital to change the way cities function while nurturing the narrative that cities can take the initiative to tackle climate change. The decisions cities take to combat climate change today will shape the future.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230606060640_443a8816857ea122311cdd4d77d91227aa7a6a72982b3b2ce846b099fd4ada6b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230606060640_443a8816857ea122311cdd4d77d91227aa7a6a72982b3b2ce846b099fd4ada6b" data-rendition-name="original" width="513" height="389" loading="lazy" alt="Climate action in cities"> <figcaption>Sizing Up the Carbon Footprint of Cities (Source: NASA)</figcaption> </figure>  Kruti Munot, Project Manager at GIZ in Brussels who works with city governments on climate action says, “Cities play a key role in tackling climate change, and there is a continuous need to integrate climate into city planning, scale climate finance for urban infrastructure, and build capacities for local-level leadership to meet the Paris Agreement targets.”&nbsp; While the conversation around city-level action on climate change may not yet be mainstreamed, it is happening with efforts undergoing at various levels. According to the Global Covenant of Mayors, there are more than 12,700 cities <a href="https://www.globalcovenantofmayors.org/our-cities/">committed to reducing emissions</a> by 2050, and both the G7 and G20 now have specific high-level meetings on urban topics.&nbsp; The Mumbai climate action plan, for example, envisions a climate-resilient Mumbai by 2050 with a focus on mitigation and adaptation strategies in sustainable waste management, urban greening and biodiversity, urban flooding and water resource management, energy and buildings, air quality, and sustainable mobility.&nbsp; Mumbai is one of eight South Asian cities that are part of C40 Cities, <a href="https://www.c40.org">a global collaboration platform</a> of about 100 mayors from the world´s leading cities, committed collectively to city-level climate actions. Mayors of C40 Cities use a collaborative approach to cut their cities’ emissions in half by 2030, share best practices and facilitate access to finance to improve urban resilience and foster green jobs in cities.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230606060640_a79b2b70e3bad0d7509e1c2ff3ccea451e540e98504d1d1815aa8e0d0fc7dcc5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20230606060640_a79b2b70e3bad0d7509e1c2ff3ccea451e540e98504d1d1815aa8e0d0fc7dcc5" data-rendition-name="original" width="626" height="353" loading="lazy" alt="Mumbai climate action"> <figcaption>Climate Action Plan 2022 (Source: Mumbai Government)</figcaption> </figure>  A traveler visiting Portugal´s C40 Cities member Lisbon might nowadays enjoy an unusual sight during their stopover: Flocks of sheep graze on the city´s meadows. Lisbon faced diverse environmental challenges ranging from droughts to flooding and extreme urban heat and water scarcity. In 2019 the city rolled out a project called life lungs, a <a href="https://life-lungs.lisboa.pt/en/">city-level climate initiative</a> that aims to make Lisbon greener and “cooler” by accelerating three simple tools: trees and biodiverse meadows, a water management system, and flocks of sheep.&nbsp; While a water management plan balances Lisbon´s heavy precipitation and water scarcity, biodiverse meadows and trees were planted to provide more green urban space, shade, and overall combat urban heat islands within the city. On these, meadows flocks of sheep are used as a traditional method to control vegetation and help with soil conservation.&nbsp; Cape Town in South Africa tries to connect the dots between city-level climate action, a circular economy, and private-sector engagement. The city runs a local initiative that supports the private sector in identifying and classifying its waste before trying to find ways to reuse it. The initiative has already diverted 100,000 tonnes of waste from landfills while avoiding more than 300,000 tonnes of greenhouse gas emissions.&nbsp; Nur Sultan in Kazakhstan counts on its fleet of electric busses while Peshawar in Pakistan has added a 26km bus corridor with park-and-ride facilities, green areas, and bicycle lanes to ease traffic and congestion. Car-free Sundays are another example of city-level climate action all around the world. Jarkata designates every Sunday in one area to be car-free, while Kigali´s car-free day twice a month is part of its efforts to make Kigali a greener city. Initiatives to tackle climate change at the sub-national level are not new and there are <a href="https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/publication/705086/100-climate-actions-cities-asia-pacific.pdf">many more examples</a>, including from developing Asia, that can be utilised as part of a coherent and inclusive city-level climate action plan and strategy.&nbsp; Alongside the focus on reducing emissions by decarbonising the energy sector, advancing waste management, and promoting low-carbon transportation solutions, it is equally important to ensure such action plans incorporate climate resilience and support both climate adaptation as well as loss and damage.&nbsp; Global collaborations play an important role in transferring knowledge, and success stories on climate action to build urban resilience through a global network. Platforms such as<a href="https://www.c40.org"> C40 cities</a>, city-level disclosures through the <a href="https://www.cdp.net/en">Climate Disclosure Project</a>, and the <a href="https://www.globalcovenantofmayors.org">Global Covenant of Mayors for Climate and Energy</a> are important to set up frameworks for cities to follow and facilitate city exchanges.&nbsp; This conversation is particularly important for Nepal as it has ambitious climate policies such as the <a href="https://climate.mohp.gov.np/attachments/article/167/Second%20Nationally%20Determined%20Contribution%20(NDC)%20-%202020.pdf">nationally determined contribution</a> (NDC) to the Paris Agreement and the <a href="https://unfccc.int/sites/default/files/resource/NAP_Nepal.pdf">long-term strategy</a> for net-zero emissions by 2045. At the same time, Nepal also <a href="https://www.thethirdpole.net/en/climate/analysis-how-decentralisation-in-nepal-is-undermining-climate-action/">recognises the importance of local governments</a> to integrate disaster risk management and climate actions, including both climate adaptation and mitigation, under the Local Disaster and Climate Resilient Planning (<a href="https://www.opml.co.uk/files/Publications/a1594-strengthening-the-disaster-risk-response-in-nepal/harmonising-climate-adapatation-and-disaster-risk-reduction-initiatives.pdf">LDCRP</a>) framework. Nepal’s Waling municipality has developed a resilience roadmap aligned to Paris agreements and SDGs with an aim to transform the town into a resilient city by 2030 with focus on waste management, creation of green jobs and businesses, saving lives and critical infrastructure from disaster risks and decongesting the core area for more open space and greenery. The municipality is currently managing more than 11 tons of solid waste on daily basis. The work of SDG-sub platform on Sustainable Cities supported by UNDP has recognised sensitivity of functional attributes of cites to externalities and shocks as a determining factor of city resilience.&nbsp; However, despite the good intentions behind local-level climate action, there are <a href="https://www.thethirdpole.net/en/climate/analysis-how-decentralisation-in-nepal-is-undermining-climate-action/">several bottlenecks</a> that have hindered progress. Some of these include a lack of coordination between central and local government, overlaps and differences between central and local policies, challenges with climate budget allocation, and a lack of technical capacity at the local level to drive climate action.&nbsp; Climate policies in the local level are also primarily focused on adaptation and climate resilience, as opposed to climate mitigation. While this makes sense for the majority of local governments in Nepal, Kathmandu Valley’s urban population is growing at <a href="https://tomorrowscities.org/sites/default/files/resources/2020-11/Tomorrow%27s%20Cities%20Working%20Paper%20%231.pdf">around 6.5% annually</a>, indicating one of the fastest-growing urban areas in South Asia. With rising population and emissions, cities and urban areas also need a strong focus on climate mitigation.&nbsp; Nepal’s ambitious climate goals and impressive 43% of forest cover means little to the 80% of population who reside in urban areas that are rampant with unmanaged urbanisation and high pollution. City-level climate action is necessary to bring change in urbanised areas that are most in need of climate action.&nbsp; Vijaya Singh, Assistant Resident Representative at UNDP Nepal agrees and affirms that “cities and urban centers in Nepal play a critical role in tackling climate change and it is right time for the municipal governments to think of resilient city planning to contribute to emission reduction targets, addressing challenges such as air and water pollution, and provide a host of other co-benefits.” Cities in Nepal, such as Kathmandu, even have a unique opportunity to support the country's access to much important climate finance which is a key condition for Nepal to meet its climate targets and be resilient to the climate crisis. A clear roadmap and strategy on climate action can help mobilise financing not just through the generation of a bankable pipeline to attract climate finance but also through a <a href="https://cff-prod.s3.amazonaws.com/storage/files/EDsd35B78syp19aUcji1Rz37HKMHpsVaNrMODbgy.pdf">variety of financing options</a> ranging from public to private sources of finance.&nbsp; Such a strategy can come from the national level as national approaches can be more efficient than city-level actions but needs to be complemented with implementation plans and roadmaps in the city level, tailored to the unique circumstances of each city, to ensure the centralised approach is executed, individualised and taken forward in the local level.&nbsp; Suman Basnyat, Infrastructure Finance Specialist and an advisor to a former Minister of Energy, Water Resource and Irrigation, flags that “city-level governments in Nepal still depend on national funding and therefore are spared the fiscal space for large-scale local climate actions. It holds true for all layers of government in Nepal. This fact opens up a huge investment potential for the private sector on city-level climate action but this also needs to be based on reasonable reciprocity of risk and return.”&nbsp; Green bonds have emerged as key debt instrument to mobilise climate finance globally, and this conversation is picking up at the national level in Nepal. A green municipal bond is a <a href="https://oneplace.fbk.eu/financing-energy-efficiency/financing-energy-efficiency/transnational-methodological-framework/financing-models-for-energy-efficiency/green-municipal-bonds/">fixed-income financial instrument</a> for raising capital through the debt capital market. The Green City Bonds Coalition has developed a guidebook on <a href="https://www.climatebonds.net/files/files/How-to-Issue-Green-City-Bonds.pdf">how cities can issue a green municipal bond</a> which can be issued to fund green projects in cities for a range of projects including climate-friendly urban infrastructure, such as low-carbon buildings, metro rail systems, wastewater treatment plants and renewable energy.&nbsp; China provides an example of green bonds. With China being the world´s second-largest green bond market, local governments can make use of a <a href="https://www.climatebonds.net/files/reports/cbi_gfo_china_05b.pdf">green “municipal special purpose bond”</a> to raise money for climate action. These green bonds are not directly issued through the municipality itself but through companies capitalised and owned by the local government such as state-owned enterprises.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230606060640_f9b1360686c4ffa06ed369b2cf87040ff93d170c2d544d2280b3562e8f996fac.jpg" data-media-id="editor_20" data-image-id="20230606060640_f9b1360686c4ffa06ed369b2cf87040ff93d170c2d544d2280b3562e8f996fac" data-rendition-name="original" width="780" height="355" loading="lazy" alt="Green bonds"> <figcaption>Green Bond Issuances by Entities (Source: Climate Bonds Initiative)</figcaption> </figure>  Mathias Lund Larsen, a Senior Research Consultant at the International Institute of Green Finance in Beijing, notes that “growth in the green bond market has been an important contributor to financing China’s infrastructure gap through green financing. At the local level, state-owned enterprises owned by local governments typically are the ones issuing green bonds.”&nbsp; Although<a href="https://www.undp.org/nepal/publications/background-policy-paper-green-financing-nepal"> far-fetched at this stage</a> for a country with a shallow capital market, poor credit culture, and debt-management practice, a clear roadmap can also pave the way for Nepali cities with adequate fiscal capacity to eventually attract financing for climate mitigation actions through municipal climate and green bonds, although a bond is just one instrument as part of the broader financing toolbox.&nbsp; Mathias adds, “while ambitious, it is important for city governments in developing economies to understand and ideate the role it can play in tackling climate change and ways to mobilise finance towards that endeavor.” The opportunities are plentiful for cities in Nepal to drive climate action at the heart of where it is most needed and enable the inflow of critical climate finance to turn Nepal’s ambitious climate policies into a reality. This needs to be complemented by clear recognition of city-level action in national climate policies, with due harmonisation to ensure effective implementation, and tailored roadmaps in the city-level to take this forward. Starting a conversation is the first step that needs to be followed by significant capacity building efforts to ensure sub-national and city level climate action planning scales up in Nepal and urban residents can benefit from improved climate mitigation and resilience. Rastraraj Bhandari works on climate finance and carbon markets, and contributes regularly to Nepali Times on issues related to climate change. Simone Weichenrieder works on the intersection between climate resilience, private sector engagement and conservation finance.

Nepali cities must champion climate action

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230112100132/63bfd3f59c7e80680e0d3081jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2806" height="1460"/><figcaption>Photo: JITENDRA BAJRACHARYA/ICIMOD</figcaption></figure>Deputy Director General of the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) Izabella Koziell recently won the UN Women Rise and Raise Others Award. Nepali Times spoke to her about the importance of women in the climate space by empowering women to meet the challenges to the Himalaya by the climate crisis.Nepali Times: You recently won the Women Rise and Raise Others Award. How does that validate the work that you have been doing?Izabella Koziell: It’s certainly a huge honour. I started my career in dryland Tanzania and was the only woman working for the program at that time. During my career, I saw how fundamental women are to building economies and maintaining agro-biodiversity. I later joined the British government and the International Water Management Institute (IWMI) where ensuring gender equality was a priority. As ICIMOD implements its new ‘Strategy 2030: Moving Mountains’ we have really put women at the heart of the program because women are largely left out in the mountain regions, and we need their leadership to move forward.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/we-have-not-respected-the-fragility-of-the-himalaya/">“We have not respected the fragility of the Himalaya”</a>Why is empowering women and women’s leadership so important in addressing the impact of climate change in the Himalaya? We all know we have a crisis on our hands. We need different kinds of transformational decisions as we move forward. Women bring diversity of thought and perspective to the table. I’m not saying that it should be only women making decisions, but we at least need that equality around the table given the challenges that we face.Read also: <a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; background-color: #ffffff; outline: 0px;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/turning-on-the-heat/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Turning on the heat</a>, Ajay DixitWhat is science telling us about the impact of climate change on the Himalaya, and how is this affecting women?The impact of climate change on the Himalaya Hindu Kush mountains are really quite drastic. When we look at the science, we know that at a 1.5°C increase in global temperatures, there is going to be significant melting of the glaciers, snow, and permafrost. We also know that, at higher altitudes, 1.5°C will actually be 1.8°C since there is heightened warming at higher altitudes.Women will be more affected by the increasing incidence of disasters that are associated with climate change. Biodiversity loss will disproportionately impact women because women rely on the harvesting of various plant species at high altitudes. Lastly, when it comes to mountain economies, we know that the demographic of the mountains and high-altitude regions are majority women because men have out-migrated. However, many of the institutions and norms are not always geared to women even though women are left building their livelihoods in these mountain areas.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/time-to-walk-the-talk-on-climate-change-in-the-himalaya/">“Time to walk the talk on climate change in the Himalaya”</a>, Nepali TimesWhat are the priorities in ICIMOD’s ‘Strategy 2030: Moving Mountains? We have a new four-year plan that we’ve titled ‘Embracing Change and Accelerating Action.’ As a regional inter-governmental centre that has been in existence for almost 40 years in this region, we should play a really important role as we move forward to 2030. We have been working very hard on how we prioritise our projects because we are facing a set of unprecedented circumstances. We have decided to take our work forwards in three primary areas: the first is around reducing climate and environmental risks. The second will be on green and inclusive mountain economies. Our third focus area is looking at regional and global mechanisms for sustainable action.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/un-climate-report-declares-planetary-emergency/">UN climate report declares planetary emergency</a>, Sonia AwaleHow do we encourage young women to be climate leaders of the future?From my experience, women are fundamental to climate leadership in the future, so I wholeheartedly encourage any young woman to keep at it. It takes a lot of determination and a lot of hard work. Out of that come resilience and strength that actually puts women in a prime position to be leaders. The future has to look different. We need a lot of innovation and we need alternative thinkers. Women can bring that to the table alongside male colleagues.What have you observed in Nepal so far? Recently, I walked up Langtang Valley which is one of the most renowned tourist treks. I couldn’t help thinking how difficult the circumstances remain for many of the communities that are left up in these regions. Of course, Langtang was particularly badly hit by the earthquake and avalanche in 2015. What struck me while in Langtang is that we really need action, and we need it now.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-change-is-a-disaster-in-the-nepal-himalaya/">Climate change is a disaster in the Nepal Himalaya</a>, Sonam Choekyi Lama

Women of the mountains

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022120710128/6390585e9c7e80680e0ce19cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/>Imagine a world where the people hit hardest by climate crisis have a say in how to stop it. Imagine that youth, Indigenous Peoples, women, and others most affected by global warming have the resources to implement their own climate solutions. Solutions that are highly effective because they meet local needs, suit the local context, and create sustainable economic opportunities for local people. This world would be one where people have a much better chance of surviving, and even thriving, despite the massive upheavals of the climate crisis.Decision-making power is still held at the national and international level, often failing to (financially) enable local actors to lead climate action. Even at national level, those most affected by climate change often have the least say in setting priorities for climate policy and funding.At the global level, to achieve the key commitments made in Paris, climate investment should count in trillions rather than billions. The $100 billion per year climate financing target from 2020 onwards has already been missed.Industrialised countries have overwhelmingly failed to provide anything close to the scale of climate financing needed – let alone the specific demand for a loss and damage financing facility.And at the local level, although ever more governments and stakeholders understand the importance of shifting resources, leadership and agency to the local level, the world pictured above is still far from reach.Read  also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-needs-to-get-its-climate-act-together/">Nepal needs to get its climate act together</a>To illustrate this, in 2017–18 only 20.5% of bilateral climate finance went to Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and 3% to Small Island States (SIDS). It was often in the form of loans and other non-grant instruments, which risks plunging these already vulnerable countries further into debt. Even in the current meagre climate finance, according to some estimates, less than 10% actually flows to the local level.There are many reasons why climate finance doesn’t end up at the local level. Some are related to complex rules and requirements in accessing international funding, which local actors often lack the knowledge, network, skills and/or scale to comply with.Moreover, most climate finance typically flows through international, rather than national or regional, intermediaries. Although international agencies currently have the most experience in navigating complex climate finance bureaucracies, they are also the furthest removed from local realities.Decision-making power is still held at the national and international level, often failing to (financially) enable local actors to lead climate action. Even at national level, those most affected by climate change often have the least say in setting priorities for climate policy and funding.Recently, Hivos – as part of the Voices for Just Climate Action alliance – studied a handful of promising alternative finance delivery mechanisms. While some have performed better than others, they share the potential for downward accountability and effective participation of different voices as an integral part of the funding mechanism. Based on the study, we put forth the following recommendations which governments, international intermediaries, and global banks and funds should give serious consideration to at COP27.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/walking-the-talk-on-climate/">Walking the talk on climate</a>, Sonia AwaleFirstly, create mechanisms for participatory funding and oversight structures to ensure that local actors drive decision-making. This includes addressing structural inequalities faced by women, youth, children, Indigenous people, and other marginalised groups, and fully integrating these groups in the design and implementation of adaptation and mitigation actions.Secondly, routinely set concrete targets for funds that need to reach climate solutions driven by local actors. Provide grants instead of loans, and use long-term, patient and flexible programmatic funding instead of short-term, ad hoc project funding. At COP27 the rich countries must deliver robust action to scale up grant-based climate finance to the developing world.Thirdly, ensure easy access for local actors by simplifying fund application processes.Lastly, decisive steps must be taken to use national, not international financing mechanisms and structures for channelling finance. The International Institute of Environment and Development (IIED) designed a climate finance delivery mechanism that bypasses international intermediaries. Here, money flows directly to local civil society, national and local governments, and/or the private sector.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/holding-up-1-2-the-sky-on-climate-action/">Holding up 1/2 the sky on climate action</a>, Navanita Sinha and Pertti AnttinenHivos joins hands with its partners and climate movements in demanding that concrete, gender-responsive targets are set to get climate funding into the hands of local actors, and new funding mechanisms are developed by and with climate-affected communities to make climate finance work for them.The COP Presidency, this year in the hands of Egypt, has called for significant progress on commitments and pledges, especially on the delivery of the annual $100 billion from developed countries to developing countries. Failure to keep to this commitment has often been a breaking point in climate negotiations and has damaged trust between countries.Equally important, however, is shifting our focus from the volume of climate finance to its effectiveness. Only then will a world governed by climate justice be within reach.Anne Jellema is CEO of Hivos that has three impact areas:  Civic Rights in a Digital Age, Gender Equality, Diversity and Inclusion, and Climate Justice. Reprinted under an arrangement with Inter Press Service (IPS).Read more:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/educating-girls-for-climate-action/">Educating girls for climate action</a>, Helen Grant<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/global-crisis-local-solutions/">Global crisis, local solutions</a>, Sonia Awale

Taking climate finance to the people

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111413118/637230659c7e80680e0c2564jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1501" height="1000"/>I start every day scrolling through my phone for updates on climate change. My email has become a landing zone for climate newsletters and Google alerts. Once I am done catching up on the world, my day job which also has to do with climate change starts.The majority of my day is spent talking and working on the climate crisis. Sports, pubs, conversations everything somehow leads back to this global crisis. Everyone I meet during the day seems interested in my take on it. This is often gratifying, but I also live with climate anxiety.Climate anxiety, or eco-anxiety, is a chronic fear of environmental doom and is becoming a global mental health crisis. Climate projections are getting more alarming with the release of new scientific reports even as wildfires, record-breaking heat waves, unprecedented floods, and extreme weather fill the news cycle. The impact is felt locally, nationally, regionally, and globally.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111413118/637230689c7e80680e0c2565jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1654" height="958">On the other hand, the seeming progress on climate action is unscientific and unsubstantiated, marketed as communication strategies with big promises and little action, and often decided by the same elite group of people, mostly old men, who for some reason are our saviours for every pressing issue --- from climate change to abortion rights and outdated laws against sexual violence.So it is no surprise that many of us live with climate anxiety, on top of a myriad of other mental health conditions our generation is facing. In a landmark <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-021-02582-8" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">survey</a> of 10,000 young people in 10 countries, nearly 60% of respondents said that they felt ‘very worried’ or ‘extremely worried’ when asked about climate change and government responses.Earlier this year, I visited Abu Dhabi and met up with a friend whose climate activism had slowed down in recent years. She told me that her climate anxiety had got so bad she had to distance herself from anything that had to do with the subject. It was her only way of avoiding panic attacks and inflicting self-harm.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111413118/6372306c9c7e80680e0c2566jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="944" height="1154">I asked other young people, and quickly learned that many had switched careers or taken a step back from climate activism because they felt hopeless and powerless. They are preventing further deterioration of their mental well-being.Is this an unhealthy coping mechanism, or the only way to cope with climate anxiety? What does that imply for the state of the planet, and the world we are headed towards?Young people are responding to climate change in different ways. It is not uncommon among youth to not want to have children because of what the world will be like in coming decades. Many have anxiety attacks from climate inaction. Young people feel ignored, unheard, and ridiculed.The mental repercussions of the climate crisis on young people across the world is far-reaching, and it is absurd that the future of humanity in the hands of the few powerful groups who still make up 70% of global emissions.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111413118/6372306f9c7e80680e0c2567jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="933" height="619">Yet, many young people continue to fight. They do this despite the mental and physical toll that comes with their activism on the streets, fighting for a better future when they should be enjoying their lives to the fullest.I don’t consider myself a climate activist. Despite dedicating my career to climate action, I also live with climate hypocrisy as, despite my largely sustainable lifestyle, I travel the world and have benefitted from the largesse provided by fossil fuels.Deep within me, I know the carbon credits I purchase to offset my emissions are a trivial: representing self-gratitude and a pat-in-the-back gesture for myself. My climate hypocrisy probably fuels my climate anxiety even more in a vicious circle.My climate anxiety is here to stay. And until there are structural changes to the way our economies transition, my climate hypocrisy is here to stay as well.If you have gone this far with reading this, you are not alone. Talking about it and regularly writing and working on climate, connecting with like-minded people, admitting dual standards in response to the climate emergency, and spending time in nature help me come to terms with my anxiety, and keep my hope for the future alive.Rastraraj Bhandari <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-glacial-lakes-in-danger-of-bursting/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">contribut</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-glacial-lakes-in-danger-of-bursting/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">es regularly</a> to Nepali Times on climate change. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-change-affects-himalayan-rice/">Climate change hits Himalayan rice</a>, Erica Wu

Living with climate anxiety

<figure><img width="1140" height="760" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111148/63721da19c7e80680e0bd4fbjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Climate activist Sonam Wangchuk presents Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama with with a block of ice cut out from a glacier in Ladakh’s Khardung La pass. All photos: TENZIN CHOEJOR</figcaption></figure>In a symbolic commemoration of Earth Day on 22 April, Indian environmentalists from Ladakh brought down a block of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/on-thin-ice-in-the-khumbu/">glacial ice</a> and presented it to the Dalai Lama in Dharamsala.The ice was cut out from a glacier at 6,000m in Khardung La, and carried down in bicycles, public transport and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-journey-to-electric-public-transport/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">electric vehicles</a> in a journey that took four days.To prevent the ice from melting quickly, it was packed in an insulated drum lined with <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-salt-of-the-earth/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">locally produced</a> pashmina fibre, and presented to the Tibetan spiritual leader in exile in the presence of delegates to an international conference on climate change in Dharamsala.“This is more than a piece of ice , it is a message that the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/more-himalayan-tsunamis/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Himalaya is facing an unprecedented emergency</a> because of climate change," said Ladkah-based activist Sonam Wangchuk, as the ice melted and dripped on a table in front of the Dalai Lama.Climate scientists at the conference said that the Himalaya and the Tibetan Plateau are melting even faster than the global average, and predicted that <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/forests-replace-glaciers-in-the-himalaya/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">most glaciers would be gone</a> by the turn of the century unless fossil fuel use is drastically cut.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/himalayans-on-the-frontlines/">Himalayans on the frontlines</a>, Ang Tshering Sherpa <figure><img width="1140" height="760" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111148/63721da49c7e80680e0bd4fcjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>The Dalai Lama interacts with participants of the climate action conference at his residence in Dharmashala.</figcaption></figure>“Water is going to be very precious commodity because of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/danger-nepals-glacial-lakes-are-filling-up/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">climate change</a> , and as we know water is needed by every living being,” the Dalai Lama said. “And the Tibetan plateau is the source of water for many rivers downstream.”“I am 87 years old, and this piece of melting ice reminds us that time is running out,” he added.The Himalaya is known as the ‘Third Pole’ because it is the largest repository of fresh water stored as ice outside of the polar regions. The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/global-heating-melts-mountains/">mountains are warming up</a> to 0.7 Celsius faster than the global average, and if current trends continue, two-thirds of its permanent ice cover will have melted, reducing the flow of rivers that start here. Sonam Wangchuk is the developer of the ‘ice stupa’ in Ladakh where he has found a way to freeze water and release its melt in the dry season for irrigation.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/living-below-nepals-melting-mountains/">Living below Nepal’s melting mountains</a>, Alton C Byers“What we do in Ladakh is not going to make a big difference to the planet, but it can serve as an example for others,” says the engineer, educationist and climate activist. “People in Ladakh are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/human-face-of-a-himalayan-climate-crisis/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">suffering from a problem they did not create</a>.”Wangchuk said the glacier from which his ice block was taken has receded 300m up the mountain in the past 20 years.“We used to drive across the Khardung La pass in a bridge when it was all ice, now there is an asphalt road,” he said.He has set up the ‘Live Simply’ initiative to spread the word about consuming less, and switching to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-can-lead-in-zero-carbon/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">renewable energy</a>. He says: “The world has to learn to live simply so that we in the mountains can simply live.” <img width="500" height="667" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111148/63721da79c7e80680e0bd4fdjpeg.jpg" alt="">Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/climate-for-change/the-great-himalayan-thaw/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">The great Himalayan thaw</a>, Ajaya Dixit

Dalai Lama gets block of glacial ice

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016110/636d12c19c7e80680e0a98eejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2500" height="1000"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>Geopolitical and economic <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/sino-nepal-ties-in-the-post-afghan-era/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">rivalry between China and the United States</a>, the world’s two largest carbon emitters, distracted delegates at the COP26 Climate Summit from finding ways to help poorer countries address the climate crisis.The needs of countries like Nepal, which are trying to adapt to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/a-terrifying-assessment-of-himalayan-melting/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">melting mountains</a>, erratic monsoons, droughts and floods, were therefore sidelined.With the Friday deadline looming, and ministers in closed door meetings all night, there are fears that the countries that have been least responsible for the climate crisis will continue to bear most of the burden from its impact.“In every session in Glasgow we saw China vs America,” said Harjeet Singh of Climate Action South Asia. Except for some high income countries pledging limited resources for climate adaptation, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-greenwashing-in-glasgow/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">there was very little progress till Friday morning in Glasgow</a>.The tone for the war of words between the US and China was set by President Joe Biden’s speech to the summit on 3 November in which he slammed the Russian and Chinese leaders for skipping the conference.Indeed, even former US president Barak Obama used his speech on Thursday to target China and Russia. He said: “It was particularly discouraging to see the leaders of two of the world’s largest emitters, China and Russia, declined to even attend the proceedings … their national plans so far reflect what appears to be a dangerous lack of urgency and willingness to maintain the status quo on the part of those governments, and that’s a shame.”Although there has been an attempt to patch up differences with an unexpected announcement on Tuesday of a Sino-US agreement on climate cooperation, the overall mood here is of doom and gloom that <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/copout-at-cop26/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">COP26 will not yield the kind of urgent emission cuts needed</a> to keep global average temperatures below 1.5 Celsius by 2050.Obama’s statement sent sparks flying, with Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin hitting back, saying: “Actions speak louder than words. What we need in order to deal with climate change is concrete action rather than empty words. China’s actions in response to climate change are real.”With hours to go for the closing of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/net-zero-is-not-zero/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the COP26 in Glasgow</a>, most delegates here are not optimistic that the emission cut commitments by countries with the largest carbon footprints will be enough to keep temperature rise within safe limits.Meanwhile UN General Secretary António Guterres has welcomed the joint agreement between China and the United States, calling it a step in the right direction in tackling the climate crisis. Climate experts are skeptical, however.“Similar agreements have been made between these two countries previously, this is nothing new. What matters is their implementation,” says Nabin Singh Khadka of the BBC World Service.In fact, 2015’s landmark Paris Agreement was a result of 30 rounds of talks between Obama and Chinese President Xi Jinping. But in 2020, Donald Trump withdrew the United States from the accord. This misstep only made it easier for the next big emitters, China and India, to continue with their carbon-based economies.Only a year later <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/a-biden-presidency-climate-and-the-himalaya/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Biden reinducted the United States to the global pact</a> but his attempt to lead the climate action has failed with more immediate geopolitical turmoil taking precedence.The United States and China are at each other’s throat in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-stuck-between-rock-and-hard-place/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the race to the global superpower</a> and the each is trying to get as many European and Asian countries under their alliance.Less than two months ago, the US signed the ‘Aukus’ security pact with Australia and the UK. The US had previously formed the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue with Japan, India, South Korea and Australia back in 2007.China is not happy with these alliances and had been rebuffing the US’s offer in climate cooperation. The US is vocal about China needing to cut down its emissions as one of the main emitters, whereas China is of the opinion that historical emissions by developed countries should also be taken into account.The US was the biggest emitter of GHG from 1950-2005. When it emitted 19.79 million tons of GHG in 1950, China was not even in the list of emitters. It was only since 2006 that China started to overtake the US in emissions. The figure for the US in 2005 was 6.13 billion ton and for China was 5.88 billion ton. This has soared to 10.67 billion tons for China in 2020 and down to 4.71 billion tons for the US.India, Brazil, Malaysia, Indonesia among other countries are backing China in its argument. The resulting debate has further delayed the implementation of the climate agreements. Developed countries did pledge $100 billion to the Green Climate Fund in 2015 but only $70 billion has been deposited so far.Ahmed Kamruzzaman Majumdar of the Stamford University in Dhaka says the geopolitical interests of the countries are reflected in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/women-and-water/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">climate summits</a>, further endangering the health of the planet. “The United States and other developed countries are trying to get away by highlighting China’s contribution. But they also have to be serious about reducing their emissions.”Harjit Singh of the South Asia Climate Action agrees. "The US, Australia and Canada have a historic and important role in emissions but China, Phillipines, Indonesia and India where industrialistion has only recently picked up should lead with green economy,” he says.<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/think-globally-in-glasgow-and-act-locally/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Raju Pandit</a>, a climate expert who has been participating in climate conferences from Nepal for over a decade, says that climate change is also a political and economic issue, and should be treated accordingly."We have to put the plant at the centre of our decision making. If the climate issue is not addressed and there is no cooperation, there is no alternative but to face more difficult times ahead,” he says.Least developed countries like Nepal <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/how-the-climate-crisis-adds-to-child-marriage-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">are most impacted by the climate crisis</a>. The reluctance of big economies to be held responsible has added to the problem. “We have to continue pressuring them. Compensation for loss and damage in our part of the world is a matter of justice,” adds Majumdar.In the meantime, Nepal must prepare for more extreme weather events and deploy mitigation measures available at home. Says Khadka: “We have to start working with the resources we have, we can’t just keep waiting for others to help us.”

Sino-American rift impacts climate action

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016110/636d128a9c7e80680e0a98ddjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="750" height="1083"/><figcaption>The south face of Mt Gauri Shankar (7,134m) on the border between Nepal and China is bare rock, and shows how dramatically the snowline has receded, and the glaciers have shrunk. Photo: KUNDA DIXIT</figcaption></figure>The COP26 climate jamboree ends in Glasgow on Friday, and already it looks like the best world governments are prepared to offer in terms of emission cuts is not enough to stave off an environmental catastrophe.There were a slew of national, international and multinational pledges for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/net-zero-is-not-zero/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">net zero</a>, but activists fear allegations that the targets are vague and over-ambitious greenwash that they have no intention of meeting.The result could be global average temperatures soaring to up to 3oCelsius above pre-industrial levels, with catastrophic results. The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/a-terrifying-assessment-of-himalayan-melting/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Himalaya will warm even faster</a>, and scientists say it could lose up to two-thirds of its remaining ice during this century.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-greenwashing-in-glasgow/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepal's greewashing in Glasgow</a>, Rashmi Baskota<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016110/636d128d9c7e80680e0a98dejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3000" height="671"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016110/636d12909c7e80680e0a98dfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="568"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>On Tuesday in Glasgow, Nepal unveiled three <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/blueprint-for-a-net-zero-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">ambitious targets</a>, and without waiting for others to say it, boasted that it was the ‘highest climate ambition country’.In its three-point pledge, Nepal said it would:<ul><li>Start reducing emission from 2022 and be carbon negative after 2045</li> <li>Halt deforestation and increase forest cover to 45% by 2030</li> <li>Ensure all vulnerable people are protected from climate change by 2030</li></ul>In Kathmandu, environmental activist Bhushan Tuladhar welcomed the new targets, saying they were “ambitious but doable” but one which will require a serious review of our normal development pathway.“We can’t look at the commitments as just reduction of carbon emission, but as an investment for our economy and health. Now let’s walk the talk and get to work,” Tuladhar told Nepali Times.A good start would be for the government to order that all official vehicles purchased from now on will be <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/e-vehicles-prepare-for-post-lockdown-boom/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">battery powered</a>, and encourage public transport operators to electrify their bus fleets and by reducing taxes and setting up charging stations, he added.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016110/636d12939c7e80680e0a98e0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016110/636d12979c7e80680e0a98e1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1061"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016110/636d129a9c7e80680e0a98e2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000">The pledges have been criticised as being too vague on protecting all ‘vulnerable people by 2030’ and annual reduction of emissions till net-zero by 2045 will hinge on implementation, on which Nepal has always been weak. The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-can-up-forest-cover-to-45-by-2030/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">forestry target</a>, however, is seen to be achievable.The targets are also conditional upon financial support, and Nepal will require $46 billion to implement them from 2022-2030, which is 24% of national GDP, and the government can fund only about 2% of this sum.Amrit Nakarmi, an adviser at the Energy Development Council who prepared the long-term strategy report, says that Nepal is unlikely to meet the targets without climate funds.“We contribute only 0.5% of total global carbon emissions and even within that  only 30% is anthropogenic, 20% is natural and the remaining 50% is transboundary, so us reducing <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-doubles-its-carbon-footprint/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">our carbon footprint</a> will not make much of a difference to the global climate,” explains Nakarmi.“But having said that we can replace our fossil fuel imports with clean hydroelectricity and cut our import bill,” he adds. “Electrification of the economy is urgent, and government policies should be in line with our targets and the private sector should be involved.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016110/636d129d9c7e80680e0a98e3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1800" height="1050"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Climate finance and payments for Nepal’s carbon sink from <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/who-now-owns-nepals-forests/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">expanded forest cover</a> will take time to materialise. But experts say we should not wait for the money, and start with low-cost effective mitigation measures locally.Cooking via electricity has now become much cheaper than LPG, and many urban families have transitioned to induction stoves. But 90% of households across Nepal are hooked to only 5amp current which is only enough for lighting. If the transmission can be upgraded, Nepal could save at least Rs33 billion a year by replacing its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/look-whats-cooking-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">cooking gas imports</a> with electricity.Nepalis have paid nearly Rs10 billion in pollution tax for every litre of petrol or diesel at the gas stations in the last decade. This money could be used to buy  electric public buses. Increasing the petroleum excise tax could fund conversion to renewables.Nepal would also save Rs21 billion a year by reducing its petroleum import bill by just 10% if it <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/cleaner-air-with-greener-buses/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">converted public buses to battery-operated vehicles</a> while also increasing domestic consumption of clean electricity and improving air quality. If the transport sector is electrified, experts believe net-zero by 2045 is possible.Water scientist Madhukar Upadhya believes Nepal can also increase forest cover to 45% by 2030 (from the current 37%) by controlling forest degradation due to encroachment, deforestation and reducing wildfires.But Upadhyay is puzzled by the third target on protecting vulnerable people. “We just don’t have the infrastructure, knowledge or expertise to achieve climate resilience for vulnerable people by 2030,” he asserts.“Nepal experienced extreme weather this year,<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/himalayan-floods-a-sign-of-worse-to-come/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> droughts and floods destroyed crops</a>, lack of water is creating climate refugees, wildfires have become nationwide,” Upadhyay adds. “These are not just headlines anymore, we are experiencing them ourselves, what are we doing to address these challenges? Nepal has taken no action to reduce or control them.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016110/636d12a09c7e80680e0a98e4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="900"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Other areas that can be cleaned up with existing technologies and local resources include industries, agriculture and waste management. The cement industry is booming in Nepal, and they are big carbon emitters. By switching to electricity, Nepal could mitigate emissions. Rice farming generates methane, which is a greenhouse gas, so converting to the System of Rice Intensification (SRI) could reduce our contribution to climate change.Kathmandu’s only <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/a-load-of-rubbish/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">landfill in Sisdole</a> has reached maximum capacity and an alternative site has been in talks for decades. Landfills add to methane emissions, but there has been no commitment to composting and biogas using biodegradable urban waste.After overdosing on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-change-is-a-disaster-in-the-nepal-himalaya/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">climate news</a> for two weeks just to be side-lined until the next COP, we might want to recall another one of our targets, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030. Half of the 17 goals in SDGs will be directly affected by the impact of climate change, and yet these initiatives are working in isolation when in fact they should coordinate and collaborate for the same goal: sustainable and just future.Says environmentalist Tuladhar: “There are two things to do right after Glasgow: explain the nitty-gritty of the commitments we made and immediately implement short-, mid- and long-term strategies to achieve them. Start with the low hanging fruit, what we can immediately do, and there are plenty of them.”

COPOUT at COP26

<img width="640" height="481" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016110/636d12869c7e80680e0a98dcjpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Youth climate activist Greta Thunberg calls COP26 in Glasgow the ‘Global North Greenwashing Festival.’ But it is also developing countries like Nepal that are using the occasion to make wild promises they are not serious about.
As a country that has taken a lead in championing the mountain agenda at climate summits, <a href="https://uk.nepalembassy.gov.np/statement-by-the-rt-hon-prime-minister-sher-bahadur-deuba-at-the-world-leaders-summit-during-the-26th-conference-of-parties-cop-26/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepal</a> put forth three targets this week:
<ul><li>Remain 'cumulatively net zero carbon’ from 2022-2045' and become carbon negative after that. </li>
<li>Halt deforestation and increase forest cover to 45% by 2030</li>
<li>Ensure all vulnerable people are protected from climate change by 2030</li>
</ul>Individually and collectively, these targets do not mean anything. What is more, the Nepali delegation commended itself as the ‘highest climate ambition country’. Even if that was true, it would be for someone else to say that, not us.
The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-can-up-forest-cover-to-45-by-2030/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">forestry target</a> is more realistic: increasing the current 37% forest cover to 45% in the next nine years is attainable. But how can Nepal justify clearing the last tract of native tropical forest in the eastern Tarai that is a migration corridor for wild elephants by building a white elephant <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/does-nepal-need-a-4th-international-airport/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">airport at Nijgad</a>?
Read Also <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-must-save-nijgad-forest-to-receive-climate-funds/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepal must save Nijgad Forest to receive climate funds</a>, Kashish Das Shrestha
Other infrastructure projects are undermining the success of community forestry, and Nepal is still reluctant in allowing private capital into climate action, and consequently the inclusion of private sector project developers.
Consumption and a throwaway plastic culture is growing in Nepal, recycling is almost non-existent, domestic aviation is flying high, and petroleum import is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-doubles-its-carbon-footprint/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">doubling</a> every few years.  Black carbon deposits from factories, vehicles and cooking are accelerating Himalayan melting and exacerbating a public health crisis from pollution. 
And the third point about Nepal’s claim that it will ensure all vulnerable people are ‘protected from climate change by 2030’ has dumbfounded most experts I have spoken to. How exactly are we going to protect them in the next nine years, from what? And what is the criteria by which we can judge that they have been ‘protected’?   
A footnote in Nepal’s press statement in Glasgow is that these targets are conditional upon financial support and Nepal’s goal to raise Rs250 billion. Oops. Given Nepal’s history of unwillingness to allow the flow of private capital into climate projects, this is very unlikely.
As COP26 host, the UK has gone into overdrive with media hype about the successes: the Global Methane Pledge, Glasgow Leaders’ Declaration on Forest and Land Use.
Every day brings forth a new declaration. Countries are picking up on this convenient way to make pledges they know they will not have to fulfill on reducing carbon emissions.  From Saudi Arabia to Israel, India to China, ‘net-zero’ has become the next big thing. 
Read Also <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/net-zero-is-not-zero/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Net Zero is not zero</a>, Maureen Santos and Linda Schneider
As a youth environmentalist, I am appalled by <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/blueprint-for-a-net-zero-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">empty and reckless promises</a> being made at this make-or-break conference -- our last chance to save the planet from heating that will lead to societal upheaval, mass extinction, overflowing oceans and other calamities. 
While some see these commitments as a welcome sign that leaders are committed to transitioning to a carbon neutral world and implementing the Paris Agreement, the reality is different.
We need to phase out all fossil fuels by 2030 if we are to cap global temperature rise to 1.5. But national emission reduction ambitions do not reflect this. The fossil fuel lobby is prominently present in Glasgow, and national delegates have turned net-zero into political sloganeering, while ignoring the roadmap on net-zero put forth by the International Energy Agency. 
Climate change is a political agenda, but it is also a technical one. Ensuring a just and affordable transition to net-zero requires a global overhaul of the energy system while adopting a cross-sectional and integrated approach to addressing poverty. 
Sadly, COP26 presidency seems to have forgotten or completely ignored this. The newfound energy in enhancing climate ambition has dwarfed the real agenda of climate negotiations. Britain, as the cradle of the industrial revolution, has made dramatic national cutbacks, and wants desperately for Glasgow to deliver meaningful and realistic targets.
Read Also <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-change-is-a-disaster-in-the-nepal-himalaya/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Climate change is a disaster in Nepal Himalaya</a>, Sonam Choekyi Lama
But negotiations on Article 6 are still contested and it seems unlikely that the Paris Rulebook will be adopted. Coal financing continues, negotiations on public climate finance and the $100bn target has not materialised.
Civil society plays a crucial role in ensuring climate action, ambition, and accountability. But twisting the truth about Nepal, and creating illusions is detrimental to action on climate that we must start taking. Inviting civil society to Glasgow and pretending to listen to them is a scam.
It is working: climate activists on Facebook are lauding the COP Presidency for helping Nepal make a bold pledge on an ambitious sets of targets. And when there is so much doom and gloom, even critics do not seem to want to speak against this ray of hope. 
This is not a COP to feel good about yourselves. It is not a COP to pawn our youth climate activists in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/think-globally-in-glasgow-and-act-locally/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Glasgow</a> to create the illusion of inclusion. It is not a COP for industrialised countries to now pin the blame for the climate crisis on the developing world, without putting their money where their mouths are.  
The hearts of the delegates in Glasgow may be in the right place, but their actions are not. This is not your COP. It is my future, so stop messing with it.
Read Also
<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/back-to-glasgow-where-it-all-began/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Back to Glasgow where it all began,</a> Ajaya Dixit

Nepal’s greenwashing in Glasgow

One smoggy winter morning in February 2019, Ekta regretted coming to her sculpture class. It was the first day of her period, and the 19-year-old wished she was home, curled up in bed with a hot water bag to soothe her cramps.
Her class was at Kalapremi Ceramic Studio, a dark room on the ground floor of a house in Maharajganj, and Ekta’s teacher was the artist Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’, a noted sculptor.
Two other students were already there, using all their muscle strength to knead the sculpting clay. Ekta, now 24, recalls how Kalapremi asked her if she was feeling all right. She avoided him, as she did not want everyone to know she was menstruating.
Kalapremi repeatedly asked Ekta what was wrong. She finally muttered that she was having her period, after which he grabbed her hand and led her to a partitioned corner of the studio and sat her on a chair. Before she could stop him, he slid his hand under her dress, and started massaging her abdomen.
“I was horrified,” Ekta recalls. “I told him to stop, but he didn’t listen, asking me not to be shy, saying he knew how to relieve my pain. He stopped only after I protested furiously.”&nbsp;
The art tutor then said, “You’re like my daughter. I’m doing it out of love to make you feel better, but you’re so stubborn.”&nbsp;
“Instead of saying sorry he acted like I was the one having crazy thoughts,” remembers Ekta, adding that from April 2016 to August 2020 beginning the time she was 16, the artist sexually abused and harassed her on several occasions. &nbsp;
Now, Ekta and the artist’s other former students are finally sharing their experiences and some are pressing legal charges against him, hoping that others do not have to endure what they did.&nbsp;
Award-winning artist and teacher Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’ (the name means ‘Art Lover’) is known for his ceramic art, sculpture, and contemporary pottery. He was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-house-of-kalapremi">profiled in Nepali Times after a collaborative exhibition</a>, ‘Where the Wild Things Are’ at the Siddhartha Art Gallery three years ago.&nbsp;
His pieces, titled Gaalis, featured sculpted female figures with the heads of dogs, sheep, and donkeys (pictured) to depict derogatory terms for women. Some critics said the collection was a satire on feminists.
Kalapremi started his artistic and teaching career in 1983 and over the years taught at Bhanubhakta School, Kathmandu University School of Arts, Lalitkala Campus and at his private Kalapremi Ceramic Studio. He has also lectured at Jeonju University in South Korea and recently at Tabor Academy in the United States.
Seven of Kalapremi’s former students were interviewed for this story. Five female students said he touched them inappropriately in his studio or at Kathmandu University. Two male students said they witnessed him abuse and harass the women. In all cases, the students struggled to recognise the abuse when it occurred, and the lack of reporting systems left them to cope on their own for years.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, students shared a social media post hinting at Kalapremi’s history of abusive behaviour following which more students of the artist reached out sharing similar experiences. Some students spoke of abuse that happened as long as 20 years ago.
Kalapremi, 60, has denied the allegations. He told Nepali Times: “Some years ago, there was a movement encouraging people to hug and kiss. I used to do it purely out of friendship and love. But after seeing posts on social media last year calling out my behaviour, I realised my actions may have hurt some people. I understand now that I should have been more mindful.”
He added: “I am also an auxiliary health worker, so I know the exact points to massage to relieve menstrual pain. It’s not just menstruation, I take anyone who is ill to the hospital.”
Sexual abuse is much more rampant than reported given how difficult it is to prove it in court. The law defines sexual abuse as occuring when someone touches another’s private parts, coerces them into touching theirs, uses vulgar language, shows degrading images, or behaves indecently towards them without consent.&nbsp;
Ekta and her fellow students are consulting lawyer Suneeta Regmi Pokhrel, who says they know that even if the court decides in their favour, it is difficult to survive after speaking up, and influential men defend themselves saying they are being framed.&nbsp;
“They are in a lot of pain and weep when recalling how he abused them,” Regmi Pokhrel told us. “They are angry and have filed a case against him, but they are also terrified. They know he is a powerful man and they have seen how our society treats women who speak up against abusers. Unless people speak up, perpetrators will be emboldened.”
Art and academia in Nepal simply reflect the power imbalances in society where people with intersecting identities experience worse forms of abuse. Theatre actors Raj Kumar Pudasaini, Rajan Khatiwada, and Sunil Pokhrel were called out during the #MeToo movement in the Nepali theatre scene in 2019. Even after the allegations Pokhrel went on to receive national awards, while others continued to work without repercussions.
“If you speak up against abusers, you gradually get sidelined from projects,” explained a theatre artist who wished anonymity fearing professional setbacks. “The theatre scene in Nepal is quite small, you just have to make peace with the perpetrators and work with them if you want to sustain yourself.”&nbsp;
In academia there is a history of faculty members sexually harassing students and getting away with it. After Tribhuvan University (TU) lecturer Krishna Bhattachan was accused of harassing women students, the university said it would follow Nepal’s sexual harassment law and set up a reporting mechanism. But nothing happened to the professor, who had already retired. Instead, he counter-accused the students of 'attacking the indigenous people’s movement with baseless allegations' as <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/letters/2019/01/29/bhattachan-responds">he told the Kathmandu Post in 2019</a>. He continues to be featured as a prominent speaker including at TU.
Other faculty members previously accused of sexual harassment include Jagadish Murti Koirala from TU, Bishnu Prasad Acharya from Ratna Rajya Campus, and Bodha Raj Tripathee from Lalitpur Madhyamik Vidhyalaya. A woman staff member from TU also filed a sexual abuse complaint against Dambar Chemjong from TU.
Prominent figures like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">mountaineer Nims Purja</a> have been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/31/sports/mountaineering-sexual-harassment-abuse-nims-purja.html">accused of sexual assault</a>, and cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane, actor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/celebrity-rape-case-spotlights-nepal-laws">Paul Shah</a>, and former speaker of Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mahara-arrested">Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a> have been accused of rape, but society-at-large has let off the alleged perpetrators amdist a larger debate about justice for survivors and punishment of perpetrators.&nbsp;
‘Gaushala-26’ is the court name given to the 18-year-old who accused Sandeep Lamichhane, former captain of Nepal’s national cricket team and skipper of Biratnagar Kings in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/here-comes-the-nepal-premier-league">ongoing Nepal Premier League</a>, of rape. She left the country citing society questioning her character affecting her mental health while Lamichhane got an outpouring of support. In May, the Patan High Court overturned a prior verdict that found Lamichhane guilty of rape and had sentenced him to eight years in prison. During the 23-month legal battle to pursue justice, Gaushala-26 faced threats of gang rape and acid attacks.&nbsp;
Exhausted by the struggle, Gaushala-26 sought to “move to a new world” where she could live free without hiding her identity.
Actress Samragyee Rajya Laxmi Shah in an Instagram video now deleted detailed the harassment she faced from a filmmaker during a movie shoot. She did not name any name but veteran actor Bhuwan KC filed a defamation case against Rana, but the court ruled that the charge lacked sufficient evidence.&nbsp;
Former Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo">Keshav Sthapit also mocked the #MeToo movement</a>, calling accusations against him by journalists Rashmila Prajapati and Ujjwala Maharjan “a rape of men’s rights”.
Serial Abuse
Back at the Kalapremi Ceramics studio, another former student, 24-year-old Rajiv, says he felt the need to speak out after seeing his female classmates being abused.&nbsp;
“He frequently kissed them on their cheeks,” he told Nepali Times. “Whenever they walked into the studio he flailed his arms like a child asking for a hug. They awkwardly hugged him from the side, but he pulled them closer, held their chin, and kissed their cheeks.”&nbsp;
Rajiv says he also saw Kalapremi pull the women’s bra straps, touch their breasts, and slap their buttocks. The young students would freeze, not knowing how to react, and if they protested, he would say it was “normal in art”. Rajiv, 19 at the time like his classmates, remembers thinking perhaps the well-respected artist was right after all.
Another student, Luna, who took lessons at Kalapremi’s studio from 2020 to 2022 did try to confront the tutor after he made an obscene proposal to her. She recalls: “One day when the other students had left the studio and it was just the two of us, he told me that God had given him special artistic talent and he could transfer those powers to me. But to do that both of us will have to be naked, inside a dark room, and have sex.”
Luna, who was 18 then, was livid and told him she did not want any of his powers, but she says he laughed at her as if he was joking. She did not tell her family about the incident because she thought no one would believe her.&nbsp;
“They were all in awe of this famous artist and felt I should be grateful that to be learning sculpting from him,” she says. “I was scared to be alone with him in case he talked about sex again. My coping mechanism was to be rude so he wouldn’t try to come close to me.”
Seeing how some classmates were standing up to Kalapremi, Ekta too tried to push back against his advances, but she said he found ways to coerce her. Since Ekta, Rajiv, and Luna could not afford Kalapremi’s Rs30,000 monthly fee for lessons, he had offered them all a stipend to assist him in the studio.
“He had spondylosis and took me to his therapy sessions to learn massage techniques, then he often made me and other students massage him,” says Ekta. Whenever she refused, he would feign pain to make her feel sorry for him. “He would insist that I put my hands under his shirt so that I could massage him better,” she adds.
The art tutor often tried to “seduce sympathy” from Ekta by sharing how he had never been loved as a child and was “sexually frustrated” as an adult.&nbsp;
“At 7PM, he would pour himself Signature whiskey and immediately go off again about how he was sex-starved. I didn’t know how to respond. It took me time to realise alcohol was just an excuse to talk about sex,” Ekta says.
If convicted, Kalapremi could face financial penalty and/or a prison sentence of up to three years according to Section 224 of National Penal (Code) Act 2017.&nbsp;
Data suggests that victims of child sexual abuse on average take nearly 24 years to tell someone about their trauma, and some may never disclose it at all.&nbsp;
“In our culture, children are rarely taught about boundaries. They often react, show anger when adults pinch their cheeks. But adults insist they did it out of love, and force the children to accept it,” says Sita Lama, a psychotherapist at Manka Kura. “And even when someone touches them inappropriately they struggle to identify and verbalise it.”
When perpetrators claim to be “acting out of love”, Lama says survivors are likely to perceive it as something safe, rather than recognising it as abuse.&nbsp;
“It may take years for them to realise they were abused,” she explains. "And even when they become aware, the power imbalance with the abuser and the associated shame often prevents survivors from speaking up."
Other former students from the School of Art at Kathmandu University have also come forward years later, saying Kalapremi sexually abused them. As young adults, they felt his behaviour was off but were uncertain if it was inappropriate, illegal, or they did not know how to respond. After having understood that it was indeed abuse, they say they are speaking out now to protect others.&nbsp;
Amina Singh, a visiting faculty member at Kathmandu University, says there is no clause against sexual abuse in contracts of teachers, and there is no formal grievance handling mechanism for the students.&nbsp;
“So the only way students can to deal with sexual abuse is approach someone they trust,” she says.
Eight other former art students of Lalit Kala Campus and Srijana College of Fine Arts of Tribhuvan University and other private art studios in Kathmandu say they were also sexually abused by their art teachers. Three faculty members interviewed from these institutions said they saw the abuse, but felt it was futile to report it given how powerful the teachers were.
In the absence of a formal system, some longtime women artists warned each other about “problematic” artists. They shared &nbsp;a “heads-up” to be more cautious when collaborating with them, and avoided responding to their calls and texts after work hours.
To ensure art institutions are safe for all, galleries, museums, artist studios, and smaller art spaces need to develop policies on sexual harassment. This would include a code of conduct or studio policies that hold the leadership accountable and outline the principles of professional ethics.&nbsp;
Students and employees should inquire about accountability mechanisms for raising concerns, both formally and informally, advocates say.
Three years after Ekta left the ceramics studio, she learnt that Kalapremi had harassed many other women. Still trying to get a footing in the art industry, she attended a workshop in Kathmandu where women artists discussed ways to stay safe in the art sector.&nbsp;
Since it was a close-knit group Ekta opened up about how she felt violated and realised she was not alone, he had been abusing underprivileged students for years, and this was common knowledge among artists in Nepal.
Ekta says that even after she quit, Kalapremi continued sending her text messages like ‘I am thinking of you’, ‘Why have you stopped speaking with me’, or ‘I am waiting for your call’.&nbsp;
But what really forced her to act was when Ekta found out that he was sending similar texts to her younger sister.&nbsp;
“I’ve had enough,” she told us. “He abused me all these years but I won’t let him abuse my sister.” &nbsp;
Ekta, Rajiv and Luna are not the real names of the students.&nbsp;

‘Art Lover’ accused of sexual abuse

It was 8:15 in the evening of 25 March 1968 when everyone in the village of Batulechaur near Pokhara heard a deafening sound like thunder as a bright flashing object hurtled down to land in a field.&nbsp; That field belonged to Kul Timilsina, and the next morning he retrieved a sheet of metal about 2m by 1m and carried it home with the help of a few others, thinking it would be useful for his buffalo shed.&nbsp; Before he died at age 83 three years ago, Timilsina had told photo archivist Sunil Ulak that the black metal sheet was not rectangular and had rounded corners. There are a few witnesses still alive who have a clear recollection of the object that fell from the sky that night.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="601" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>The field in Batulechaur belonging to Kul Timilsina where fragments of a flying object fell from the sky in 1968.</figcaption> </figure>  One of them is Timilsina’s wife Gyanu, who was 22 at the time. She had been at home, and remembers hearing the big bang and the sky becoming very bright. “We saw the thing in the field in the morning,” she told us. “It looked like a lid, a covering of some sort. The way it was stuck in the ground, it must have fallen from the sky. We thought we could use it to dry clothes on, and took it home.”&nbsp; Another witness is Kul Narayan Paudel. “I was only eight then. We ran to the field to see what had fallen. It was a four-sided metal sheet. The elders took it away, and I don't know what happened to it.” &nbsp; Ram Bahadur Baniya, a teacher at the local school, says he had heard the sheet had been brought to the school, and later handed over to the Zonal Commissioner at the time, Nanda Prasad Malla. “But that is all hearsay,” he says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="610" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Gyanu Timilsina, wife of Kul Timilsina.</figcaption> </figure>  There are two versions of what happened to Kul Timilsina’s metal sheet. One is that an American Peace Corp Volunteer teaching at the nearby Bindyabasini School took it, and another is that it was handed over to the government. Recently declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and US State Department documents from the time say that the US Embassy in Kathmandu tracked down the object two years later and had it shipped back to the US. A telegram from the Department of State and Department of Defense tagged as ‘MOON DUST / Space Fragments’ dated 1 March 1972 stated: ‘1. Restored space fragment will be on board Embassy support flight 115 arriving Kathmandu on or about March 10. Fragment is packed in shipping crate (cargo no. 72-33365) marked in care of DAO.&nbsp; 2. State and Defense representatives examined fragments prior to shipment finding restoration acceptable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df" data-rendition-name="original" width="856" height="568" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Declassified CIA documents about the investigation into the object sighted in Pokhara. </figcaption> </figure>  The documents show that the US government, military and intelligence agencies investigated this incident thoroughly when it occurred, and have continued to revisit it ever since, as recently as five years ago. What is even more intriguing is that the object that fell in Pokhara was not the only unidentified space object that fell to earth that year. There were similar sightings of objects falling from the sky in Ladakh, Sikkim and Bhutan between 19 February and 25 March 1968.&nbsp; These mysteries were the subject of a CIA investigation in 1968 titled ‘<a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP81R00560R000100070007-8.pdf">Sighting of Unidentified Flying Objects in Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan</a>’, and the report is part of the recent online declassification of 800,000 top-secret documents from the period.&nbsp; &nbsp;Although unidentified flying objects (UFOs) have a connotation now of being alien craft, it could be pieces of satellite, missile, rocket or even aircraft. The CIA report documents six sightings in 1968 and quotes local sources as describing all of them having similar characteristics: bright blue or red streaks in the sky accompanied by loud sounds like lightning and thunder and objects falling to the ground. Aside from the metallic object that was found in Batlechaur, there were other items also found nearby in Tallakot, Tureypasal, Armalakot and Maidan. Whatever the object was, it seems to have disintegrated even before it hit the ground.&nbsp; The CIA report records the first sighting on 19 February 1968 in various parts of Sikkim and Olangchung Gola and Ghunsa in eastern Nepal. The light was said to be ‘long and thin’ and giving out ‘green and red light’. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb" data-rendition-name="original" width="892" height="596" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara "> </figure>  Two days later on 21 February, a soundless blue object was seen traveling fast across the sky above Thimphu in Bhutan. Then on 4 March there were multiple daytime sightings or white streaks in the sky at Chang La Pass, Fukche and Koyul in Ladakh. There were more sightings in Ladakh on the very day fragments fell near Pokhara on 25 March 1968.&nbsp; After the sightings in Pokhara, rumours started flying in Kathmandu that these were aliens trying to land on Earth, it could be Russian or Chinese spy planes or satellites, and some even say it as a sign from heaven that the end of the world was near. This was at the height of the Cold War. The Russians and Americans were testing their thermonuclear devices as well as intercontinental ballistic missile delivery systems. The Washington-Beijing rapprochement had not yet happened, and China was making quick progress testing atomic bombs. Within two years after its first atomic test, in 1966 China exploded its first hydrogen bomb at the Lop Nur site in Xinjiang, 3,000km to the north from Nepal. After neary six decades, what is still intriguing is that all the sightings within a few months of each other in 1968 were along the Himalayan arc bordering Tibet: from Bhutan, Sikkim Nepal, to Ladakh. The US military intelligence seems to have concluded that this was not a coincidence and there were frequent research trips to the site in Pokhara by American officials in the months after the incident. With the help of the Royal Nepal Army, the region north of Pokhara was thoroughly searched.&nbsp; A confidential memo dated 25 June 1968 by Jerry C Trippy to a ‘Mr Farley’ mentions that the US Air Force’s Foreign Technology Division had decided that the debris could be important because it may be related to a Chinese missile test or a Soviet ‘Vehicle Venik’ rocket.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  On 28 August 1968 the US Embassy in Kathmandu sent a letter to Washington DC saying that the object could be of Soviet origin, possibly from when the rocket carrying the ‘Kosmos 208’ satellite re-entered the atmosphere. But why were the fragments falling to earth several weeks apart, and in the same region? No one knows where the metal sheet that Kul Timilsina recovered is now. It was definitely packed in a crate and taken to the US, and although it is rumoured that it was returned that is not very likely. Archivist Sunil Ulak heard from the Timilsina family that CIA officials had returned to the site five years ago. &nbsp; Interest in UFOs peaked in the US in the 1950s, with the Cold War space race and tests of atomic weapons and delivery rockets. CIA and scientists were being sent to investigate sightings, both publicly and privately. Could the Pokhara fragments as well as the sightings in Ladakh and Bhutan actually be alien craft falling to earth? The renewal in interest in space travel in large part due to Elon Musk’s SpaceX, UFOs and sightings are again subjects of public interest.&nbsp; Even 57 years later, even if there was definitive proof about whether the Batlechaur fragment was from a Chinese missile or a soviet rocket, it has not been made public in documents declassified so far. We may never know.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598" data-rendition-name="original" width="642" height="320" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  Sunil Ulak speculates if the debris actually came from an American aircraft, perhaps on an intel mission upon China. “Which could explain why they were so thorough in collecting the fragments in Pokhara,” he says. But that still does not explain the multiple sightings weeks apart in 1968.&nbsp; Indeed, US military aircraft were at that time flying frequent night-time missions from air force bases in India to supply weapons to Khampa guerrilla camps in Nepal located north of Pokhara in Mustang. It could very well be that the Chinese shot down one such aircraft. The other sightings could have been contrails of US spy planes, or Chinese anti-aircraft missiles.&nbsp; There were quite a few developments regarding UFOs in 2024. In a US congressional hearing in July, former intelligence officer David Grusch claimed that the government had long been involved in a program to investigate and retrieve non-human craft crashes, and then try to reverse engineer them. However Grusch did not show any evidence.&nbsp; The UAP Disclosure Act of 2024 was signed into law by Joe Biden in December 2023. It plans to oversee the public disclosure of UFO information. However, there is a clause in it that prevents disclosure if it would cause threats to military defense, intelligence operations or foreign relations.&nbsp; It is unlikely that the declassified documents about sightings in the Himalayan will cause any real surprise about definite evidence of alien life even if it was found. It seems humanity will continue, at least for now, to wonder about curious lights in the sky and whether there is anybody out there.&nbsp;

UFO over Pokhara

When Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) president Rabi Lamichhane was arrested in October on charges of defrauding depositors of cooperatives, the party’s vice president Swarnim Wagle gifted him Fareed Zakaria’s book, Age of Revolutions.
Since then, Lamichhane has been shunted around from Kathmandu to Pokhara to Chitwan and back to Pokhara to attend police investigations and court proceedings. He was being flown to Birganj via Kathmandu on Buddha Air on Monday. There is another pending case in Janakpur.
Human rights groups and civil society have criticised the government for hounding Lamichhane with inhumane treatment that borders on physical torture. The two parties in the coalition, Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML, see Lamichhane’s RSP as a potentially formidable challenge to their power.
Even if the fraud charges against Lamichhane are true, the Nepali public is increasingly looking at the government’s actions through the police and courts as political vendetta.
Despite all the travelling, sometimes by plane and often by road at night, Lamichhane appears to be in high spirits, waving to supporters who often gather if they know he is going to be driven around. A social media video shows him giving high fives to fellow passengers on a recent flight to Pokhara.&nbsp;
In the past weeks, streets in Pokhara have erupted with parallel protests by Lamichhane’s supporters as well as depositors of cooperatives who lost their savings to the scam.&nbsp;
Although family visits are allowed, prison officials in Pokhara told Nepali Times that not many people visit Lamichhane these days. He added, “When he does get visitors, he asks them to bring him books.”
Lamichhane is currently Nepal’s most high-profile public figure in custody, and highlights the stark difference between how influential prisoners are treated compared to ordinary inmates.
There are six prison cells at Kaski District Police Office’s two-story detention centre, three on each floor. And while authorities pack prisoners into already overcrowded cells, Lamichhane has an entire room on the second floor to himself.&nbsp;
He has also been allowed to call his family every few days. Other prisoners are not permitted phone calls except for emergencies.
Meanwhile, Lamichhane’s former business partner Chhabilal Joshi, an ex-Deputy Inspector General of Police with whom he established his Gorkha Media Network, is in custody under the same charges in the prison cell next to him.
Lamichhane is accused of siphoning off depositors' money to the tv network in which he was part-owner and anchor. &nbsp;
Both Lamichhane and Joshi are able to buy food from the police canteen instead of being served the regular meal like other prisoners. Joshi has also given his statement to authorities in Rupandehi and Kathmandu for his alleged role in the scam. Lamichhane is yet to be presented in Kathmandu for questioning.
While he was in custody at the Kathmandu District Police Complex, Joshi expressed his desire to sleep in a police officer’s office, reportedly assuring authorities that he would not run away and he was entitled to certain facilities as a former officer of the law.
“He seemed to be under the impression that he is still a police officer,” says a source at the Kathmandu District Police. “We made it clear to him that as someone accused of a crime, he was not entitled to special treatment.”
Former ministers Balkrishna Khand and Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, and ex-home secretary Tek Narayan Pandey, who were arrested in connection with the fake refugee scam last year, were similarly housed in the offices of law enforcement officials instead of prison cells. Khand has since been released after six months in jail.
While there is no legal provision to keep high-ranking officials in separate detention centres when they are arrested, authorities granting them special facilities is not uncommon. Law enforcement officials say VIP detainees expect preferential treatment while in police custody.
Among those is former Kosi Province minister Lila Ballav Adhikari, who was arrested from Biratnagar on 10 November over his alleged involvement in human trafficking and brought to Kathmandu. Adhikari had flown to Japan without government approval with three individuals on 29 October to attend a cultural conference, but had been sent back to Nepal from Narita.&nbsp;
His three companions were arrested at Kathmandu airport upon their arrival, but Adhikari was able to exit unscathed from the VIP lounge. Adhikari had resigned as the Kosi Province Minister for Internal Affairs and Law when it became public that his companions had been taken into custody, and was himself arrested shortly after. He has since been cleared by the courts.
Throughout his detention, Adhikari was kept separately from other inmates. Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Basant Rajouri, head of the Bhadrakali complex, says that while there is no separate detention area for VIPs, some detainees are kept separately depending on the nature of their crime.
However, sources say that arrangements were made for retired judges and others to visit Adhikari frequently worked at the office of a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) during his time in custody.&nbsp;
“He used to constantly pester the authorities to let him sit outside in the sun, and to be able to use the police officer’s shower area,” added an officer.
Adhikari was released on 25 November after the government prosecutor’s office decided not to charge him in a move that was seen to expose the government’s double standards.
Over at Kathmandu’s Dilli Bazar Prison, former Kist Bank CEO Kamal Gyawali emerges from his prison cell into the courtyard of the prison’s ‘Ka (क)’ block every morning with a thick book in his hands, ready to give his daily sermon.
With his long beard, Gyawali, who is serving a prison sentence for banking fraud, looks the part of a religious guru as he implores his rapt listeners to “walk the right path, abandon bad thoughts and turn to scripture and spirituality”.&nbsp;
Afterward, the attendees gather to discuss politics and current affairs. Inmates at his daily sermons at the prison include other high-profile detainees, including former MP Ichchha Raj Tamang, who is in jail for money laundering and cooperatives fraud, former joint secretary Chudamani Sharma, who was convicted of corruption, as well as NC leader Chandra Bahadur Lama and Krishna Bahadur Upreti of the UML both of whom are on trial for embezzling billions of rupees.
Victims of the cooperatives scam that former lawmaker Tamang was involved in have made trips to the prison and requested visits, but he has refused to meet with any of them.
“Tamang often complains that the state has prevented him from returning the money to the victims by locking him up,” says a police officer at the Dili Bazar jail.
“All you hear every day from the VIP prisoners is that they have been framed,” adds the officer. “No one admits that they were involved in misdeeds.”
But while most high-profile prisoners complain about prison conditions, one exception is former provincial lawmaker Deepak Manange, who is serving a sentence at Dilli Bazar Jail for attempted murder.
“He is the happiest prisoner here,” says a warden. “Unlike the others, he doesn’t claim to have been framed, in fact he doesn’t seem to care that he is in prison.”
Manange is detained in the ‘Kha (ख)’ block of the prison complex, which he renovated at his own expense. The block previously housed female prisoners, but Manange used his influence to transfer them elsewhere. He faces no shortage of visitors, who range from political leaders to people from the underworld.
Along with Manange, other well-known prisoners in this block include Nepal Telecom Managing Director Sunil Poudel, and former executive director of the Surakshan Printing Centre Bikal Poudel, who are serving time for corruption.
Former prisoners at Dilli Bazar prison include ex-ministers Khum Bahadur Khadka and Shyam Sundar Gupta, NC leader Ganesh Lama, Maoist MP Balkrishna Dhungel, Nagarik Unmukti Party leader Resham Chaudhary, as well as former IGs Ramesh Chand Thakuri, Om Bikram Rana, and Hem Bahadur Gurung.
Section 54 of Nepal’s Prison Act assigns each prison’s internal administration the
responsibility of governing its prisoners, which means the more favourable the jail management is, the more comfortable it is for prisoners.
Dilli Bazar prison has been the prison of choice for many high-ranking prisoners, especially those convicted of white collar crimes, due to its more accommodating administrators. The prison, which has the capacity to house 700 inmates, is also less crowded than other jails.
Anuj Bhattarai, spokesperson of the Department of Prison Management, says that there is no legal classification in Nepal for felons to be assigned prisons based on the nature of their crimes.
“That Dilli Bazar Jail has a higher number of prisoners convicted of crimes like corruption is most likely a coincidence,” says Bhattarai. “There is no provision for influential people to be able to choose where they will be incarcerated.”&nbsp;
Translated by Shristi Karki from the Nepali original published in himalkhabar.com

What Nepal’s VIP prisoners do in jail

If you were raised in Nepal, you must have picked up its unique set of vocabulary: आन्दोलन, चक्का जाम, बन्द, राँके जुलुस, आफ्नो मान्छे, हाम्रो दल, कर्फु and many more words connoting political protest.
We became familiar with the acrid smell of burning tyres, and eyes smarting from tear gas. And yet, everyone speaks of another revolution in the making. Not by desire, but by suffocation.
We heard speeches about नयाँ नेपाल, but the New Nepal never arrived. The governance system changed, but it did not reflect on people’s lives — except for those close to centres of power. The state is still unreachable and is not bothered about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/matter-of-life-and-debt">victims of loan sharks</a>, cooperative scams and other injustices.
Politicians continue to speak in sound bites, but fail to deliver. They have mastered the game of pointing fingers towards an external enemy and convincing people that they are never at fault. The political narrative is so disconnected from the actual analysis of the problem that suffocation doesn’t go away after every revolution.
No genuine effort has been made to deliver at all, which is why there is a palpable sense of disillusionment in the air forcing us to seek another revolution, even if Nepal may not be able to afford it.
How has the current system successfully held power, even if the public is deeply frustrated? How is it that for three decades we continue to be led by the same faces, who have time and again, proved to us that they may be great politicians but not national leaders?
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/improving-internet-governance-in-nepal">My experience at the epicentre of politics</a> has led me to identify three cultures that have enabled political parties to keep a tight hold on power: acceptance, silence and dependency.
We accept things the way they are. We use fatalistic phrases like “नेपालमा यस्तै हो” or “नेपालको कानुन दैब जानुन”. While this resilience enables us to rise back up from devastating calamities, it is also a reason for our compliance with the status quo.
Despite so many ‘revolutions’ that have led to significant reforms, these phrases keep getting reinforced, to the point that the upcoming generations have made it their lingo.&nbsp;
This acceptance is not a symbol of law-abiding citizens, but citizens living in fear of those in power, unable to ask the whys and why-nots.
Innovation suffocates in this culture of acceptance of the status quo. This is manifested in remarks like “but we don’t have any laws for this,” or “we don’t have the capacity to implement this”. An innovator or entrepreneur therefore has to spend that energy to become a political lobbyist, often educating and convincing the bureaucracy.&nbsp;
Remember when locally assembled <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/designed-and-made-in-nepal">Yatri motorbikes</a>, despite having willing customers, had to suffer to secure license numbers because of a lack of regulations? Instead of creating new laws, the government kept chanting the “We will promote Nepal-made goods” mantra, leaving entrepreneurs in a labyrinth of bureaucracy. The weight of acceptance of the law lies heavily on innovators. Fatalism is a tactic used by those in power to generate mass fear in society.
When we accept, we become silent. This is a pervasive phenomenon. We are trained to keep quiet, lest we ruffle feathers, burn bridges, or not get the help we need in future. We know, yet we don’t speak.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bureaucratic-hurdles-in-researching-nepals-bureaucracy">Bureaucratic hurdles in researching Nepal's bureaucracy</a>, Daniel W Edwards
Here is one example: the 2021 census shows that the number of baby boys born for every 100 baby girls is 112. This is a clear indication of female foeticide because of boy preference in society.
Despite such horrifying realities, there is finger-pointing within the government between the Ministry of Health and Population with the Ministry of Home Affairs. At the citizen level, we know those who are involved in killing girls. Yet, we don’t speak up. The Nepal Medical Council reports state that despite this gender imbalance at birth, there is no indication of any action.
But why would anyone speak against one's own fraternity, no matter how vile the act is?
When we accept and keep quiet, we become dependent on those who yield power. From getting our government procedure completed on time to getting transfers, to accessing any of our legally protected rights as well, we are forced to depend on our networks of चिनेको मान्छे people we know by blood, village, relations, political affiliation.
The culture of dependency has been the established way in Nepal. If you drive a two-wheeler or four-wheeler, and you get into a small accident, you will be asked to sort it yourself, dialing up the most powerful person you know. It becomes a competition of who knows who.
Recently I was told that there were calls from the Ministry of Health and Population and another from the Prime Minister's Office for just one medical position in a private hospital. Each was pushing its own candidate. Guess which candidate got the position.&nbsp;
The dependency of people is not on the laws or the state, it is with people in power, a reliance on the network of somebody who knows somebody, including those not officially in power.
These cultures are deeply ingrained in our heads, and in society. Collectively they form a vicious circle that helps those in power to retain power. This is not the society we want to live in.
Then, what do we do as a collective to break away from this? How do we break away from the cultures of acceptance and silence that have created this dependency? What can we do to ensure that our children do not have to learn the jargon of आन्दोलन before they learn about the state?
These are the cultures political parties need to shed rather than use them to perpetuate their power. This is what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/an-alternative-to-alternative-politics-in-nepal">alternative politics</a> needs to be about.
Sumana Shrestha is a member of Parliament’s Education, Health and Information Technology parliamentary committee and represents the Rastriya Swatantara Party.

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