There are still two months to go before<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/managing-the-monsoon"> the monsoon </a>breaks, but Roma Gurung who survived last September’s flash flood in Panauti is worried about what the rainy season has in store.&nbsp; The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/60-dead-64-missing-in-nepal-floods">massive debris flow of 28-29 September</a> was unleashed by record-breaking rainfall, but it was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-revenge-of-the-rivers">made worse by stone quarries and sand mining</a> as well as encroachment along the floodplains. “The rains will arrive soon, and we don’t know where we should go,” says Gurung, who was nearly swept away last year. “Last time I ran up the hill with my husband and two children and watched our house being swept away by a flood. I do not know if I have the strength and courage to go through that again.” &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090520_9e326638721bcae722ab1e86d76aa536132b2eb9e9322bc6fd3616d1d0693e25.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250501090520_9e326638721bcae722ab1e86d76aa536132b2eb9e9322bc6fd3616d1d0693e25" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> <figcaption>187 houses were destroyed and five people were killed, in Panauti's Ward 12. </figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_dc37a55035b9a160c48fea0e09e4745f8fdcdddf08021aff3a52efd162dc829b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250501090524_dc37a55035b9a160c48fea0e09e4745f8fdcdddf08021aff3a52efd162dc829b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> </figure>  For residents of Ward 12 in Panauti, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/a-flood-of-tears-on-the-rosi">the flood seven months ago</a> is still etched in their memories. The unprecedented precipitation killed 224 people across the country, 32 of them just in Panauti. Five people were killed in Gurung’s neighbourhood where 187 houses were destroyed. The floods also destroyed <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-first-hydropower-from-a-glacial-lake">hydropower plants</a>, slashing Nepal’s generation capacity by half, and damaged parts of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-needs-wildlife-friendly-highways">national highways</a>. About 25km of the BP Highway was washed away, and the temporary road is along the riverbed. This monsoon, the highway will have to be closed. &nbsp; “If I were alone, I would have stayed home and let the flood and landslide take me away,” says another Ward 12 resident, Jamuna Biswakarma. “I ran for the sake of my family and my 10-day-old granddaughter.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_a4b5d3bdf31b9433789a041eab51c89bd3d11a5373749a5fcd40321b55765a1a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250501090524_a4b5d3bdf31b9433789a041eab51c89bd3d11a5373749a5fcd40321b55765a1a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> <figcaption>Jamuna Biswakarma is dreading the coming monsoon season. She has not received any compensation from the government or crusher companies for the damage to her house.</figcaption> </figure>  Locals here did not just lose loved ones or their homes: many also lost their livelihoods. On a recent visit, Sangita Pariyar was pleading with the ward chair for a sewing machine. “A machine would help me earn a living. I could repay my loan and pay for the school admission of my children,” she said. Pariyar and her husband had been running a tailoring shop in Ward 12. They had a decent income and were planning to expand their business. But the flood washed away everything: the shop, sewing machines, cash saved for Dasain, new clothes for sale, and some crucial documents. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_18f5df73e621426c5a8d3509fd0d6b910d843ff9ddd1ed6262da512638470ff7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20250501090524_18f5df73e621426c5a8d3509fd0d6b910d843ff9ddd1ed6262da512638470ff7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> <figcaption>Sangita Pariyar and her husband ran a tailoring business, and were planning to expand before the flood washed away everything, including their sewing machines.</figcaption> </figure>  Much of the death and damage was due to the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/politicians-and-cronies-blamed-for-kavre-floods">unchecked operation of stone quarries and crusher companies</a> in the catchment of Rosi, and much less with heavy monsoon rains. There are 25 crusher and mining companiesin the Rosi catchment—many of them illegal—extracting sand, stones and gravel to feed the capital’s construction boom. This makes the slopes and river bed very unstable and greatly increases the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/a-disaster-resilient-nepal-is-possible">risk of landslides and floods</a>. A government report has recommended shutting down some of the mining and crusher operations in the area. Some were running without registration, and others were not adhering to guidelines. According to Standards on Extraction, Sale and Management of Stones, Pebbles, and Sand (2020), such plants must be situated 2km away from any settlements. But that was not followed near the Rosi, and mining operations have resumed.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241007131020_c55becabe58855ee897cacf411e0889923bd699b07d563444f16c009362ed50e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20241007131020_c55becabe58855ee897cacf411e0889923bd699b07d563444f16c009362ed50e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi flood"> <figcaption>Panauti and the Rosi watershed area, taken from Google Maps in May 2024.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_a9e458cf15367c4b3038c9ac5dad6bd87a05bd962bfdc256e43cb3ca25b1131e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20250501090524_a9e458cf15367c4b3038c9ac5dad6bd87a05bd962bfdc256e43cb3ca25b1131e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> <figcaption> The damage of the record-breaking rainfall on 28-29 September 2024 was amplified by stone crushing operations on the Rosi Khola.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_46cc1011c451a14e4dca455c31ebb7f560d599d3b45dfc301e964f18fc30d253.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20250501090524_46cc1011c451a14e4dca455c31ebb7f560d599d3b45dfc301e964f18fc30d253" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> </figure>  Residents along the riverbanks had long feared that these industries would trigger disasters. “The operators of these mines and crushers are powerful and influential people. We had protested to stop them, but who listens to ordinary people like us?” asks Biswakarma.&nbsp; Some locals are now building shelters while others have sold their land and have moved elsewhere, fearing more disaster as<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/abnormal-rise-in-monsoon-lightning-in-nepal"> pre-monsoon storms</a> lash the mountains. “My neighbours have started building temporary houses, but I don’t have the money,” says Gurung. “If the floods come, we could climb the slopes for safety, but now there is the danger of landslides too. How are we supposed to get through this monsoon?”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_bbc1bc045596f615659a8361109d837b4ff9ab56925c6c64aa6eed2adbc7e683.jpg" data-media-id="editor_16" data-image-id="20250501090524_bbc1bc045596f615659a8361109d837b4ff9ab56925c6c64aa6eed2adbc7e683" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> <figcaption>Many of the houses damaged in the floods last year, like this one, are yet to be constructed. Most do not have the money to rebuild.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_1b238fa1d116ae12c48f78843043518a1077acda052c8c91641517298efbc8b4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_17" data-image-id="20250501090524_1b238fa1d116ae12c48f78843043518a1077acda052c8c91641517298efbc8b4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> </figure>  Ward chair Jaya Ram KC says that there are preparations to reduce the risk of floods and landslides this monsoon season. Flood control measures are also planned along the Rosi to protect Ward 12.&nbsp; But locals are still haunted by the trauma of last September and do not feel prepared at all. They say <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-flood-survivors-still-waiting-for-relief">they have received no support</a>, not from the government, nor from the illegal stone quarries and crushers which are again operating with impunity. Says Jamuna Biswakarma: “We are living with uncertainty and anxiety about the rains. Will anyone be held accountable for our suffering this time?” In collaboration with Sajira Shrestha.&nbsp; <div class="embed-block"><iframe width="750" height="400" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/RTU5IUw6A_w?si=bUK1M6ePu3q0zCHL" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen></iframe></div>

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Before the next monsoon

Rajesh Humagain lives by the Rosi River in Panauti, directly downstream from a quarry company. His was one of many houses swept away by the deadly mudflow on 28 September. The flash flood last month was not the first time stone mining has caused problems for Humagain and other residents of this village 40km east of Kathmandu. They have protested unregulated quarrying and sand mining on the river that has caused sedimentation and springs going dry downstream.&nbsp; “When it rained, the debris that had piled up in the quarries was swept down in a wall of mud that took away my house and everything I own,” says Humagain, who now rents a single room in Panauti town.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031116_c5205455f0fd42af5c3048a5a1cffd46fe7eccd045591ed09fa06c34156fd66a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241109031116_c5205455f0fd42af5c3048a5a1cffd46fe7eccd045591ed09fa06c34156fd66a" data-rendition-name="original" width="2166" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT"> </figure>  Before the flood, boulders would fall on houses below, and dust clouds from the crushers that produced aggregates to feed Kathmandu’s construction would shroud the village. The air would be thickly polluted in an otherwise pristine valley. “The rain was very heavy, but these mines and crushers made the destruction much more serious,” Humagain says, while his neighbours nod in agreement. The quarry is owned by Bhaleswar Roda Dhunga Udyog and its directors Rabi Shrestha and Ramhari KC. It started operating in 2022, and because it provides locals with employment many people we approached were reluctant to talk.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_cae205269705aa8e60c3e33ccdcd2204360f68280fba701efbcfa52988ebf658.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241109031112_cae205269705aa8e60c3e33ccdcd2204360f68280fba701efbcfa52988ebf658" data-rendition-name="original" width="1333" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> <figcaption>Tipper trucks owned by crusher companies were swept away along with homes, roads and bridges along the Rosi.</figcaption> </figure>  Humagain himself was a tripper operator for a decade at Diamond Roda Dhunga Udhyog, another crusher company nearby. He ferried aggregates to Kathmandu every night. Now, most of the quarry has been swept away, and all that is left are overturned trucks, earth-movers and equipment scattered about. A mudslide also destroyed Rajesh Khatri’s house and shop near the quarry, and his family is now a refugee in the town. “The mines and the crushers are entirely responsible for our plight,” he tells us, looking over his shoulder to see if anyone is within earshot. The flood swept away 500 houses and killed 20 people in Panauti Municipality alone. Farmers lost 2,000 livestock, and paddy ready for harvest was destroyed. Downstream along the Rosi, dozens more were killed. Across central Nepal, nearly 200 people were killed.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_09c6e62f9bb53ac993b0216646b0c2bc09f64c8b53420fe3d86a0bf81d58731c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241109031112_09c6e62f9bb53ac993b0216646b0c2bc09f64c8b53420fe3d86a0bf81d58731c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1334" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> </figure>  The Rosi River had also flooded in 1981, but there had not been nearly as much damage and the river’s course did not change. Last month, the river flowed through towns and streets.&nbsp; In the village of Bhaleswar, the river now flows through a gaping hole in Kumar Tamang’s house, cutting through what used to be his farm. “We have been living by the Rosi for generations, but never once had the river ever caused us such grief,” says Tamang, looking forlornly at an overturned tanker truck that washed up on what used to be his doorstep from a stone quarry upstream. Section 11 of Nepal’s Standards Related to the Sale and Management of Stone, Gravel, and Sand Excavation 2020 states that crusher companies must operate at a distance of 2km from residential areas.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_2ec425286997c5f75e6d43e8e6a6c5cbf17d9bfe55899518fbddcb9bb87f34ce.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241109031112_2ec425286997c5f75e6d43e8e6a6c5cbf17d9bfe55899518fbddcb9bb87f34ce" data-rendition-name="original" width="720" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> <figcaption>Quarries along the Rosi River in Khusadevi.</figcaption> </figure>  It is clear from this trip that the law has been openly flouted, which would not be possible without collusion of local government. The mountains above Ramesh Khatri’s house have been gouged out by bulldozers, and rocks used to fall on his house frequently. “And the constant noise from the crushing equipment was unbearable,” he said.&nbsp; When the village became unliveable, Khatri’s family—like many others in his village of Kharkhola—sold the land to the quarry company for Rs6 million. But that was just on paper. The company agreed to pay the money within a year, but so far Khatri has only received a Rs1.6 million advance.&nbsp; “They have taken away our land documents and used them to obtain bank loans to operate their mines and crushers, but are not paying us,” says Khatri. “What’s more, the owners are not even from here. We have not received the money, and the flood has made us homeless.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_8b9c2abaf5b68480ef228f5e6e3ef5b84918b2bf6b6f3ac53988dd4b453e84df.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241109031112_8b9c2abaf5b68480ef228f5e6e3ef5b84918b2bf6b6f3ac53988dd4b453e84df" data-rendition-name="original" width="1572" height="1502" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_18a76189ac4a58707948e5322853385116da9b0ffcca08447b8961e19cb4c940.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241109031112_18a76189ac4a58707948e5322853385116da9b0ffcca08447b8961e19cb4c940" data-rendition-name="original" width="737" height="879" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_58291bd307770c1a5e4427eb17a55a6cc91d8ff1ce5aa66505fee09778731ec8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241109031112_58291bd307770c1a5e4427eb17a55a6cc91d8ff1ce5aa66505fee09778731ec8" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1274" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> <figcaption>Government documents bearing the names of the owners of the quarries in Rosi and Panauti.</figcaption> </figure>  The Khatri and Humagain families have been complaining about the unregulated mines for the last two decades, but no one has listened. Says another Bhaleswar resident Dinesh Gurung: “The mining companies are owned by powerful people so our problems and pleas have fallen on deaf ears.” Section 11 of the guidelines also stipulates that highways must be given a right of way of 500m from quarries. But the Nangsal Dhunga Roda Udyog had damaged the BP Highway even before the floods and was documented two years ago by the Kavre District Coordination Committee. The report blames the industry for not following directives to reduce &nbsp;dust and debris produced by its quarry and crushers, as well as to level the ground after excavation.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031116_52841444209c5ddfbae4bf400070bc48e9c448dabf304d188cc5d2476fddb5e1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20241109031116_52841444209c5ddfbae4bf400070bc48e9c448dabf304d188cc5d2476fddb5e1" data-rendition-name="original" width="2166" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT"> </figure>  Nangsal was registered at the Kavre Office of Cottage and Small Industries in 2009 and after federalism also registered with the Kavre District Coordination Committee to operate a crusher unit. Documents from the Cottage and Small Industries office show that two of the company’s directors are Bagmati Province Minister for Water Supply, Energy and Irrigation Tirtha Bahadur Lama from the governing Nepali Congress (NC) and Grande International Hospital Chair Deepak Kunwar. The third director is Sujan Lama. Grande Hospital Chair Deepak Kunwar is also a shareholder of SM Baluwa Dhunga Udyog which has been operating since 2015. Kunwar joined company directors Maheshwar Gautam and Sulabh Karki as a shareholder in 2021. The NC’s Ganesh Lama, who has a fearsome reputation here, is also the owner of Om Satya Sai Stone Crusher Udyog on the banks of the Rosi near the densely populated village of Kutunge right off the BP Highway that connects Kathmandu to eastern Nepal.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_6069bafb88696aa694334a04a3c01ed9c1c5d5eda3c5690068f21e3c85fa549e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20241109031112_6069bafb88696aa694334a04a3c01ed9c1c5d5eda3c5690068f21e3c85fa549e" data-rendition-name="original" width="400" height="500" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> <figcaption>(Clockwise) Bagmati Province Water Supply Minister Tirtha Bahadur Lama, Bagmati Province Health Minister Kiran Thapa Magar, NC leader Ganesh Lama, and Grande International Hospital Chair Deepak Kunwar are among those who own mining and crusher companies in Kavre.</figcaption> </figure>  Lama’s company is only licensed to operate a crusher, but has also been sand mining without a permit. Debris and other waste material produced by the crushers and the mine were piled high by the river when the floods came.&nbsp; Bagmati Province Health Minister Kiran Thapa along with Sur Krishna Vaidya and Govardhan Shrestha are owners of another company, the Kaldhunga Aggregate in Kaldhunga village. Thapa has since sold his shares to Rabi Shrestha, but an official change of ownership has not been registered, and documents still list Thapa as a director. Thapa told us he had sold his shares and the quarrying had been going on in an unregulated manner. He said: “As Health Minister, I myself inspected the Rosi damage after the flood, and saw the destruction. The local government has been awarding contracts purely to increase its tax revenue without any monitoring. But the damage from the flood is far more than the revenue will ever be.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109041144_1c30037b60694522884f75f695bbf2c520e930320442c5f969a7b047a19c3346.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20241109041144_1c30037b60694522884f75f695bbf2c520e930320442c5f969a7b047a19c3346" data-rendition-name="original" width="1777" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT"> </figure>  Former Ward Chair Pravin Lama of Kavre’s Temal Rural Municipality owns three mining and crusher companies with various partners in Rosi Rural Municipality. His Gauri Shankar Roda Dhunga Udyog, Jay Nepal Suppliers, and Mangal Roda Dhunga Udyog have all been found to be operating in violation of mining and excavating guidelines. They don’t have proper permits from the rural municipality, and financial or other relevant details of these companies have not been made available to local governments. Excavation debris was just dumped along the Rosi banks, and Mangal Roda Dhunga Udyog was found to have exceeded its permitted volume.&nbsp; In total, there are 46 stone quarries and crushers on the banks of the Rosi in Panauti and Rosi Municipalities. All had been found to have violated existing mining guidelines and laws even before the floods last month.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_87182a3f9aefd14673125c734790be95c98e97dd0d837c31beccf26a42e993c4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20241109031112_87182a3f9aefd14673125c734790be95c98e97dd0d837c31beccf26a42e993c4" data-rendition-name="original" width="2049" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> </figure>  A monitoring report by the Kavre District Coordination Committee two years ago had concluded that quarries and crushers did not have proper permits and did not fully comply with the laws, resulting in over-mining. The report stated that waste material from the mines had been poorly managed, excavation areas had not been mapped and relevant registration and accounting documents of operational mines and quarries were nowhere to be found. The monitoring committee subsequently recommended that the local government close down unlicensed mines that had been operating on public and private land without permit. But the municipality did not heed the directive, nor did other government agencies. Impunity is rife, and mine and quarry operators openly admit to violating standards. Most are said to have powerful protectors in local wards, municipalities and provincial councils. One crusher operator told us: “Most of the mines and quarries here have been running like this even after their licences expired. It is just the way it is done here and everywhere. The local government is letting this happen because they only care about the revenue.” &nbsp;&nbsp;

Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods

<figure><img width="720" height="480" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101116/636b70889c7e80680e060081jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>A scene from students' protest in Kathmandu following the death of Dilip Mahato. Photo: BIKRAM RAI </figcaption></figure>This week, in a crime that shocked the nation, a young engineering student was killed and his body crushed with a tipper truck for opposing a sand-mining contractor in Dhanusha.Just 24 years old, Om Prakash (‘Dilip’) Mahato had come home from college in Bhopal in India. He was incensed about how the Churiyamai Crusher Industry was illegally extracting sand and boulders from the Aurahi River under cover of darkness. The contractor Bipin Mahato had threatened the boy’s father three days previously, saying he would kill him for trying to ruin his business. Before dawn on a fog-bound morning last Friday, Dilip heard earth-moving vehicles near the farm and went to inspect. He was attacked with an iron rod, and killed by contractor Bipin Mahato. To make it look like an accident, his body was then run over by tipper driver Munindra Mahato and Jitendra Mahato.Police have reportedly extracted confessions from all four of the accused, and taken them into custody. The contractor has owned up to impaling Dilip with the sharp end of an iron rod, and the tipper driver has confessed to running over the body.The hopes of Dilip’s farming family was on this hard-working and idealistic young man who was about to graduate. He leaves behind six sisters, ailing parents and a grandfather. As has <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/crushing-tale-of-Chure">often been reported in this paper</a> and in investigative reports in <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/Chure,3829">other Nepali language media</a>, the appropriately named ‘Crusher’ industry is run by a mafia enjoying political protection from local, district and provincial administrations. Most have strong ties to political parties, with some being wholly or partly owned by those holding office. While activists who have exposed illegal sand mining have often been threatened and silenced in the past, this is the first time that someone opposed to unlawful extraction from rivers has been executed by the quarry mafia. It speaks volumes about the state of impunity in Nepal today that the perpetrators were convinced they could get away with it. Having politicians, the security apparatus and the courts in their pockets, they think they can literally get away with murder. The crime exposes the criminalisation of politics and the politicisation of crime in federal Nepal, where instead of devolving political power, it is wrongdoing that has been decentralised in the past two years..What an irony that the contractor had named his ‘crusher’ company after Churiyamai, the goddess protector of the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19811#.XhwHdS2Q0Wo">Chure Hills</a>. This southernmost wrinkle of the Himalayan range that rises from the plains does not have bedrock beneath, but sand, boulders and topsoil. The Chure covers 12% of the country and stretches from east to west, spanning 36 districts. The 200 rivers that originate here are dry most of the year, but turn into raging torrents in the monsoonOnce the trees are cut on a Chure slope, there is nothing to hold the soil together and it is eroded very quickly by rain. The sediment is then swept downstream to the Tarai, raising river beds and making floods worse. Indiscriminate logging, illegal sand and boulder mining has ravaged the Chure, especially in the east-central Tarai.The devastating <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/monsoon-2019-deluge/">floods last year</a> and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Flood-on-the-border-Nepal-India,3915">in 2017</a> in Rautahat and eastwards, was caused by extreme rainfall, but it was exacerbated by haphazard embankment building and the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/Madhesi-parties-disappoint-in-the-aftermath-of-flood,1009">extraction of sand and boulders</a> from rivers which increased the velocity of their flow.This wanton destruction of the Chure in the hands of a politico-criminal nexus puts more than 10 million Nepali plains-dwellers and many more millions downstream in India <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/development-destruction/">at risk of floods</a>.And then sugarcane farmers were in the capital’s Mandala after failing to be paid by factory owners for the cane they supplied. After being given the runaround, they brought their case to the streets of the capital. They camped out in the winter rain for several days, and the government finally signed an agreement with the farmers, assuring them that factory owners would clear their dues by 21 January.The nefarious nexus between business and government means they scratch each other’s backs, and it is very likely that this agreement will never be implemented, just like all previous ones. The farmers’ agitation has already dropped off the media headlines, so the sugar barons will try to ride this one out, and like in the past the government’s promised subsidy to farmers will never reach them. The Province 2 government belatedly said on Monday it will close all illegal ‘crushers’, but the proof of the pudding in Nepal is always in the eating.Any surprise then that the incompetent men who tolerate these injustices will not allow their own comrade, Shivamaya Tumbahangphe, to take over as Speaker. Instead, they are pushing the candidacy of Agni Sapkota, who is accused of a war crime.

Crushers of justice

Home Minister Sudan Gurung resigned on Wednesday following increasing coverage of and criticism over his investment in companies linked to controversial Nepali business figures Sulav Agrawal and Deepak Bhatta, who are currently under investigation for money laundering.
‘I am resigning from the position of Home Minister effective today to ensure impartial investigation into matters associated with me, and to make sure that there is no conflict of interest,’ Gurung wrote, saying that morality and public trust mattered more to him than office.
Gurung ended his message to the nation in English as he invoked the security forces, writing: &nbsp;‘For my country and For the respect of our security forces and For the youths of Nepal.’
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Gurung has become the second member to depart the Cabinet, serving for less than a month, despite the Nepali electorate’s hopes that Nepal would finally get a stable government after the RSP’s sweeping victory in the March elections.&nbsp;
Prime Minister Balendra Shah had sought clarification from Gurung on Wednesday after new details emerged about his shares in two micro-insurance companies, Star Micro Insurance and Liberty Micro Life, which are said to have been issued their licence by the Nepal Insurance Authority at the behest of Bhatta and Agrawal.
Gurung denied financial misconduct, saying that his investment in the two companies was included in his asset disclosure and insisting the misunderstanding is because of how the shares have been categorised.&nbsp;
Leaders within the RSP had called for an internal investigation into Gurung as they sought to maintain the party’s platform of clean governance and transparency. As such, Gurung’s position had become increasingly untenable, especially since former Labour Minister was sacked without being given an opportunity for clarification over a disciplinary breach involving his wife’s appointment to the Health Insurance Board.&nbsp;
On social media, Sah on Tuesday seemed to express dissatisfaction over the PM’s request for Gurung’s clarification.&nbsp;
Judging by the comments under Gurung’s resignation post, a significant part of the Nepali public seems to be firmly on Gurung’s side, blaming the mass media and what they call mouthpieces of old parties for driving him out of the Cabinet.&nbsp;
This is a reflection of his meteoric rise and the continued support he has maintained since he stepped into the spotlight as the leader of Nepal’s youth movement in the aftermath of the September protest.&nbsp;
Gurung has made headlines constantly ever since he burst onto the national stage, which includes questions over the degree of his and his organisation Hami Nepal’s involvement in the September 9 unrest, calls to divulge details behind Hami Nepal’s finances, and not paying five years of rent for an illegal lakefront property in Pokhara.&nbsp;
There have also been unsubstantiated claims, despite Gurung’s denial, about his ‘ties’ to the Free Tibet movement, which has made the Chinese— as well as Nepalis— wary.&nbsp;
As Home Minister, Gurung cultivated an image of a tough but approachabe leader, overseeing a series of high-profile arrests of previous political leadership and business figures even as he posted photos of sleeping in a sofa in his office, and engaged with the public on the streets and on social media.&nbsp;
As it stands, the Home Ministry was a bone of contention between Shah and RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane before it was awarded to Gurung, who is a close ally of PM Shah. Analysts had noted that with Gurung in charge, the Home Ministry would be a hook for Shah if Lamichhane, with his share of controversies, stepped out of line.&nbsp;
Following Gurung’s resignation, the Prime Minister’s secretariat has said that the PM would take charge of the portfolio for the time being. But it will be interesting to see if and how fresh negotiations for the Ministry unfold within RSP.&nbsp;
And with his supporter base largely intact, it remains to be seen how much of an impact this setback will have on Sudan Gurung’s political aspirations.&nbsp;

Home Minister Sudan Gurung resigns

Sudan Gurung is dancing. It is 2009. He has an emo fringe falling over one eye and is spinning on a polished floor. His dance shows dedication — moves that take years of bruised elbows to land. The clip is 16 years old, and had been sitting in the dead archives of YouTube and old Facebook pages, watched by almost nobody. This month <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@4gr4j/video/7621892206902725909">it has 1.9 million views</a>. Gurung became Home Minister on 27 March and resigned on Wednesday, barely a month into office. His<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@aayvik/video/7626069452177542408"> pre-political life had been put back into circulation</a> at industrial speed -- the b-boying, the DJ sets, and the YouTube video of him dancing in a music clip.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026042202040_71df4d531423e7c941abde95fb8106346c70ab0afb71bbeb520cc570f14ba178.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2026042202040_71df4d531423e7c941abde95fb8106346c70ab0afb71bbeb520cc570f14ba178" data-rendition-name="original" width="2300" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="When aura meets audit"> </figure>  The youth of Nepal, well-versed in snappy TikTok edits and aura compilations, turned the archive into a meme economy almost overnight. TikTok remixed the footage to trap beats. The comments settled on a nickname that crossed into everyday speech within days: 'Homie Minister'. <div class="embed-block"><blockquote class="tiktok-embed" cite="https://www.tiktok.com/@yalexthwreal/video/7622325255792512276" data-video-id="7622325255792512276" style="max-width: 605px;min-width: 325px;" > <section> <a target="_blank" title="@yalexthwreal" href="https://www.tiktok.com/@yalexthwreal?refer=embed">@yalexthwreal</a> <a title="sudangurung" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/sudangurung?refer=embed">#sudangurung</a> new home minister of Nepal😎 <a title="fyppppppppppppppppppppppp" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/fyppppppppppppppppppppppp?refer=embed">#fyppppppppppppppppppppppp</a> <a title="sudangrg" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/sudangrg?refer=embed">#sudangrg</a> <a title="home" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/home?refer=embed">#home</a> <a title="minister" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/minister?refer=embed">#minister</a> <a target="_blank" title="♬ original sound - •⪨н є α я т ❤н α ¢ к є я ⪩• - Music Universe 🎧" href="https://www.tiktok.com/music/original-sound-•⪨н-є-α-я-т-❤н-α-¢-к-є-я-⪩•-7308733170064231170?refer=embed">♬ original sound - •⪨н є α я т ❤н α ¢ к є я ⪩• - Music Universe 🎧</a> </section> </blockquote> <script async src="https://www.tiktok.com/embed.js"></script></div> As Home Minister, Gurung was in charge of the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force, Department of Immigration, and the country's internal security apparatus. Calling him 'homie' collapsed the distance between that office and the Discord server where the movement that brought him into power had organised itself. What is harder to explain is why the nostalgic clips did the narrative work for Gurung's political standing right up until the moment the paperwork did not. A teenager on a dance floor in a Thamel club, filmed before smartphones had decent cameras, was functioning as political currency for a powerful home minister, while a share registry was quietly filling the other column. The footage was not an argument. Gurung was not doing anything in it that related to home affairs. He was just dancing. The comments compared him to <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@4gr4j/video/7621892206902725909">Korean film heroes</a>. A separate <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@tandavyt7/video/7622151050128018708">48,000-like edit</a> was captioned 'Our New Home Minister Aura'. The replies were full of people saying they got chills listening to him speak. Even after his resignation, most comments on his Facebook page were supportive, saying he had been punished for pursuing truth and justice.&nbsp; Political legitimacy in Nepal has been built out of many things over the last 70 years, but it has never been built out of this. The question was always: what happens when the job starts demanding things his style, boldness, and swag cannot provide. Political aura in Nepal used to be a slow harvest, now it isn't. B P Koirala spent eight years in prison under the Panchayat. He wrote fiction at Sundari Jal. The writing survived, the prison sentences survived, and that experience became the template for what a serious Nepali politician looked like: someone the state had tried to break and failed. Legitimacy was accumulated by having their lives taken away, and refusing to bend the knee. The old mechanics of legitimacy produced politicians who could be audited. The record was made of words, dates, votes, and years behind bars. A voter who wanted to know what a leader stood for read his writings. A journalist digging for inconsistency could find it. The system was slow, often corrupt, and frequently boring. But boring was part of the job description. A minister was supposed to be slightly dull — evidence that the person was doing the unglamorous work of reading files and sitting through committee meetings. Today, boring is a disqualification. The attention economy rewards velocity and visual charge, and a politician who cannot generate either does not exist in the feed, and that means does not exist at all. The legacy parties are still issuing press statements criticising the new guard in the grammar of paper trails and procedural failure. But the audience has stopped reading, users scroll for their next viral bite. Sudan Gurung, unlike the old parties, understood exactly which grammar the feed rewarded. On his first evening as Home Minister, he posted a photo of himself sleeping on a sofa inside the ministry. Caption: creation cannot be greater than the creator, government is not above the people. The image travelled further in 12 hours than any ministerial press release has ever done.&nbsp; A minister napping on a sofa, phone-shot, zero production, read by the public as evidence of a minister who had skipped the motorcade and got straight to work. Gurung used Facebook to announce the names of former ministers and businessmen he intended to arrest. The feed was used to pre-announce state security action.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260422010456_2fa1918e1dd031d01f38b4001ee306d9414073cec0b795fa43a75cb5a8deb8c7.png" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20260422010456_2fa1918e1dd031d01f38b4001ee306d9414073cec0b795fa43a75cb5a8deb8c7" data-rendition-name="original" width="926" height="868" loading="lazy" alt="When aura meets audit"> </figure>  INFLUENTIAL INFLUENCER This is not how the Ministry of Home Affairs has ever operated. It is how a YouTuber releases a series. Sudan Gurung was a political content creator. As home minister, he was an influential influencer kinetically doing something in the visual medium. Much like Prime Minister Balendra Shah's sunglasses, Gurung's aura, authenticity and swag were a brand asset, instantly recognisable at thumbnail size. Balen's rap career supplies a pre-political archive that authenticates him the same way Gurung's DJ sets and b-boying clips authenticated him. The aesthetic is doing the work a manifesto used to do. The work is authenticity, and the strategy is auramaxxing. The emo fringe predates the ministry. The DJ sets predate Hami Nepal. The b-boying predates the earthquake, the NGO, the September uprising, the interim cabinet, all of it. Whatever Gurung is now, he was already that person before the office existed. This was the real spectacle of the Homie Minister: authenticity. Nepal's youth have grown up watching heavily-polished, talking-point ministers speak in a language aimed at nobody in particular. But that grainy archival clip of the Home Minister from 2009 was honest.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260422010456_5d6dff3a09e8b7e77dc60c3aa567c9e02b6bd5f90f94e20737ec05cc9a09023b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20260422010456_5d6dff3a09e8b7e77dc60c3aa567c9e02b6bd5f90f94e20737ec05cc9a09023b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1800" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="When aura meets audit NT"> </figure>  The effect transcended GenZ. <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@ektapokharel/video/7623242573481561365">A TikTok trend</a> captioned NOT ONLY OUR HOME MINISTER, WE ARE ALSO FROM THAT ERA <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@sonykhadka/video/7624106790266948872">has millennials posting their own</a> archive photos from the same period, aligning themselves with Gurung's pre-political aesthetic. The aura did <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@_thakuri/video/7623397397556645141">cross-generational work</a>. It was a shared legibility, spanning at least 15 years of Nepali youth culture, with the Home Minister standing at its centre.&nbsp; The traditional politician's entire adult life is a performance of identity. Every photograph is lit for the media, every statement is vetted. The persona is the product, and the product has been in development for 30 years. This makes the old guard legible but suspect in the attention economy. A generation raised on authenticity-as-currency reads the decades of careful performance as evidence of something to hide. The polish is the problem. The nostalgic Sudan Gurung party clips inverted this. The polish was absent. The footage could not be performance aimed at the viewer, because the viewer did not exist in 2009 and neither did the political stakes. The clip was therefore read as real, in a way a press conference can never be. It was just a kid dancing, and he happened to grow up to be the Home Minister. But Sudan Gurung's job was never to go viral. The Ministry of Home Affairs requires the person running it to file a complete asset declaration and to avoid holding financial interests in crony entities.&nbsp; None of that work is content. A correctly filed asset declaration does not get remixed into a trap beat. A functioning immigration database is not a TikTok. The paperwork that constitutes actual governance is structurally boring in exactly the way the old parties are structurally boring, and for the same reason. It is the slow, procedural, checkable apparatus that the old system was built to produce and that the new system has not yet learned to replace. And it is painstaking follow-the-money paper trail investigative journalists in the legacy media who uncovered the evidence. You cannot auramaxx your way out of a share registry. You cannot post your way past a conflict-of-interest statute. No amount of fire outfits and wild DJ transitions does anything for you when a journalist pulls the initial shareholder list of Star Micro Insurance and finds your name at number 49, with Rs2.5 million in shares alongside investors linked to Deepak Bhatta and Sulav Agrawal — two men currently at the centre of a Rs 3.7 billion money laundering investigation. <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@blox.drop/video/7622173520981658900">Auramaxxing was engineered</a> for the mechanics of reaching office. It is the reason Sudan Gurung became Home Minister and Gagan Thapa did not. The question that had not yet been tested, until this week, was whether the same weapon works when the terrain changes. The terrain does change when you assume power. This week, the answer arrived. TWO CLOCKS Two clocks had been running, and they did not sync. The first clock was built for auramaxxing. A clip posted at eight in the morning peaked by noon. A sofa photo was remixed before the minister had left the building. The feedback loop is fast and legible, and a politician playing this clock gets real-time data on what to post next. The old guard never learned to read it, which is a large part of why they lost the election. The second clock was the one the ministry actually runs on. It measures in quarters, court calendars, and the slow grind of investigation files moving between offices. A share registry takes weeks to pull. A money-laundering case moves at the speed of the prosecutor's office, which is to say, it often does not appear to move at all, until one morning it does. The legacy mass media is fed leaks, and the second clock does not care whether the minister is currently trending. The two clocks collided this week, and the second clock got there first. Faster than anyone expected. The first clock put Gurung in the Home Ministry in weeks. The second clock put him out of it in less than a month. On Sunday evening, Diyopost and Janaastha published documents showing Gurung as a founding shareholder in Star Micro Insurance and Liberty Micro Life — companies licensed by the Nepal Insurance Authority in 2022 following what reporting identified as political lobbying by Bhatta and Agrawal. A photograph also surfaced of Hami Nepal, the NGO Gurung chairs, honouring Bhatta as a donor on 21 December 2021. Gurung's first response was auramaxxed. A Monday Facebook post distinguishing ‘rumours’ from ‘facts’, insisting the shares were disclosed within his broader Rs20 million securities portfolio, promising to cooperate with any investigation. "Allegations and truth are not the same thing," he wrote. "Decisions should be based on evidence, not sentiment." It was a coherent clip, but it did not stop the clock. By Wednesday, Prime Minister Balendra Shah had sought written clarification. Leaders within the RSP itself were calling for his resignation. The opposition Nepali Congress had framed the question as one of democratic transparency.&nbsp; Gurung resigned, posting his decision to Facebook as he did everything else. Ethics, he wrote, hold more weight than any position. There is no power greater than public trust. He ended in English, invoking ‘my country … the respect of our security forces … the youths of Nepal’. Even the exit was content. And this is the asymmetry the office exposed. A politician whose legitimacy is built on fast 30 second videos is structurally exposed to a process that runs slower than the news cycle, because the archive of aesthetic proof was not engineered to answer documentary evidence.&nbsp; It was engineered to displace the demand for documentary evidence in the first place. When that demand returns, as it always does once a politician takes office, the digital archive keeps performing, but the documents keep getting uncovered. And the two tracks do not communicate. The old guard knew this clock because they had no other clock to know. What they lost in charisma they gained in durability: a politician built over 20 years of parliamentary record is harder to dislodge with a single document because they have already survived thousands of documents. The new guard has not been stress-tested against its own paper trail. Sudan Gurung has now been tested, and the test is over, and the template has been written in his exit rather than his survival.&nbsp; A politician can enter office on the strength of a dance clip, and the same class of evidence — share registries, company filings, founding-shareholder lists at number 49 — that would have ended the career of a politician in a previous era of Nepali politics has ended his. The second clock got there. The feed did not save him. Or not entirely. Because the resignation itself is now in the feed. The Facebook post. The 46 brothers and sisters. The epic sign-off. Within hours of stepping down, Gurung had already re-enrolled his exit into the same register that put him in office. The clip of the Home Minister dancing in 2009 is still in circulation. The sofa photo still reads as sincerity. The investigation into the micro-insurance shares will move at the speed of Nepal's prosecutor's office, which is to say, at a speed the feed has long since outrun. The movement that installed Gurung in the name of ending elite capture has had its answer about whether its own hero is subject to the same audit it demanded of everyone else. He walked — or was walked — before the audit ran its course. The resignation was framed as moral choice rather than forced exit, and the framing is already winning. Whether that framing holds is the next test. Auramaxxing, it turns out, is a weapon that works in one direction only: it got him the job, and when the documents arrived, it did not save him. But it may yet save the person. These are not the same thing. If the technique is wounded, it is not yet dead. The next Nepali politician with a pre-political archive and a phone is watching how Gurung exits, not just how he entered. And the answer is: you exit the same way you entered: on Facebook. In your own voice. Before anyone else writes the caption. Whether he comes back is the thing to watch. Whether the technique does is already decided. &nbsp; &nbsp;

When Aura meets Audit

Just three weeks in, Prime Minister Balendra Shah has already shed two ministers, and is having to contend with the economic fallout of the West Asia war plus the global order that it has upended.&nbsp;
The new dispensation in Nepal has aroused interest in New Delhi, Beijing as well as Washington. The ouster of Home Minister Sudan Gurung, whose first act in office was to arrest former prime minister K P Oli, has foreign policy wonks scratching their heads.
The US sent Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Samir Paul Kapur on a special mission to figure out what is happening in Kathmandu. In town at the same time was Cao Jing, Deputy Director General of the Asian Affairs Department of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. And Prime Minister Shah is preparing for an official visit to India.
For the Americans, it is mostly about containing China and looking after the welfare of Tibetan refugees, while pushing its own MCC Compact and State Partnership Program (SSP). Beijing is mindful of the post-Dalai Lama era, and does not want instability in Nepal to encourage free-Tibet activities. India lately seems more wary of American activity in what it considers its backyard.
The Chinese appear relieved to see Sudan Gurung go. Only last week, Ambassador Zhang Maoming met Gurung during which he raised the issue of Tibetan and Taiwanese activities in Nepal, seeking firm commitment that Kathmandu would not harbour activities hostile to Beijing.
“Geographically we are close to Tibet and not to the Mainland, so China remains suspicious of us, especially after the TOB and free-Tibet components that emerged from the GenZ protests,” says geopolitical analyst Indra Adhikari.
Kapur, for his part, met RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane, Finance Minister Swarnim Wagle and Foreign Minister Shishir Khanal. Although investment and infrastructure was on the agenda, the main issue seems to have been about Tibetan refugees. In nearly parallel meetings with ministers, Cao Jing warned Nepal not to be too cosy with the Americans.
For Indian academic and Nepal watcher Sukh Deo Muni, all this harks back to American activity in Nepal during the height of the Cold War. He tweeted: ‘US senior diplomat Paul Kapur's statement in Kathmandu must be understood carefully in New Delhi. He said the US does not want China or any other country to dominate Nepal.’&nbsp;
‘Any other country’ could be a pointed reference to India, and what this means is that Nepal may now have to navigate even more carefully a tri-polar world order reshaped by the West Asia war.&nbsp;
Nepali journalist based in New Delhi Akanshya Shah agrees that the United States may not be seeing Nepal through the Indian lens anymore, while New Delhi does not want heightened US activity in what it considers its sphere of influence. All this is further complicated by recent frostiness in Washington-New Delhi ties.
“New Delhi doesn’t have that familiarity factor it used to with old leadership in Nepal, but it is curious about what the young Balen Shah will do and what kind of relation he will pursue with India,” she adds. “Certain decisions of the Balen government such as ending VIP culture and delivering passport at homes have hugely resonated with the Indian people, he has in some ways become a role model among the youth in India as well.”
India has invited Prime Minister Shah for an official state visit, which will be his first foreign trip as per tradition. Shah graduated in structural engineering from a college in Bengaluru, and knows India well. Shah has injected religious elements into his public exposure as prime minister and this could help project Nepal’s ‘soft power’ in dealing with India.
But he has also been a nationalist on the Limpiyadhura map dispute, and there are other thorny issues like air connectivity, river projects and power exports that need to be ironed out.&nbsp;
Sukh Deo Muni warns that the old Indian diplomatic approach based on religio-cultural stakeholders in Kathmandu may not work anymore. He wrote: ‘India's Modi government must prepare itself well to deal with new Nepalese leadership and their empowered support base, which is self-confident, highly nationalist, aspirant and impatient.’
The RSP’s 22-page National Commitment document said Nepal should abandon its historical ‘buffer state’ identity to serve as a ‘vibrant bridge’ between regional and global powers. Much of this debate is theoretical, and there is much navel-gazing that distracts from regional realpolitik.&nbsp;
“Whether we are a buffer state or a vibrant bridge, in today’s heightened geopolitical scenario we have to have good relations with good neighbours,” explains Akanshya Shah. “What is of paramount importance is that our ties are based on the aspirations of the young generation, so that they are engaged.”
Indra Adhikari goes as far as to say that the concepts of “buffer state” and “vibrant bridge” have both failed and Nepal is neither. “We have had zero roles in mediating or de-escalating the tensions between India and China to call ourselves a buffer state. As a vibrant bridge, we cannot facilitate trade of the two countries. The new government should have researched and consulted more before proposing the same outdated and failed foreign policy concepts.”&nbsp;
What will be much more important for Prime Minister Shah is to continue Nepal’s traditional policy of ‘equidistance’ and convince his interlocutors that it is not an anti-Indian stance.&nbsp;
“At a time when there is increased interest of big powers in Nepal, we need to do a bit of our own homework for the systemic reforms we want,” says Akanshya Shah. “As for India, we first need to clearly define what we want on connectivity, energy and culture. But most importantly, we have to capitalise on the goodwill of India which we haven’t been able to in the past.”
Adds Indra Adhikari: “When it comes to fundamental aspects of foreign policy that ensures and enhances the well being of our citizens, national parties should all have one unified voice that doesn’t change when the government does. Only then the future generations can own it.”

Love thy neighbours (and America)

Krishna Bahadur Ramtel was returning home after visiting a temple when his family insisted on climbing the Dharara viewtower in Kathmandu. He climbed up the narrow steep stairs with his mother-in-law and sister-in-law. His wife was nine months pregnant and chose to stay behind. At the top, Ramtel was holding the balcony bars when the tower started swaying at 11:56AM on 25 April 2015. The 62m tall Dharara, built and rebuilt after previous earthquakes, then collapsed into a jumble of bricks and masonry. “I heard screams everywhere, I told my mother-in-law and sister-in-law not to panic,” recalls Ramtel after regaining consciousness on a pile of rubble (pictured, below). Rescuers extricated his legs from under a brick arch and rushed him to the hospital, which was already crowded with patients writhing in pain.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260423120420_76bbf4eefc3b54464f585ac4fac81ac602cc10f7be56871860114724074847bb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260423120420_76bbf4eefc3b54464f585ac4fac81ac602cc10f7be56871860114724074847bb" data-rendition-name="original" width="801" height="399" loading="lazy" alt="Dharara survivor"><figcaption>Photo: KRISHNA BAHADUR RAMTEL / FACEBOOK(Photo: Sonia Awale)</figcaption></figure>  His wife survived, but his in-laws did not. Ramtel was devastated, more so for his wife who was going to be a new mother, but lost two family members. His right leg needed an operation, but he made a complete recovery. His child was born soon after, and Ramtel’s wife had to take care of her baby as well as her injured husband. But tragically, she lacked the help of her mother and sister. The 7.8M earthquake 11 years ago this week killed 8,962 people in Central Nepal. Because it was Saturday, Dharahara Tower was more crowded than usual, and at least 180 bodies were later retrieved from the ruins. Most like Ramtel who miraculously survived were on the balcony, while those climbing or descending the staircase were killed. Built by Prime Minister Bhimsen Thapa in 1832, there were originally two towers. But one collapsed and other was damaged in the 1834 earthquake and rebuilt. Exactly 100 years later, another earthquake brought it down again. It was again restored only to collapse in 2015.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260423120420_25be3e1f9f78a3c08dcf16d5ac6663f8fbb860073d1eaf740c02b8dd18e1ea21.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260423120420_25be3e1f9f78a3c08dcf16d5ac6663f8fbb860073d1eaf740c02b8dd18e1ea21" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Dharara survivor"><figcaption>Photo: ADITYA KHARE(Photo: Aditya Khare)</figcaption></figure>  Only the base of the original tower remains as a memorial inside the Dharahara complex, where a reinforced concrete tower now stands. Dubbed ‘Seto Tower’ by Prime Minister Balendra Shah when he was mayor of Kathmandu is broader than the previous tower and even has a lift that goes up to the viewing deck. But Ramtel says he not going anywhere near Dharara. He says, “That place holds memories that I do not want to remember, but I cannot forget either.” Soon after his operation, Ramtel returned to his hometown in Dhading where more members of the extended clan offered support. But now he lives in Kathmandu with his family, his son is now 11 and he recently had another child.. “Being alive is a blessing. As long as one is living, there will be struggles, and I am ready to face them all,” he tells us.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260423120420_4a205fcd45f87cf1251742f6ed09f447d5f3ff363f1c65c646da46c9c456339d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260423120420_4a205fcd45f87cf1251742f6ed09f447d5f3ff363f1c65c646da46c9c456339d" data-rendition-name="original" width="640" height="427" loading="lazy" alt="Dharara survivor"><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI / NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE(Photo: Sonia Awale)</figcaption></figure>  NO PREPAREDNESS While 25 April serves as a reminder of the last major earthquake in Nepal, 16 January is marked annually as Earthquake Safety Day, coinciding with the 8.3M megaquake of 1934. Seismologists say the 7.8M disaster was not the big earthquake that Kathmandu experiences every 80-100 years, and the Big One is yet to hit. Building standards are still regularly flouted in densely populated parts of Kathmandu, which worries Ramtel. “The government acts only after the disaster has happened, people and the authorities forget quickly and move on. There is little preparation, and we expect God to save us,” says Ramtel, who also survived because of divine intervention.