There are still two months to go before<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/managing-the-monsoon"> the monsoon </a>breaks, but Roma Gurung who survived last September’s flash flood in Panauti is worried about what the rainy season has in store.&nbsp; The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/60-dead-64-missing-in-nepal-floods">massive debris flow of 28-29 September</a> was unleashed by record-breaking rainfall, but it was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-revenge-of-the-rivers">made worse by stone quarries and sand mining</a> as well as encroachment along the floodplains. “The rains will arrive soon, and we don’t know where we should go,” says Gurung, who was nearly swept away last year. “Last time I ran up the hill with my husband and two children and watched our house being swept away by a flood. I do not know if I have the strength and courage to go through that again.” &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090520_9e326638721bcae722ab1e86d76aa536132b2eb9e9322bc6fd3616d1d0693e25.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250501090520_9e326638721bcae722ab1e86d76aa536132b2eb9e9322bc6fd3616d1d0693e25" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> <figcaption>187 houses were destroyed and five people were killed, in Panauti's Ward 12. </figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_dc37a55035b9a160c48fea0e09e4745f8fdcdddf08021aff3a52efd162dc829b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250501090524_dc37a55035b9a160c48fea0e09e4745f8fdcdddf08021aff3a52efd162dc829b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> </figure>  For residents of Ward 12 in Panauti, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/a-flood-of-tears-on-the-rosi">the flood seven months ago</a> is still etched in their memories. The unprecedented precipitation killed 224 people across the country, 32 of them just in Panauti. Five people were killed in Gurung’s neighbourhood where 187 houses were destroyed. The floods also destroyed <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-first-hydropower-from-a-glacial-lake">hydropower plants</a>, slashing Nepal’s generation capacity by half, and damaged parts of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-needs-wildlife-friendly-highways">national highways</a>. About 25km of the BP Highway was washed away, and the temporary road is along the riverbed. This monsoon, the highway will have to be closed. &nbsp; “If I were alone, I would have stayed home and let the flood and landslide take me away,” says another Ward 12 resident, Jamuna Biswakarma. “I ran for the sake of my family and my 10-day-old granddaughter.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_a4b5d3bdf31b9433789a041eab51c89bd3d11a5373749a5fcd40321b55765a1a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250501090524_a4b5d3bdf31b9433789a041eab51c89bd3d11a5373749a5fcd40321b55765a1a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> <figcaption>Jamuna Biswakarma is dreading the coming monsoon season. She has not received any compensation from the government or crusher companies for the damage to her house.</figcaption> </figure>  Locals here did not just lose loved ones or their homes: many also lost their livelihoods. On a recent visit, Sangita Pariyar was pleading with the ward chair for a sewing machine. “A machine would help me earn a living. I could repay my loan and pay for the school admission of my children,” she said. Pariyar and her husband had been running a tailoring shop in Ward 12. They had a decent income and were planning to expand their business. But the flood washed away everything: the shop, sewing machines, cash saved for Dasain, new clothes for sale, and some crucial documents. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_18f5df73e621426c5a8d3509fd0d6b910d843ff9ddd1ed6262da512638470ff7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20250501090524_18f5df73e621426c5a8d3509fd0d6b910d843ff9ddd1ed6262da512638470ff7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> <figcaption>Sangita Pariyar and her husband ran a tailoring business, and were planning to expand before the flood washed away everything, including their sewing machines.</figcaption> </figure>  Much of the death and damage was due to the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/politicians-and-cronies-blamed-for-kavre-floods">unchecked operation of stone quarries and crusher companies</a> in the catchment of Rosi, and much less with heavy monsoon rains. There are 25 crusher and mining companiesin the Rosi catchment—many of them illegal—extracting sand, stones and gravel to feed the capital’s construction boom. This makes the slopes and river bed very unstable and greatly increases the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/a-disaster-resilient-nepal-is-possible">risk of landslides and floods</a>. A government report has recommended shutting down some of the mining and crusher operations in the area. Some were running without registration, and others were not adhering to guidelines. According to Standards on Extraction, Sale and Management of Stones, Pebbles, and Sand (2020), such plants must be situated 2km away from any settlements. But that was not followed near the Rosi, and mining operations have resumed.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241007131020_c55becabe58855ee897cacf411e0889923bd699b07d563444f16c009362ed50e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20241007131020_c55becabe58855ee897cacf411e0889923bd699b07d563444f16c009362ed50e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi flood"> <figcaption>Panauti and the Rosi watershed area, taken from Google Maps in May 2024.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_a9e458cf15367c4b3038c9ac5dad6bd87a05bd962bfdc256e43cb3ca25b1131e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20250501090524_a9e458cf15367c4b3038c9ac5dad6bd87a05bd962bfdc256e43cb3ca25b1131e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> <figcaption> The damage of the record-breaking rainfall on 28-29 September 2024 was amplified by stone crushing operations on the Rosi Khola.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_46cc1011c451a14e4dca455c31ebb7f560d599d3b45dfc301e964f18fc30d253.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20250501090524_46cc1011c451a14e4dca455c31ebb7f560d599d3b45dfc301e964f18fc30d253" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> </figure>  Residents along the riverbanks had long feared that these industries would trigger disasters. “The operators of these mines and crushers are powerful and influential people. We had protested to stop them, but who listens to ordinary people like us?” asks Biswakarma.&nbsp; Some locals are now building shelters while others have sold their land and have moved elsewhere, fearing more disaster as<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/abnormal-rise-in-monsoon-lightning-in-nepal"> pre-monsoon storms</a> lash the mountains. “My neighbours have started building temporary houses, but I don’t have the money,” says Gurung. “If the floods come, we could climb the slopes for safety, but now there is the danger of landslides too. How are we supposed to get through this monsoon?”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_bbc1bc045596f615659a8361109d837b4ff9ab56925c6c64aa6eed2adbc7e683.jpg" data-media-id="editor_16" data-image-id="20250501090524_bbc1bc045596f615659a8361109d837b4ff9ab56925c6c64aa6eed2adbc7e683" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> <figcaption>Many of the houses damaged in the floods last year, like this one, are yet to be constructed. Most do not have the money to rebuild.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250501090524_1b238fa1d116ae12c48f78843043518a1077acda052c8c91641517298efbc8b4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_17" data-image-id="20250501090524_1b238fa1d116ae12c48f78843043518a1077acda052c8c91641517298efbc8b4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Rosi Panauti nepal floods NT 1"> </figure>  Ward chair Jaya Ram KC says that there are preparations to reduce the risk of floods and landslides this monsoon season. Flood control measures are also planned along the Rosi to protect Ward 12.&nbsp; But locals are still haunted by the trauma of last September and do not feel prepared at all. They say <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-flood-survivors-still-waiting-for-relief">they have received no support</a>, not from the government, nor from the illegal stone quarries and crushers which are again operating with impunity. Says Jamuna Biswakarma: “We are living with uncertainty and anxiety about the rains. Will anyone be held accountable for our suffering this time?” In collaboration with Sajira Shrestha.&nbsp; <div class="embed-block"><iframe width="750" height="400" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/RTU5IUw6A_w?si=bUK1M6ePu3q0zCHL" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen></iframe></div>

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Before the next monsoon

Rajesh Humagain lives by the Rosi River in Panauti, directly downstream from a quarry company. His was one of many houses swept away by the deadly mudflow on 28 September. The flash flood last month was not the first time stone mining has caused problems for Humagain and other residents of this village 40km east of Kathmandu. They have protested unregulated quarrying and sand mining on the river that has caused sedimentation and springs going dry downstream.&nbsp; “When it rained, the debris that had piled up in the quarries was swept down in a wall of mud that took away my house and everything I own,” says Humagain, who now rents a single room in Panauti town.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031116_c5205455f0fd42af5c3048a5a1cffd46fe7eccd045591ed09fa06c34156fd66a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241109031116_c5205455f0fd42af5c3048a5a1cffd46fe7eccd045591ed09fa06c34156fd66a" data-rendition-name="original" width="2166" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT"> </figure>  Before the flood, boulders would fall on houses below, and dust clouds from the crushers that produced aggregates to feed Kathmandu’s construction would shroud the village. The air would be thickly polluted in an otherwise pristine valley. “The rain was very heavy, but these mines and crushers made the destruction much more serious,” Humagain says, while his neighbours nod in agreement. The quarry is owned by Bhaleswar Roda Dhunga Udyog and its directors Rabi Shrestha and Ramhari KC. It started operating in 2022, and because it provides locals with employment many people we approached were reluctant to talk.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_cae205269705aa8e60c3e33ccdcd2204360f68280fba701efbcfa52988ebf658.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241109031112_cae205269705aa8e60c3e33ccdcd2204360f68280fba701efbcfa52988ebf658" data-rendition-name="original" width="1333" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> <figcaption>Tipper trucks owned by crusher companies were swept away along with homes, roads and bridges along the Rosi.</figcaption> </figure>  Humagain himself was a tripper operator for a decade at Diamond Roda Dhunga Udhyog, another crusher company nearby. He ferried aggregates to Kathmandu every night. Now, most of the quarry has been swept away, and all that is left are overturned trucks, earth-movers and equipment scattered about. A mudslide also destroyed Rajesh Khatri’s house and shop near the quarry, and his family is now a refugee in the town. “The mines and the crushers are entirely responsible for our plight,” he tells us, looking over his shoulder to see if anyone is within earshot. The flood swept away 500 houses and killed 20 people in Panauti Municipality alone. Farmers lost 2,000 livestock, and paddy ready for harvest was destroyed. Downstream along the Rosi, dozens more were killed. Across central Nepal, nearly 200 people were killed.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_09c6e62f9bb53ac993b0216646b0c2bc09f64c8b53420fe3d86a0bf81d58731c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241109031112_09c6e62f9bb53ac993b0216646b0c2bc09f64c8b53420fe3d86a0bf81d58731c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1334" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> </figure>  The Rosi River had also flooded in 1981, but there had not been nearly as much damage and the river’s course did not change. Last month, the river flowed through towns and streets.&nbsp; In the village of Bhaleswar, the river now flows through a gaping hole in Kumar Tamang’s house, cutting through what used to be his farm. “We have been living by the Rosi for generations, but never once had the river ever caused us such grief,” says Tamang, looking forlornly at an overturned tanker truck that washed up on what used to be his doorstep from a stone quarry upstream. Section 11 of Nepal’s Standards Related to the Sale and Management of Stone, Gravel, and Sand Excavation 2020 states that crusher companies must operate at a distance of 2km from residential areas.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_2ec425286997c5f75e6d43e8e6a6c5cbf17d9bfe55899518fbddcb9bb87f34ce.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241109031112_2ec425286997c5f75e6d43e8e6a6c5cbf17d9bfe55899518fbddcb9bb87f34ce" data-rendition-name="original" width="720" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> <figcaption>Quarries along the Rosi River in Khusadevi.</figcaption> </figure>  It is clear from this trip that the law has been openly flouted, which would not be possible without collusion of local government. The mountains above Ramesh Khatri’s house have been gouged out by bulldozers, and rocks used to fall on his house frequently. “And the constant noise from the crushing equipment was unbearable,” he said.&nbsp; When the village became unliveable, Khatri’s family—like many others in his village of Kharkhola—sold the land to the quarry company for Rs6 million. But that was just on paper. The company agreed to pay the money within a year, but so far Khatri has only received a Rs1.6 million advance.&nbsp; “They have taken away our land documents and used them to obtain bank loans to operate their mines and crushers, but are not paying us,” says Khatri. “What’s more, the owners are not even from here. We have not received the money, and the flood has made us homeless.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_8b9c2abaf5b68480ef228f5e6e3ef5b84918b2bf6b6f3ac53988dd4b453e84df.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241109031112_8b9c2abaf5b68480ef228f5e6e3ef5b84918b2bf6b6f3ac53988dd4b453e84df" data-rendition-name="original" width="1572" height="1502" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_18a76189ac4a58707948e5322853385116da9b0ffcca08447b8961e19cb4c940.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241109031112_18a76189ac4a58707948e5322853385116da9b0ffcca08447b8961e19cb4c940" data-rendition-name="original" width="737" height="879" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_58291bd307770c1a5e4427eb17a55a6cc91d8ff1ce5aa66505fee09778731ec8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241109031112_58291bd307770c1a5e4427eb17a55a6cc91d8ff1ce5aa66505fee09778731ec8" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1274" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> <figcaption>Government documents bearing the names of the owners of the quarries in Rosi and Panauti.</figcaption> </figure>  The Khatri and Humagain families have been complaining about the unregulated mines for the last two decades, but no one has listened. Says another Bhaleswar resident Dinesh Gurung: “The mining companies are owned by powerful people so our problems and pleas have fallen on deaf ears.” Section 11 of the guidelines also stipulates that highways must be given a right of way of 500m from quarries. But the Nangsal Dhunga Roda Udyog had damaged the BP Highway even before the floods and was documented two years ago by the Kavre District Coordination Committee. The report blames the industry for not following directives to reduce &nbsp;dust and debris produced by its quarry and crushers, as well as to level the ground after excavation.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031116_52841444209c5ddfbae4bf400070bc48e9c448dabf304d188cc5d2476fddb5e1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20241109031116_52841444209c5ddfbae4bf400070bc48e9c448dabf304d188cc5d2476fddb5e1" data-rendition-name="original" width="2166" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT"> </figure>  Nangsal was registered at the Kavre Office of Cottage and Small Industries in 2009 and after federalism also registered with the Kavre District Coordination Committee to operate a crusher unit. Documents from the Cottage and Small Industries office show that two of the company’s directors are Bagmati Province Minister for Water Supply, Energy and Irrigation Tirtha Bahadur Lama from the governing Nepali Congress (NC) and Grande International Hospital Chair Deepak Kunwar. The third director is Sujan Lama. Grande Hospital Chair Deepak Kunwar is also a shareholder of SM Baluwa Dhunga Udyog which has been operating since 2015. Kunwar joined company directors Maheshwar Gautam and Sulabh Karki as a shareholder in 2021. The NC’s Ganesh Lama, who has a fearsome reputation here, is also the owner of Om Satya Sai Stone Crusher Udyog on the banks of the Rosi near the densely populated village of Kutunge right off the BP Highway that connects Kathmandu to eastern Nepal.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_6069bafb88696aa694334a04a3c01ed9c1c5d5eda3c5690068f21e3c85fa549e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20241109031112_6069bafb88696aa694334a04a3c01ed9c1c5d5eda3c5690068f21e3c85fa549e" data-rendition-name="original" width="400" height="500" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> <figcaption>(Clockwise) Bagmati Province Water Supply Minister Tirtha Bahadur Lama, Bagmati Province Health Minister Kiran Thapa Magar, NC leader Ganesh Lama, and Grande International Hospital Chair Deepak Kunwar are among those who own mining and crusher companies in Kavre.</figcaption> </figure>  Lama’s company is only licensed to operate a crusher, but has also been sand mining without a permit. Debris and other waste material produced by the crushers and the mine were piled high by the river when the floods came.&nbsp; Bagmati Province Health Minister Kiran Thapa along with Sur Krishna Vaidya and Govardhan Shrestha are owners of another company, the Kaldhunga Aggregate in Kaldhunga village. Thapa has since sold his shares to Rabi Shrestha, but an official change of ownership has not been registered, and documents still list Thapa as a director. Thapa told us he had sold his shares and the quarrying had been going on in an unregulated manner. He said: “As Health Minister, I myself inspected the Rosi damage after the flood, and saw the destruction. The local government has been awarding contracts purely to increase its tax revenue without any monitoring. But the damage from the flood is far more than the revenue will ever be.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109041144_1c30037b60694522884f75f695bbf2c520e930320442c5f969a7b047a19c3346.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20241109041144_1c30037b60694522884f75f695bbf2c520e930320442c5f969a7b047a19c3346" data-rendition-name="original" width="1777" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT"> </figure>  Former Ward Chair Pravin Lama of Kavre’s Temal Rural Municipality owns three mining and crusher companies with various partners in Rosi Rural Municipality. His Gauri Shankar Roda Dhunga Udyog, Jay Nepal Suppliers, and Mangal Roda Dhunga Udyog have all been found to be operating in violation of mining and excavating guidelines. They don’t have proper permits from the rural municipality, and financial or other relevant details of these companies have not been made available to local governments. Excavation debris was just dumped along the Rosi banks, and Mangal Roda Dhunga Udyog was found to have exceeded its permitted volume.&nbsp; In total, there are 46 stone quarries and crushers on the banks of the Rosi in Panauti and Rosi Municipalities. All had been found to have violated existing mining guidelines and laws even before the floods last month.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109031112_87182a3f9aefd14673125c734790be95c98e97dd0d837c31beccf26a42e993c4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20241109031112_87182a3f9aefd14673125c734790be95c98e97dd0d837c31beccf26a42e993c4" data-rendition-name="original" width="2049" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods NT "> </figure>  A monitoring report by the Kavre District Coordination Committee two years ago had concluded that quarries and crushers did not have proper permits and did not fully comply with the laws, resulting in over-mining. The report stated that waste material from the mines had been poorly managed, excavation areas had not been mapped and relevant registration and accounting documents of operational mines and quarries were nowhere to be found. The monitoring committee subsequently recommended that the local government close down unlicensed mines that had been operating on public and private land without permit. But the municipality did not heed the directive, nor did other government agencies. Impunity is rife, and mine and quarry operators openly admit to violating standards. Most are said to have powerful protectors in local wards, municipalities and provincial councils. One crusher operator told us: “Most of the mines and quarries here have been running like this even after their licences expired. It is just the way it is done here and everywhere. The local government is letting this happen because they only care about the revenue.” &nbsp;&nbsp;

Politicians and cronies blamed for Kavre floods

<figure><img width="720" height="480" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101116/636b70889c7e80680e060081jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>A scene from students' protest in Kathmandu following the death of Dilip Mahato. Photo: BIKRAM RAI </figcaption></figure>This week, in a crime that shocked the nation, a young engineering student was killed and his body crushed with a tipper truck for opposing a sand-mining contractor in Dhanusha.Just 24 years old, Om Prakash (‘Dilip’) Mahato had come home from college in Bhopal in India. He was incensed about how the Churiyamai Crusher Industry was illegally extracting sand and boulders from the Aurahi River under cover of darkness. The contractor Bipin Mahato had threatened the boy’s father three days previously, saying he would kill him for trying to ruin his business. Before dawn on a fog-bound morning last Friday, Dilip heard earth-moving vehicles near the farm and went to inspect. He was attacked with an iron rod, and killed by contractor Bipin Mahato. To make it look like an accident, his body was then run over by tipper driver Munindra Mahato and Jitendra Mahato.Police have reportedly extracted confessions from all four of the accused, and taken them into custody. The contractor has owned up to impaling Dilip with the sharp end of an iron rod, and the tipper driver has confessed to running over the body.The hopes of Dilip’s farming family was on this hard-working and idealistic young man who was about to graduate. He leaves behind six sisters, ailing parents and a grandfather. As has <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/crushing-tale-of-Chure">often been reported in this paper</a> and in investigative reports in <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/Chure,3829">other Nepali language media</a>, the appropriately named ‘Crusher’ industry is run by a mafia enjoying political protection from local, district and provincial administrations. Most have strong ties to political parties, with some being wholly or partly owned by those holding office. While activists who have exposed illegal sand mining have often been threatened and silenced in the past, this is the first time that someone opposed to unlawful extraction from rivers has been executed by the quarry mafia. It speaks volumes about the state of impunity in Nepal today that the perpetrators were convinced they could get away with it. Having politicians, the security apparatus and the courts in their pockets, they think they can literally get away with murder. The crime exposes the criminalisation of politics and the politicisation of crime in federal Nepal, where instead of devolving political power, it is wrongdoing that has been decentralised in the past two years..What an irony that the contractor had named his ‘crusher’ company after Churiyamai, the goddess protector of the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19811#.XhwHdS2Q0Wo">Chure Hills</a>. This southernmost wrinkle of the Himalayan range that rises from the plains does not have bedrock beneath, but sand, boulders and topsoil. The Chure covers 12% of the country and stretches from east to west, spanning 36 districts. The 200 rivers that originate here are dry most of the year, but turn into raging torrents in the monsoonOnce the trees are cut on a Chure slope, there is nothing to hold the soil together and it is eroded very quickly by rain. The sediment is then swept downstream to the Tarai, raising river beds and making floods worse. Indiscriminate logging, illegal sand and boulder mining has ravaged the Chure, especially in the east-central Tarai.The devastating <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/monsoon-2019-deluge/">floods last year</a> and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Flood-on-the-border-Nepal-India,3915">in 2017</a> in Rautahat and eastwards, was caused by extreme rainfall, but it was exacerbated by haphazard embankment building and the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/Madhesi-parties-disappoint-in-the-aftermath-of-flood,1009">extraction of sand and boulders</a> from rivers which increased the velocity of their flow.This wanton destruction of the Chure in the hands of a politico-criminal nexus puts more than 10 million Nepali plains-dwellers and many more millions downstream in India <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/development-destruction/">at risk of floods</a>.And then sugarcane farmers were in the capital’s Mandala after failing to be paid by factory owners for the cane they supplied. After being given the runaround, they brought their case to the streets of the capital. They camped out in the winter rain for several days, and the government finally signed an agreement with the farmers, assuring them that factory owners would clear their dues by 21 January.The nefarious nexus between business and government means they scratch each other’s backs, and it is very likely that this agreement will never be implemented, just like all previous ones. The farmers’ agitation has already dropped off the media headlines, so the sugar barons will try to ride this one out, and like in the past the government’s promised subsidy to farmers will never reach them. The Province 2 government belatedly said on Monday it will close all illegal ‘crushers’, but the proof of the pudding in Nepal is always in the eating.Any surprise then that the incompetent men who tolerate these injustices will not allow their own comrade, Shivamaya Tumbahangphe, to take over as Speaker. Instead, they are pushing the candidacy of Agni Sapkota, who is accused of a war crime.

Crushers of justice

This year, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/quo-vadis-un-80-9vthn7mg">United Nations is marking its 80th anniversary</a> and it is being celebrated with special events across the world to commemorate its establishment on 24 October 1945. It has also been 75 years since the first UN adviser, the Swiss geologist Toni Hagen, was sent to Nepal to explore development opportunities. In 1950, there were no roads and Hagen walked on foot across the length and breadth of Nepal’s mountains, valleys and plains. This year also marks the 60th anniversary of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in Nepal, and much of Hagen’s work laid the basis for the UN’s involvement in education, health, and connectivity in Nepal’s future development. Despite frequent changes in government and political system, Nepal has made remarkable progress. The poverty rate has gone down by half in the past 30 years to 20.27% of the population. Much of it has to do with remittances from Nepalis working overseas, but it is also a result of the Nepal government’s investment in education, health care and social welfare.&nbsp; There have been special initiatives like the Prime Minister’s Employment Program that have provided jobs to nearly 800,000 people in the country’s 743 municipalities — especially in those areas with lower Human Development Index (HDI) like the far-west and the Tarai.&nbsp; This year’s HDI report by UNDP shows that Nepal’s score had risen to 0.622, whereas it was only 0.404 in 1990. In the past 33 years, the average lifespan of Nepalis has risen by 15.6 years to 70.4 years, whereas it was only 54.8 in 1990. However, the country’s HDI ranking is still 145 among the world’s 193 countries. “Yes, there has been significant improvement in living standards in the past 60 years, road connectivity has improved, the maternal mortality rate has gone down dramatically, almost everyone has phones, there are schools,” says Saru Joshi of the thinktank Nepal Policy Institute. But, she adds: “It is still difficult to get citizenship papers, especially in the name of the mother, and this has excluded many women from banking services, inheritance. After all our progress in physical infrastructure, Nepal now needs to prioritise inclusive social development.”&nbsp; Some of this is also happening. Eighteen years ago, Nabaraj Subedi, 49, of a village in Baglung decided not to join his peers &nbsp;fleeing the Maoist conflict to find work overseas. He invested Rs500,000 to buy a diesel generator and start a small furniture business.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251024071044_eeef308e19a73de507a425b2c6afc47269884549cf4c8fac07ca9a4898c8e031.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251024071044_eeef308e19a73de507a425b2c6afc47269884549cf4c8fac07ca9a4898c8e031" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Nawaraj Subedi"> <figcaption>Nawaraj Subedi, 49, proprietor of Tarakhola Furniture Factory. </figcaption> </figure>  Today, with the installation of the 380 kilowatt small hydroelectric plant, he does not need to depend on his unreliable generator to power his equipment anymore. There is now a road connecting his village, and Subedi has generated local jobs, opened a sales branch in the city, and gets orders from as far away as Pokhara and Chitwan. “My costs have gone down drastically because of the electricity, and sales have gone up because of the road connecting my furniture to markets. My business has expanded,” Subedi says. Back in 1960 in a report he prepared for the Nepal government on behalf of the United Nations, Toni Hagen had emphasised just this: investing in electricity generation and connectivity to uplift the remote rural areas of Nepal.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251024081024_188ab121dc3cf2816ee71a72cb3687493eda37ab99ecc04802d647c8c9b4cd2d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251024081024_188ab121dc3cf2816ee71a72cb3687493eda37ab99ecc04802d647c8c9b4cd2d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Tarakhola Furniture Factory"> <figcaption>Subedi's staff at the Tarakhola Furniture Factory.</figcaption> </figure>  Subedi’s furniture factory gets its electricity from the nearby Tarakhola Hydropower, a company set up eight years ago with financial and technical support from UNDP’s Renewable Energy for Rural Livelihood (RERL) project. &nbsp; “The project completely transformed living standards in this village,” says municipality chair Dhan Bahadur BK. “It has helped create jobs locally, there is now money to invest in education and healthcare. Households can pay their electricity fees electronically through smart billing.”&nbsp; After working with the government on rural electrification, UNDP is focussed on using that power for local employment creation. A women’s group, for example, has bought an electric-powered potato processing machine that can produce chips.&nbsp; “We are 12 of us mothers, daughters, daughters-in-law who process, package and market the potato that we grow ourselves, and it has raised our income,” says Sukmaya Roka, 57, who chairs the group.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251024071044_70b22418699178bcdd0abb0aa308796980ecd29634bcda6ff113a7624e709751.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251024071044_70b22418699178bcdd0abb0aa308796980ecd29634bcda6ff113a7624e709751" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Sukamaya Roka"> <figcaption>Sukamaya Roka, 57, chair of Sipa Aalu Chips Utpadan Samuha from Tarakhola Rural Municipality, Baglung. </figcaption> </figure>  Today, 6.1 million households in Nepal (92.2% of total) have electricity in their homes, up from 17.9% 30 years ago. Access to electricity has not just brought lights to homes, but improved everything from productivity, quality of education, healthcare and phone connectivity.&nbsp; “To see what electricity and roads can do, just look at our municipality,” says chair Dhan Bahadur BK, “citizens have become more self-reliant, more aware of the outside world.”&nbsp; NETTLES INTO CASH&nbsp; Just a little bit of training, resource backup and local empowerment can uplift the living standards of Nepalis. The progress made in harvesting abundantly-available allo (nettles) and turning it into household products is an example. When a landslide swept away his home and farm in a flood 40 years ago, Buddhi Purja of Parbat became destitute. But he took part in a government training program supported by UNDP and Australia to harvest the wild nettles that grew on mountain slopes and turn the fabric into bags.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251024071048_56c440c478dffbc13911369b6f4133baf658cc3667773cdb44b7c40e006463ce.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20251024071048_56c440c478dffbc13911369b6f4133baf658cc3667773cdb44b7c40e006463ce" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Rhitu Saugat Handicraft"> <figcaption>A worker at Rhitu Saugat Handicraft making a bag out of nettles.</figcaption> </figure>  “After the landslide, we had to go hungry if we did not get a day job,” Purja recalls, “but after this training we have found that we can turn nettles into cash.” His allo bags are now hanging in tourist shops in Pokhara Lakeside and Thamel.&nbsp; The idea that nettles can be processed into useful fabric has not spread across the country, and new ecologically conscious consumers in Europe and elsewhere now import Made in Nepal nettle products.&nbsp; Purja started out with an investment of Rs500,000, and had a Rs20 million business that employed 25 workers. The Covid crisis in 2020 affected the sales, but Purja has recovered from it, sent his daughter off to study abroad, and is thinking of diversifying his product range.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251024071044_ab6d15abcbb9a643e12a384f4bc488b7e210a8c95303fbe1b2f77716d26eede9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20251024071044_ab6d15abcbb9a643e12a384f4bc488b7e210a8c95303fbe1b2f77716d26eede9" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Buddi Purja"> <figcaption>Buddi Purja, proprietor of Rhitu Saugat Handicraft in Pokhara.</figcaption> </figure>  While UNDP’s project has made successful businessmen out of people like Purja, nationwide it has created 187,000 jobs in rural medium-scale industries. Much of what has worked in Nepal has been at the community level with decentralised projects like these that use the entrepreneurship of people like Buddhi Purja, Navaraj Subedi, and Sukmaya Roka. It is tantalising to imagine how much more progress Nepal would have made if their work could be replicated nationside and upscaled to the state-level.

Think locally, invest locally

Public anxiety about immigration has become a powerful political currency across many liberal democracies. In Australia, as elsewhere, legitimate concerns about housing and economic fairness can be, and increasingly are exploited by anti-democratic actors who frame migration not as a policy issue but as a cultural threat.&nbsp;
When these narratives move from online spaces to public rallies, they do more than divide opinion; they erode the social trust and pluralism on which democracy depends. Understanding how populist and far-right movements weaponise migration debates is crucial to recognising the early challenging signs of liberal democracy.
Immigration has become one of the most politically charged issues in Australia, not only because of the numbers but because of its entanglement with cost-of-living pressures, housing shortages, and rent spikes.&nbsp;
The latest Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) <a href="https://www.unimelb.edu.au/newsroom/news/2025/september/how-we-live-latest-hilda-data-gives-insight-into-a-changing-australia">data</a> shows rising household financial stress as Australian households spending more on rent and income tax. These changes likely reflect a mix of economic and policy factors but create a lot of room for people to hold inaccurate and occasionally contradictory attitudes on these issues.&nbsp;
While net overseas migration has started to decline from its post-pandemic peak, public concern remains high, amplified by populist rhetoric. Some surveys have <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2025/feb/04/australians-want-less-migration-but-oppose-cutting-international-student-numbers-study-finds">revealed</a> a nuanced picture: most Australians want lower migration overall but oppose cutting international student numbers, and support targeted skilled migration to address workforce gaps.&nbsp;
As former Home Affairs Minister Clare O’Neil <a href="https://minister.homeaffairs.gov.au/ClareONeil/Pages/how-australia-broke-its-migration-system.aspx">argued</a> in 2023, Australia’s migration system is “broken and un-strategic”, not delivering for business, for migrants, or for the larger population. This is a situation that frustrates both sides of the debate and makes immigration an easy political flashpoint.
The recent <a href="https://marchforaustralia.org/">March for Australia</a> rallies turned these anxieties into street-level mobilisation. Tens of thousands <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/czjmre371l1o">protested</a> at what they called ‘mass immigration’, while far-right groups seized the opportunity to inject xenophobic slogans and calls for ‘remigration’ into the public space. These demonstrations were not only about visa caps or housing and jobs; they became performances of who is entitled to belong.&nbsp;
When immigration is framed not as a policy question but as a cultural test of Australianness, it risks shrinking the demos, the very community that democracy is meant to represent.
What made the March for Australia so striking was not only its size but its composition. Recent investigative reporting <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/victoria/don-t-mention-hitler-and-you-re-sweet-the-great-march-for-australia-deception-20250909-p5mtlc.html">revealed</a> that neo-Nazi groups were not merely present at the March for Australia rallies but played a role in covertly organising them. They amplified messaging online, coordinated attendance, and sought to mask their involvement to broaden appeal.&nbsp;
This highlights that democratic erosion is rarely spontaneous; it requires actors who deliberately exploit social grievances, mistrust, and polarisation to mobilise anger for their anti-democratic ends. The banners reading ‘<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/sep/01/how-do-i-feel-safe-after-march-for-australia-anti-immigration-protest-ntwnfb">Stop Immigration</a>’ revealed that public hostility towards migrants, <a href="https://www.afr.com/politics/federal/pressure-mounts-for-price-to-apologise-to-indian-australians-20250908-p5mt7x">particularly</a> from the Indo-Pacific, is growing.
For many migrants, these displays are more than conceptual debates about white national identity. They are experienced emotionally. Writing shortly after the rallies, Melbourne-based writer Jafrin Kabir <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/sep/01/how-do-i-feel-safe-after-march-for-australia-anti-immigration-protest-ntwnfb">reflected</a> that she had never felt so foreign on Australian soil. She pays taxes and inflated rents, contributes skills in the national interest, cheers for the Tillies and calls Melbourne “home”, yet suddenly felt unsafe because of the origin and colour of her skin.&nbsp;
Similarly, Chinese national interviewed by media outlet <a href="https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3325127/i-feel-insecure-chinese-nationals-australia-blindsided-anti-immigration-marches">reported</a> cancelling weekend plans and feeling “blindsided” by the scale of the marches.
Scapegoating migrants especially in times of economic stress is an age-old phenomenon and is not just limited to Australia. Across the democratic world, from the United States to the UK and parts of Europe, hostility toward migrants and minorities has become a route for anti-democratic forces. Populist actors often <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2025/mar/27/peter-dutton-keeps-blaming-migration-for-the-housing-crisis-but-can-it-really-be-that-simple">use</a> cultural anxiety and demographic change to justify illiberal and undemocratic measures, claiming to restore order while actually dismantling checks and balances.
By analysing democratic decay, scholars like Lydia Khalil at the Lowy Institute, <a href="https://interactives.lowyinstitute.org/features/democratic-erosion/">argue</a> that democracies rarely break down at once. Instead, they incrementally weaken through vicious cycles: declining trust in institutions, entrenched division based on hate, the normalisation of political violence, and the bit by bit removal of norms and guardrails.&nbsp;
Though some of the conditions are present in Australia to be exploited by anti-democratic actors, for example, almost two-thirds of Australians believe their leaders intentionally mislead them, according to the <a href="https://www.edelman.com/au/trust/2025/trust-barometer">2025 Edelman Trust Barometer</a>, &nbsp;but their presence is not determinative.
Australia’s democratic guardrails remain strong: independent courts, transparent elections run by the AEC, and a free press continue to hold power to account. Federalism and active civil society further diffuse power and create space for contestation.&nbsp;
But if public trust continues to erode and social divisions deepen, these safeguards will come under strain. Early recognition and action are crucial to ensure that today’s street-level hostilities do not translate into institutional regression.
Preventing such outcome requires a socially embedded understanding of migration, an understanding that goes beyond simplistic optimistic and pessimistic views. Policy makers should go beyond Push-Pull models, functionalist and neoclassical and historical-structural theories.&nbsp;
Consulting the work done by <a href="https://www.guilford.com/books/The-Age-of-Migration/Haas-Castles-Miller/9781462542895#:~:text=International%20Population%20Movements%20in%20the%20Modern%20World,-Hein%20de%20Haas">Hein de Haas</a> et-el, migration should be conceptualised as an intrinsic part of broader processes of development, social transformation and globalisation rather than a 'problem to be solved'. We need more nuanced views that have an eye for the complexity of migration processes and the diversity of its causes and impacts.
Sohail Akhtar is a Melbourne- based researcher focusing on governance, public policy, and migration. He contributes to Lowy Institute Sydney.
This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from <a href="https://toda.org/global-outlook/2025/is-street-level-hostility-a-challenge-to-liberal-democracy-reflections-from-australia.html">the original</a> with their permission.

Is street-level hostility a challenge to liberal democracy?

Imagine a high-end fair trade tea brand from Nepal that has done everything right, with ethical sourcing practices and international certifications. It has built a loyal base of socially conscious, premium customers in an export market and focuses on quality over quantity. Then one day, a government in the export market introduces a new ‘listing criteria’ that requires exporting a certain amount of tea to at least three countries in the past five years. But this was never a numbers game, it was about a niche market of socially responsible tea lovers. Suddenly, fair trade tea companies are restricted from exporting tea to that country. Pretty unfair for the company, for consumers, for the tea sector. More importantly, for tea farmers and families benefiting from fair standards. The overseas labour industry is facing a similar risk as recruiters, including those that have adopted ethical standards, may soon be barred from finding workers for Malaysia. On 27 October, the Malaysian Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent letters to five countries including Nepal, Bangladesh, Burma, Pakistan and India to ‘rationalise the number of licensed private recruitment agencies permitted to facilitate recruitment and placement of workers to Malaysia’.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251030141040_050274dddc6cf10224b0ad9283eec7b3bc3c0acd650543a808a8ea473ecf40db.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251030141040_050274dddc6cf10224b0ad9283eec7b3bc3c0acd650543a808a8ea473ecf40db" data-rendition-name="original" width="961" height="1135" loading="lazy" alt="Malaysia recruitment"></figure>  The letter includes 10 criteria for private recruiting agencies including at least five years of operating experience, deployment of 3,000 workers in the past three years of operation, experience sending workers to at least three countries, a 10,000 sq m office maintained for three years, valid licenses and good conduct certificates, five employer testimonials, and operating their own training and accommodation centres. Two conditions stand out as potentially harmful to Nepal’s ethical recruitment movement. First, although the letter cites a minimum of 3,000 workers, it says three years in the heading and five in the body text. A big enough difference to affect a significant number of recruiters from making the cut, but problematic regardless. Second, the requirement to send workers to at least three countries disproportionately impacts responsible recruiters in Nepal and elsewhere. Turning the selection of workers into a numbers game is dehumanising. Responsible recruiters deprioritise volume, focus on quality of jobs even when business sustainability comes under threat as ethical opportunities that do not require workers to pay any feed and ensure greater transparency are difficult to come by. Sending workers is further impacted by a series of external shocks. For example, in the Malaysian context Nepal banned emigration to Malaysia for two years followed by the Covid pandemic, and then Malaysia’s decision to stop the intake of foreign workers for the last two years.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251030141040_b1b88b3ae2e94c6bc077529ac6f2a4e380a385ee9a22219edfed25067c9d25a1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251030141040_b1b88b3ae2e94c6bc077529ac6f2a4e380a385ee9a22219edfed25067c9d25a1" data-rendition-name="original" width="595" height="841" loading="lazy" alt="Malaysia recruitment"></figure>   <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251030141040_2cf252908d18aaf09c875002eef2d92ab45897a56b560addd2dc02311725c8a7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251030141040_2cf252908d18aaf09c875002eef2d92ab45897a56b560addd2dc02311725c8a7" data-rendition-name="original" width="590" height="238" loading="lazy" alt="Malaysia recruitment"></figure>  Many ethical recruiters have focused on Malaysia because it is a more common labour market for responsible recruitment than other destinations like the Gulf. There is no credible justification to why responsible recruiters well regarded by scores of Malaysia-based multinational companies and with decades of experience should be ‘disqualified’ for not diversifying. Finding jobs for Nepalis in new markets is difficult given fierce competition, challenges identifying companies which follow the employer-pays principle, lack of networks and shortcomings in marketing strategies. These factors hit responsible recruiters harder because profit-motivated employers are often unwilling to cover the costs and fees associated with workers’ recruitment. “The volume of deployment does not determine a recruiter’s capability or the quality of services provided,” says Sujit Shrestha of the Nepal Association of Foreign Employment Agencies (NAFEA). Nepal recently scrapped the licensing renewal requirement that mandated sending at least 100 workers a year as it was impractical. The new Malaysian criteria is similar in nature, he added. The ball is now in Nepal’s court at a time when the interim government does not even have designated heads in the Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of Labour, Employment Employment and Social Security. When rumours about the Malaysian action started circulating, NAFEA had raised the issue, but was assured that this was not an attempt to set up a syndicate.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251030141044_83c8a174ef116603f747d1cd254c4d353e8b855a41fb99feec54e701f5fc4c3f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251030141044_83c8a174ef116603f747d1cd254c4d353e8b855a41fb99feec54e701f5fc4c3f" data-rendition-name="original" width="3456" height="5184" loading="lazy" alt="Malaysia recruitment"></figure>  How will governments and recruiters in other origin countries now respond? There is precedence from Bangladesh. Dhaka-based journalist at the Daily Star, Porimol Palma who says, “Earlier, the Malaysian authorities had selected 101 Bangladeshi recruiters unilaterally, despite Bangladesh’s call for a syndicate-free recruitment mechanism.” Between 2022-2024, 450,000 Bangladeshis were recruited under this system with workers paying between $4,500 and $6,000, even though the legal limit was $750. Palma attributes part of the high fees workers had to pay were for commissions or bribes to recruitment syndicates. Adrian Pereira heads the North South Initiative in Malaysia says: “The criteria seems a bit fishy, as they do not appear to address the actual problems in the the recruitment of foreign workers. Some of the criteria seem to encourage a system of monopoly or syndicate rather than a rights-based approach. Every government has the right to set criteria for recruiters, but conventions and ILO (International Labour Organization) standards on recruitment exist. It looks like we’re back to square one.” Whether migrant origin countries including Bangladesh and Nepal accept the terms sent without reservations or push back in good faith remains to be seen. In an ideal world, a collective stance should put workers’ needs and welfare at the centre. How rational is the proposed ‘rationalising strategy’? What aspects of it are promising to curb recruitment abuse and what merits serious reconsideration? Even if the move from the Malaysian side is well-intentioned to address rampant malpractices migrant workers face, Nepal should deliberate on the conditions set, the collateral damage especially on the responsible actors and small but capable recruiters. Alternate options that might serve everyone better before rushing to respond with a chosen list by 15 November. If the proposal is accepted, how would it be done in a transparent and accountable way? It is noteworthy that Indonesia was not listed even though it has the most workers in Malaysia among the 16 countries that send migrants to Malaysia. The Responsible Business Alliance (RBA), the ILO, the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and certification programs like On the Level (OTL) also need to use their leverage to ensure that recruiters, including those they have trained or certified on ethical recruitment principles, are not penalised. This is more than just about protecting the ethical recruitment movement, but raising even more basic questions: Who can legally be a recruiter in Nepal? There are already obligations like hefty security deposit and minimum office requirements. But requirements to have building facilities with ‘accommodations’ or ‘testing centres’ are not among them. There are 1,150 plus players in Nepal’s recruitment sector, with a few hundred engaged in the Malaysian market. A unilateral selection criteria could risk foul play, or lead to unintended, unfavourable consequences. To be sure, overseas recruitment in Nepal is known for ‘settings’, corruption, dog-eat-dog competition, and collusion. The profiteering is out of control, often at the expense of workers. But the solution does not lie in stifling the industry with criteria like deployment volume, building worker accommodations or expanding office floors. The focus should instead be on enforcing rules and laws in both countries that govern the industry, and the Malaysian labour agreement that has not been renewed since October 2023. Meddling in the industry in ways that harms fair competition and ethical actors means workers suffer. The only issue that should be taking precedence is: how will Malaysia’s 10-point criteria and planned arrangement affect migrant workers? We have seen how for identical Malaysia-based jobs, one worker might pay zero while another pays up to Rs400,000, depending on the employer and recruiter. It is unclear if the 10-point selection criteria rewards the employer. As a longstanding host country for Nepali migrants, Malaysia deserves credit for nurturing the small but growing ethical recruitment industry here. Export-oriented companies in Malaysia need responsible recruitment partners and have mentored recruiters to strengthen their practices and move away from worker-paid models. The business case for ethical recruitment standards has led many recruiters in Nepal to pivot with many now in various stages of transition from traditional to hybrid or purely ethical practices. This progress needs to be acknowledged and built upon. Large, well-networked recruiters with large physical assets and high volume of workers seem to be the winners of Malaysia’s 10-point criteria after two years of waiting for the Malaysian market to reopen. Responsible recruiters endure long periods of minimal or no deployments that threatens their survival. The letter now sitting on the desk of the interim government in Nepal deepens the concern: rather than just failing to recognise or reward responsible recruiters, does the international recruitment market actually punish them? Upasana Khadka heads Migration Lab, a social enterprise aimed at making migration outcomes better for workers and their families. Labour Mobility is a regular column in Nepali Times.

Who gets to recruit for Malaysia?

Intricately painted Buddha, Aryatara, Krishna, and Parvati gaze serenely at visitors at the Kathmandu Art Gallery under muted amber lights. Moving from one artful devotion to the next, a quiet, profound connection to the divine envelopes the visitor. This transcends art to the realm of the spiritual. &nbsp; The gallery’s latest exhibition, Masters of Devotion, features art by 22 artists all from Bhaktapur. They also include Ajay Karmacharya, Purna Prasad Hyoju, Nhuche Kaji Bajracharya, Rajani Sinkhwal, Shashi Dhar Sainju, Surya Bahadur Chitrakar and Sundar Sinkhwal from the Khowpa Paubha Chowmi Pucha. Paubha are religious and devotional art depicting deities and mandala that date back to the 7th century, when Newa artists began to paint images of the gods on cloth. For the artists who practice this craft, the art form is as meditative as it is meticulous.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251025041028_de34b51d48bcee50ae391301e2ff1890be7ecba3df7e563537c273818825aad5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251025041028_de34b51d48bcee50ae391301e2ff1890be7ecba3df7e563537c273818825aad5" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="art review "> </figure>  The exhibition at the newly-opened space Kathmandu Art Gallery coincides with the festival season and is a collection of extravagant works done in mineral and stone colour, sakura and gouache. The vintage art space is located at Babar Mahal Revisited and is a fitting accompaniment to the paubha featured in the exhibit.&nbsp; Sundar Sinkhwal’s vividly painted Harihara is among the more eye-catching works. “Half of the painting is Shiva and half is Vishnu, hence the name Harihar,”explains Sinkhwal. “Together with their consorts Parvati and Laxmi, I have painted Uma-Maheswor and Laxmi-Narayan.” Nandi and Garuda, the vehicles of the two gods, complete the vibrant painting.&nbsp; In contrast, for his piece titled Lakshmi, Sinkhwal shrouds his canvas in dark colours to paint Kuber, the deity revered as the custodian to the wealth in the Hindu pantheon, accompanied by two khyak apparitions —one black, the other white— both mythical creatures in Newari folklore.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251025041032_1bde6de442b742c300bb8c9278ea8886445aa8df47076fd9aa362ce1f8bef903.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251025041032_1bde6de442b742c300bb8c9278ea8886445aa8df47076fd9aa362ce1f8bef903" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="art exhibition"> </figure>  “The black khyak is considered inauspicious, while white ones are a symbol of good luck,” explains Sinkhwal. Purna Prasad Hyoju has used mineral paint on canvas for a powerful depiction of Ardhanareswar, the composite form of Shiva and his consort Parvati.&nbsp; “I drew inspiration from the Newari Swasthani story about the separation of Shiva and Satidevi,” says Hyoju. Legend has it that Shiva, unwilling to part from his consort, reincarnated as a unified dual gender form of himself and Parvati. Hyoju has painted goddess Parvati in bright yellow, in homage to one of her other manifestations, Gauri, which means radiant.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Ratna Gopal Sinkhwal’s Kurkula Devi, done in stone pigment, is radiant on the cotton canvas. “Kurkula Devi is a tantric goddess whose traces are found in the Sadhana Mala,” says Sinkhwal. “The stone pigment is what makes the goddess look like she is gleaming.” One of Sinkhwal’s other works draws from stories in the Mahabharat to depict Bhimsen, Draupadi, Dushasan and Akash Bhairav in confrontation, expressions fierce.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251025041028_72eea52c8504eccb8b3be7cd4cef616dfb8efd821e8b1e1ae8f440f10782be11.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251025041028_72eea52c8504eccb8b3be7cd4cef616dfb8efd821e8b1e1ae8f440f10782be11" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="854" loading="lazy" alt="art exhibition"> </figure>  The opening of the exhibition last week also featured a music session, during which some of the artists sang traditional songs. Their voices joined the rhythm of the madal and melody of the harmonium, adding warmth to the crisp autumn evening.&nbsp; Each painstakingly detailed paubha reflects the artists’ devotion to divinity and mythology, as well as their heritage. Masters of Devotion showcases the work of veritable masters of their craft, and is a must-visit for art connoisseurs and devotees alike. Says the gallery’s Sangeeta Rana Thapa: “It is our honour to celebrate the artists’ work—to stand among pieces that embody both devotion and mastery, and to witness a tradition that continues to inspire us.” Masters of Devotion Kathmandu Art Gallery Baber Mahal Revisited Until 22 November