Shristi Karki

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Towering monument to 2015

<figure><img width="1118" height="838" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101148/636a25ec9c7e80680e0439ebjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Rani Pokhari at the centre of Kathmandu awaits reconstruction. All photos: ALOK TULADHAR</figcaption></figure>The 7.8 magnitude <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2015/05/27/a-month-that-felt-like-a-year/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">earthquake in 2015</a> caused a tragic loss of life, and damage to homes. But it had some positive side-effects that have gone largely unnoticed.The government’s haphazard handling of the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/documenting-loss%20,2267" target="_blank" rel="noopener">restoration of over 750 historic monuments in Kathmandu Valley</a> sensitised residents about the need to preserve cultural heritage. In the past four years, more damage has been done to Kathmandu’s traditional architecture by the government’s apathy, greed and near-despotism than by the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Monumental-loss,2215" target="_blank" rel="noopener">earthquake</a> itself.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101148/636a25ee9c7e80680e0439ecjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="132">Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/learning-from-nepals-past-to-rebuild-its-future/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Learning from Nepal's past to rebuild future</a>, Prakriti KandelStrong-arm tactics have bulldozed monument zones in the name of ‘development’. A new expressway threatens to wipe out the very essence of the historic towns of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/our-land-is-us-we-are-our-land/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Khokana</a> and Bungamati at the southern edge of the valley, beautiful towns with many archeological sites. Local people who are putting up a resistance are taking on a powerful enemy: the Nepal Army, which is building the fast-track highway to the Tarai. <figure><img width="1118" height="838" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101148/636a25ef9c7e80680e0439edjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The collapse of the 19th century <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/06/18/should-dharara-be-rebuilt/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Dharara tower</a> killed 56 people on that fateful Saturday just before noon on 25 April 2015. Many heritage conservationists thought the Moghul style tower was an eyesore and had negligible archeological value, but the National Reconstruction Authority has taken it upon itself to restore the relic at the unjustifiable cost of $30 million while leaving more representative monuments remain in ruins.Nearby, the neoclassical Bag Darbar is the home of the Kathmandu Metropolitan City. Citing safety reasons, Kathmandu Mayor Bidya Sundar Shakya is bent on demolishing the historic palace complex and replacing it with a concrete highrise, ignoring inspectors who confirmed that earthquake damage is minimal and the building can be retrofitted. Activists have finally obtained a stay order from the Supreme Court to stop the demolition.The same activists have also been pushing for sensitive restoration of other earthquake-damaged heritage sites. Six of them were detained by police in December while protesting the unlawful construction of a cemented walkway in the protected Shleshmantak Forest within the holy Pashupati premises, a UNESCO World Heritage Site. <figure><img width="917" height="390" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101148/636a25f29c7e80680e0439eejpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The Department of Archeology is responsible for most of these violations of heritage conservation norms. The public and activists had to directly intervene to stop the <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/on-queens-pond-rani-pokhari,4092&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwiLpMe--qvgAhVMro8KHeHTBQcQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=011870630917993763279:opm7uqsat-4&amp;usg=AOvVaw22K56vZ3Ztn3Jh-zcHRDKY" target="_blank" rel="noopener">inappropriate rebuilding of Rani Pokhari</a> under the supervision of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, while the Department of Archeology watched in silent complicity.Using tarpaulin sheets to hide the reconstruction from public view, the City started building cement retaining walls around the 17th century pond that holds great religious, cultural and architectural significance. Not only was the use of concrete illegal as per the Ancient Monuments Preservation Act, the City planned to turn the site into a commercial park.The 7th century <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/rebuilding-kasthamandap-nepal,4012&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwi7iZzN-qvgAhUK4o8KHalMD-IQFggHMAE&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=011870630917993763279:opm7uqsat-4&amp;usg=AOvVaw1Cdk_DElhB9_s1J7_AFEqi" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Kasthamandap monument</a> was destroyed in the earthquake killing ten people.  Since its reconstruction was constantly undermined by the government, the local community campaigned to rebuild it with voluntary public participation. But <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/state-of-confusion-kathmandu-mayor,4094&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjOxord-qvgAhUK2o8KHeY1BwIQFggIMAE&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=011870630917993763279:opm7uqsat-4&amp;usg=AOvVaw2tY-brJKM0dLUzUY-dSBQX">Mayor Shakya decided</a> to rebuild it using the City’s funds – effectively sabotaging the community’s involvement.While Kathmandu bungles monument reconstruction, in <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/piece-by-piece-patan-darbar-square-reconstruction,3782&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwiwnI_v-qvgAhXFvY8KHSuDAQUQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=011870630917993763279:opm7uqsat-4&amp;usg=AOvVaw32J8l-plJcJxVzPv-CkuHD" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Lalitpur</a> the pace and quality of rebuilding by a non-profit conservation group is far superior. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/bhaktapur-shows-the-way-by-rebuilding-itself/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bhaktapur</a> is the other role model with the largest number of reconstruction projects undertaken by local communities with financial and logistics support from the Municipality. When the ‘consumers’ of the heritage get to participate in rebuilding, their bond with it is that much stronger. <figure><img width="1118" height="838" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101148/636a25f49c7e80680e0439efjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>This is a good time to contemplate why things are in such a sorry state in Kathmandu. Since neither parents nor schools taught residents about the importance of heritage preservation, it created a knowledge gap bridged only after the 2015 earthquake.Activists and <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/owning-our-past-heritage,3461&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjI_6aO-6vgAhUMrI8KHfFpDdgQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=011870630917993763279:opm7uqsat-4&amp;usg=AOvVaw02lQldYqBDa-wgcSGjEtaU">communities across Kathmandu Valley</a> suddenly realised that their traditions were important, and they came together spontaneously as heritage watchdog groups, sacrificing personal lives and careers. Most have no affiliations and no funding. These loose but dynamic young campaigners are motivated by the urgent need to prevent further destruction. They Nepal’s cultural values will be inevitably lost if the present practice of unlawful, unethical and non-transparent reconstruction of monuments continues.Youthful energy, fueled by regret at past detachment from their cultural inheritance is working wonders. There is also a danger of this spirit will dissipate with time. Before that happens, the groups need to realise the challenges ahead and come up with a solid plan to sustain and scale their activities.Alok Tuladhar is a conservation activist. alokstuladhar@gmail.com

Deconstructing reconstruction

Samsung Nepal has opened pre-orders for the Galaxy A57 5G and A37 5G. Both phones run Samsung’s One UI 8.5, featuring AI capabilities like voice transcription, Circle to Search, and photo editing. They feature a 50MP triple-camera system, a Super AMOLED display, and six years of OS and security updates.

Galaxy A series

Know your Ministers

Prime Minister Balendra Shah on Wednesday broke tradition and met with 17 foreign envoys collectively, a move that was a notable departure from how his predecessors operated.&nbsp;
Shah had already set himself apart by talking less, listening more, and delegating to trusted friends. But by meeting all ambassadors at one go in the presence of the Foreign Ministry, he signalled a paradigm shift in how he wants Nepal to be seen: no longer just balancing India and China, but as a country confident about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/tripolar-contestation-over-nepal">strategic importance and place in the world</a>.
In just two weeks, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rsp-dos-and-don-ts">RSP has sprung into action </a>on multiple fronts to implement its ambitious 100-point, 100-days action plan. It has taken short-term measures to mitigate the impact of the Gulf war, as well as medium- and long- term measures to streamline the bureaucracy. A few high-profile figures have been made examples of to drive the message home.
Earlier this week, the government recalled six politically appointed ambassadors, the most notable being long-serving Shankar Sharma from New Delhi. The Kathmandu District Court issued arrest warrants against former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his former foreign minister wife Arzu Rana on charges of money laundering and corruption.
Each ministry has been trying to clean up the accumulated rot from the past three decades: regulatory overhaul of microfinance, education, health and service delivery.&nbsp;
These actions widely disseminated campaign-style on YouTube and TikTok have made most Nepalis hopeful that the party they installed in power means business.
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BACKLASH
But such attempts to overhaul a long-entrenched political culture were bound to face backlash. In their impatience and enthusiasm to get things done, some of Prime Minister Shah’s ministers have over-reached.
It was common knowledge that government-paid advertising in the mainstream press was kickback-driven, but the PMO’s directive that official notices be published or broadcast only on state-run media has been denounced — especially as the media industry struggles to stay afloat.
More serious are some recent appointments by ministers of relatives and figures closely associated with the RSP to key positions. This has rankled because this party built its political plank on ending nepotism and graft.&nbsp;
News that Home Minister Sudan Gurung allegedly had not paid rent on leased land, which illegally encroached on the lake in Pokhara did not help. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Shah himself has come under scrutiny for appointing a kitchen cabinet full of male buddies from his time as Kathmandu mayor. To douse criticism he brought in as adviser investigative journalist Deepa Dahal, who has exposed corruption in high places of the previous coalitions.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment of another political adviser Asim Shah to the head Constitution Amendment Task Force, is also seen as problematic. He is a filmmaker and former lawmaker, but does not have a background in constitutional law.&nbsp;
Even more controversial is the Cabinet’s decision to appoint RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane’s legal counsel, Narayan Kandel, as Attorney General. Kandel used to be a UK permanent resident, and does not have as much experience practicing law in Nepal.&nbsp;
Kandel’s appointment drew flak and raised eyebrows, and with the pending legal cases against Lamichhane this appointment represents a flagrant conflict of interest.
Health Minister Nisha Mehta was also accused of favouritism after reappointing Junu Shrestha, wife of Labour Minister Dipak Kumar Shah, as member of the Health Insurance Board which had earlier suspended her. The Labour Minister’s rambling rant at the Board’s meeting on Tuesday has not helped the RSP’s image.&nbsp;
(UPDATE: On Thursday, Prime Minister Shah sacked the Labour Minister after the RSP found him in breach of the party's code of conduct and discipline. He served 14 days in the Cabinet, one of the shortest tenures for a minister in Nepal )
It is hard to know what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Balendra Shah is thinking</a>, and how Rabi Lamichhane is going to justify some of these moves. After all, making politics, governance, and bureaucracy a meritocracy has been the core tenet of the RSP, and it risks alienating its mainly youth base if these missteps persist.
But at least for now, most RSP supporters seem to be giving the party the benefit of doubt.

Nepal’s new government springs into action

In a classic arc of political sociology, a revolutionary figure takes several decades to complete their cycle: mobilisation, institutionalisation, and finally governance. 
However, the timeline of this trajectory has been telescoped in the case of Home Minister Sudan Gurung, who in 2025 described himself as a social activist and volunteer, has gone from the barricades of the GenZ protests to the mahogany desk of the Ministry of Home Affairs.
Gurung is a personal pick of Prime Minister Balendra Shah, and played a pivotal role in getting him to join the RSP by mediating with Rabi Lamichhane. His journey serves as a real test bed for the ‘Outsider-to-Insider Transition’, raising a fundamental question about someone who now leads the very apparatus that he once fought against: the police, intelligence service, and the bureaucracy.
Social capital can indeed be built during a crisis exacerbated by state failure, and that is where we first see Sudan Gurung — expediting relief delayed by systemic corruption and red tape. Gurung’s delivery aid through a social-media-driven volunteer network bypassed the government. 
Whether or not he really rushed a dying child to hospital after the 2015 earthquake does not matter, it has become an urban legend. 
His work evolved into the non-profit Hami Nepal in 2020, serving as a ‘parallel state’ mechanism that would later become central to his public identity. Later, his group sprang into action during the Covid crisis, organising oxygen cylinders and beds . He was there after flood disasters in Manang and Sidhupalchok, and even organised Rs15m worth of aid to Turkey after the 2023 earthquake. 
Moral Legitimacy became his primary source of power, and he strategically positioned himself as an alternative emergency response system. But the real rupture happened on 8 September 2025 when years of frustration, corruption scandals, lack of transparency and state accountability culminated in a rally that the next day descended into anarchy. 
There was no single leader. The movement was fully decentralised, but as elsewhere such upheavals produces a recognisable face. Among them was Sudan Gurung. Who despite being a millennial himself, became the most visible interlocutor of the GenZ movement. 
He negotiated with the state’s key actors, including the president and the Chief of Army staff, during the period of uncertainty When the country was on the brink. This led to the dissolution of parliament and the formation of the interim government under Sushila Karki, paving the way for the election on 5 March.
Since then, Sudan Gurung’s role has become contradictory. Within days of touching Prime Minister Karki’s feet after her swearing in, he was at the gates of Baluwatar spearheading midnight demonstrations calling for her resignation. He accused her and Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal of not consulting the youth over Cabinet appointments and not arresting the previous government officials.
This oscillation became a hallmark of Gurung’s own version of the ‘Radical Flank Effect’ — erratic behaviour to force the establishment to make concessions. 
On 18 January Gurung formally joined the RSP, and started campaigning from his home constituency of Gorkha-1. He won decisively and was appointed home minister by Balendra Shah. The transition was complete. 
As minister his role spans core security areas: overseeing internal security through the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force and the intelligence bureau. The man who took part in anti-government rallies is now in charge of the riot police that aresupposed control anti-government protests.
His portfolio also handles state administration matters such as citizenship, immigration, and border security, coordinates with the judicial system on prisons, detention, and policies related to punishment and clemency. For example will be overseeing the fraud case against his own party’s chair, Lamichhane.
In his book Power in Movement, political scientist Sidney Tarrow observes that social movement leaders encounter ‘institutional capture’ upon entering government. In a sociological paradox, the man who previously denounced the police for killing youth protesters is now the person who issues directives to those same forces.
Preventive detention, surveillance, and the control of public festivals are the same instruments that the former old guard employed to stifle his movement. The activist who demanded transparency at the B P Koirala Institute now manages the state’s most secretive security apparatus.
In this arc, Gurung is not alone, there are parallels around the world for leaders emerging from the ashes of revolt. It is not so much a prediction, but for Gurung the challenge is even more acute because youth expectations are so high.
The bar for performance has been raised by citizens demanding change and quicker, more efficient service delivery. He is under constant public scrutiny, which is why he has to take YouTubers every time he goes on inspections of the airport, the BP Highway, police stations, picking trash on the sidewalks or meeting the Swiss ambassador to ask about repatriating the ill-gotten wealth of politicians.
Sudan Gurung is facing intense public glare. There have been calls to reveal the truth behind Hami Nepal’s finances, the alleged links to Free Tibet, and lately not paying five years of rent for an illegal lakefront property in Pokhara. 
As minister, he will find that moral legitimacy alone is no longer sufficient, it must be reinforced by transparent and consistent institutional accountability. Sudan Gurung’s ascent is evidence that the public mostly trusts ‘outsiders’ during times of crisis. However, history also cautions us that the state only permits ‘insiders’ to operate. 
Gurung will have to organise systemic reform to inject the transparency of his volunteer days to the Home Ministry’s traditionally secretive disbursements. If he fails, he runs the risk of validating Michels’ Iron Law of Oligarchy, which would serve as a warning about how revolutionary energy is dissipated by the very structures it was intended to overthrow.
Nepal is watching the man who said he once held a dying child in his arms after an earthquake. The volunteer has become the Warden.
Nischal Raj Gautam is a student of Media Studies and Mass Communication at St. Xavier's College, Maitighar. He is a member of the EU Delegation's Youth Sounding Board (YSB), and a journalist for TheirWorld's The Education Issue 2026.

dharahara

Towering monument to 2015

Deconstructing reconstruction

Galaxy A series

Know your Ministers

Nepal’s new government springs into action

He said no to politics. Now he runs it.