<img width="1692" height="1171" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b399c7e80680e045964jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Capacity and WillpowerThere are immense opportunities waiting for investment to uplift the living standard of 30 million honest and hardworking people. The Government is stable and remains fully committed to protecting investments with assured profit.Nepal must prosper and it can prosper. The vision for development has found place in over 75 viable projects in different sectors that will be presented to participants during the course of the Summit.Read also:<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/invest-in-investment/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Invest in investment</a>, Editorial<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/maze/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Maze</a><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b3c9c7e80680e045965jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="211" height="182">The promulgation of the democratic and progressive constitution in 2015 and successful holding of elections of all three tiers of the federal setup has effectively ended the protracted political transition, and has fostered a sense of high optimism in Nepali people. An optimism that the long-cherished dream of socio-economic transformation can now become a reality. An optimism that country’s development is possible in this generation, and that [the slogan] ‘Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepali’ is not a far-fetched fantasy but an attainable vision.The democratically elected government has both capacity and willpower to steer the development process. The constitution is flexible to accommodate the genuine aspirations of the entire Nepali people. [The Government] has been able to bring a force that until recently remained outside into constitutional fold. In Nepal, there is no place for violence. Any attempt to disrupt law and order will be firmly and resolutely dealt with as per law.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-has-to-curb-corruption-before-wooing-investors/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal has to curb corruption before wooing investors</a>, Ramesh Kumar<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/overseas-nepalis-are-not-impressed/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Overseas Nepalis are not impressed</a>, Sewa Bhattaraihttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6rHbBYRhWKINepal has had a history of success in political change and failure in institutionalising it. Now the things have changed. We have institutionalised the achievements and brought stability.Political stability, which is the key prerequisite to economic growth, is absolutely fulfilled now.Together with political stability policy consistency is ensured. Legal, institutional and procedural reforms that were long overdue has gained speed. The past one-year has been the base year for policy and legal reform. Many new laws have been drafted translating the provisions of the new constitution into legal and institutional framework. The new framework hasalso created conducive environment for foreign direct investment, among others.Economic TransformationPolitical transformation alone cannot be enough and sustainable without economic transformation.If we could successfully steer country’s historic political transformation, there is no reason why we cannot do the same in the economic realm. The central task before us is to undertake rapid economic transformation, and the immediate goal is to graduate from Least Developed Country status and the medium term goal is to become a middle-income country and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-inc/">Nepal Inc.</a>, Suman Joshi<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-nepal-can-invest-in-improving-the-investment-climate/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">How Nepal can invest in improving the investment climate</a>, Anil Chitrakar <figure><img width="1199" height="828" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b3d9c7e80680e045966jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>PM KP Oli inaugurates the Investment Summit at Hotel Soaltee, Kathmandu, on Friday. Photo: World Bank Nepal / Twitter</figcaption></figure>To realize this, we need to attain double-digit growth over the next years. A tentative estimation by the National Planning Commission is that the country would require an investment of over 98 trillion Nepali rupees (about USD 88billion) over the next five years. Domestic resources alone will not be sufficient to meet this requirement, and there is a need for huge investment.The economic policy and its orientation is explicitly spelled out in the Constitution which is premised on the realisation that growth and prosperity is possible only through partnership between and development of public, private and cooperative sectors.Good Governance and Rule of LawInvestment requires transparent and responsive governance and rule of law. With elected representatives in all levels of our federal set up, governance attributes are improving. There is already healthy competition among the provinces and local governments on incentivising investment and getting more of it.[The Government] has absolutely zero tolerance on corruption. Good governance is essential for economic development and prosperity. We are committed to promote free and fair competition among private sector stakeholders. We have taken firm stand against cartels and syndicates.     Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/a-roller-coaster-ride/">A roller coaster ride</a>, Shyamal Shrestha<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/early-investors-didnt-sell-nepal-short/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Early investors didn't sell Nepal Short</a>, Lisa Choegyal In the past few months substantial progress has been made in improving the investment climate in the country. A sound regulatory framework has been established with the enactment of two key legislations: the Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Act; and the Public-Private Partnership and Investment Act. The latter provides one-stop service for any foreign investment of over NPR 6 billion or a hydropower project of over 200 MW capacity.The Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Actensures national treatment for any foreign investment. An automatic route system has been introduced to keep the foreign direct investment related processes simple and predictable, and repatriation is guaranteed on the earning or equity.Nepal has recently implemented a universal, contribution-based social security scheme that will have a transformative impact on the country’s socio-economic landscape. The scheme, which covers medicare facilities, safe motherhood, and accidental and old-age security of workers, does not only buttress the foundation of a welfare society but also ensure better and healthier industrial relations, which will contribute to conducive environment for investors.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/climate-risk-to-hydropower-investment/">Climate risk to hydropower investment</a>, Ajaya DixitThe reform drive has gone well beyond this regulatory framework, and is marked by the strengthening of institutions, building capacity, streamlining and simplifying processes and procedures.Statutory provisions pertaining to land acquisition, company registration, environmental assessment and infrastructure development have been relaxed and simplified. Online registration and payment systems will soon be upgraded to full automation.Nepal will actively pursue bilateral investment protection agreement with friendly countries that will further ensure protection for foreign investment. Negotiations will be conducted with interested countries to avoid double taxation so as to provide further incentives.The next reform cycle will involve policies and comprehensive legislation in the field of intellectual property rights commensurate with Nepal’s rights and obligation under various multilateral instruments.Economic policyNepal is one of the most flexible countries when it comes to economic policy and welcoming foreign investment. All sectors, barring a narrow box of sensitive areas, are open for foreign investment. And, 100 percent investment is allowed in almost all areas. There is attractive incentive package in terms of corporate taxation, import duties and export facilitation. Tax rates are predictable and tax holidays are guaranteed by law for those industries that meet established criteria.Nepal has a huge demographic dividend with about 57 percent of population representing the working-age group. The labour cost is competitive and low, and there is a good pool of English-speaking population specially amongst the youngsters. Policies and programmes have been developed to enable Nepali youth to be multi-skilled. Qualified and skilled manpower is available at reasonable cost locally, to make will make your investment less costly.Sound macroeconomic indicators have been maintained, hence investing in Nepal is risk free.An independent judiciary, capable of adjudicating industrial and investment related disputes on a fast-track basis, has been the mainstay of our legal system.InfrastructureBuilding infrastructure is the Government’s priority and the commitment is well reflected in the progress made in the sector of vital infrastructure. Almost round-the-clock electricity supply has been guaranteed for industries and the country will soon witness a power surplus. Road connections within the country and cross-border connectivity have improved substantially. The strategic Kathmandu-Terai Fast Track that was just a dream a few years back is now becoming a reality.   Nepal’s Special Economic Zones have both infrastructure and other amenitiesto set up industries. One such SEZ is already in operation while several others are being developed in different parts of the country. The Special Economic Zone Authority Act has been revised recently to improve conditions for investment and operation of industries. With Nepal having established a federal system of governance, the aim is to undertake a balanced development approach so that all the provinces get fair opportunities for the development of their industrial base with foreign investment. Guided by this spirit, the Government has decided to establish at least one industrial estate in each province. Likewise, with a view to promoting small and medium-size enterprises, one industrial village each will be established at the local level.Location and ConnectivityInvestors know better than others, about the importance of location.Nepal’s strategic location between the world's two largest markets with increasing purchasing power, China and India, serves as a compelling incentive for investment. Nepal enjoys access to both markets on preferential terms.With India, Nepal has duty free arrangements for most of its products, both primary and industrial goods, while China has granted a significant number of tariff lines duty free access to its market. Beyond the neighbourhood, export from Nepal is entitled to various kinds of duty-free and preferential schemes put in operation for the group of least developed countries. The size of the domestic market is also expanding along with the growth of middle class and the people’s purchasing power. The connectivity disadvantage Nepal has had is gradually dissipating because of the efforts at connectivity diversification as well as support from our friendly neighbours. Road, rail, waterways, airways and transmission-ways are covered within the framework of multi-dimensional connectivity network with both neighbours.Port access has improved, with Nepal having started utilising the Vizag Port of India for its trade and transit two years ago. Availability of a modern alternative port has helped reduce hassles at the crowded Kolkata/Haldia port. The Digital Tracking and Transshipment Systems introduced recently has eased the transportation process. A new transit route through use of inland waterways is under progress, which will connect landlocked Nepal to the sea. Transit procedures are being simplified through the use of modern technology and this will surely reduce the cost of business. Nepal ahs signed a Transport Transit Agreement with China and a Protocol to the Agreement will be signed soon. This will enable Nepal also to use Chinese territory and port facilities for its international trade and transit.Hydropower, Tourism and AgricultureWhen it comes to investment, hydropower could be a prime choice (for investors). There are other potential areas: agriculture, manufacturing, tourism, infrastructure, information technologies, mines and minerals, to name a few.The Government’s target is to generate 3000MW power in three years, 5000MW in five years and 15,000MW in ten years. While domestic consumption will gradually increase with the rapidindustrialization drive, the prospect of regional electricity market is also coming to fruition with a positive initiative recently taken by India.Work is also being done on the infrastructure foundation of cross border transmission lines. A robust master plan for such transmission line requirement is already at hand, which will guide our future course of action. The recently concluded MoU on the BIMSTEC Grid Interconnection has opened up the possibility for cross-border power trade in BIMSTEC region. Meanwhile, Nepal and Bangladesh have also signed the MoU on Power Trade.These developments make Nepal’s hydropower more and more investment-worthy. Converting water into wealth is, therefore, a not-to-be missed opportunity.Tourism is another important sector for investment. Nepal has matchless natural beauty and incredible cultural treasures.  Natural and cultural diversity make Nepal a tourist paradise round the year. 2020 is being celebrated as the Visit Nepal Year, and the intention is to attract more than 2 million tourists a year.  Nepal seeks investment for upgrading tourism infrastructure, including hotels and resorts.Agriculture has huge potentials for development. As Nepal moves from subsistence level to a commercial agriculture through modernisation, huge investment will be required. Nepal wants to enhance productivity of agriculture while reducing people’s dependence on it.  Given Nepal’s topography and climatic setting, Nepal can develop organic farming system with products of high export potential.National ConsensusThe government is not only stable with two-third majority in the Parliament, it is also has clear vision and objective for the development of the country. In devising economic policy, the Government is not moving alone. The private sector has been taken on board as an indispensable partner in the journey to economic transformation.The development agenda and foreign investment enjoy national consensus in Nepal. All political forces in the Parliament stand together to invite and encourage foreign investment.Nepal is ready for business and investment. We welcome your investment. Feel secure and seize the moment.  Your investmentwill be protected and your profit will be guaranteed. We do not want any further delay in our journey towards prosperity. Speedy and comprehensive development is the only option and the call of the hour.END

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“Investing in Nepal is risk free”

<figure><img width="1400" height="933" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b269c7e80680e04595cjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>On Thursday, a worker puts up the registration desk as part of preparations for the Investment Summit at Hotel Soaltee, Kathmandu. Photos: Bikram Rai</figcaption></figure>After adopting a liberal free-market policy, passing the first <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/making-nepal-fdi-friendly,853" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Foreign Direct Investment</a> (FDI) Act in 1992, despite the end of the conflict, and after many ups and downs, FDI never really picked up. Why?By 1994, some 1,180 new factories were registered and in the four years between 1992-1996,  foreign investment commitments increased 10-fold. But the Maoist war started, foreign investors were directly targeted, many closed shop and left, and those who stayed did not expand. <img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b299c7e80680e04595djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="211" height="182">Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/maze/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Maze</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/invest-in-investment/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Invest in investment</a>, Editorial Today, more than a decade after the decade-long war, Nepal has political stability but the economy remains stagnant. Nepal received less than $167 million worth of FDI in the first seven months of the new government assuming office – one-third of the amount received during the same period last year. There was a mere $400 million worth of FDI in the last five years.  In the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business List of 2018, Nepal dropped five spots to 110th position among 190 countries. The Bank cites administrative hassles, a complicated tax system and structural problems as major impediments to investment.“If we do not change ad hoc regulations at all levels and reduce red tape, it will be foolish to expect more <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-nepal-can-invest-in-improving-the-investment-climate/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">foreign investment</a>,” says FNCCI vice-chair Umesh Lal Shrestha. Former vice-chair of the National Planning Commission Dipendra Bahadur Chettri adds that while the laws and regulations have changed for the better, the proof of the pudding is in the implementation. The bureaucracy is still investment unfriendly.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-inc/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal, Inc.</a>, Suman Joshi<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=23951&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A roller coaster ride</a>, Shyamal K Shrestha <figure><img width="1780" height="1244" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b2a9c7e80680e04595ejpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Added to it is a pervasive rent-seeking culture among policy makers and civil servants at every level. It is common knowledge that government secretaries do not issue licenses unless they get a kickback. The Melamchi Water Supply Project is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/melamchi-delayed-by-government-extortion/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">stuck in its final stages</a> because the contractors refused to pay off the secretary. Officials of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/how-they-kept-nepal-in-the-dark-ages/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal Electricity Authority</a> (NEA) in collusion with private cement companies, shut off power to state-owned Udaypur Cement.“How do you expect businesses to come to Nepal when the first thing officials ask for in an investment meeting is their share?” asks Shrestha.Bureaucrats compete fiercely for lucrative positions in the Industry Registration and Licensing Section, the Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Division, and Office of Company Registrar because that is where they can shake down investors.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/two-experts-on-nepals-investment-climate/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal’s investment climate</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-nepal-can-invest-in-improving-the-investment-climate/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">How Nepal can invest in improving the investment climate</a>, Anil ChitrakarNepal is also seeking to graduate from its Least Developed Country status to Developing Country status by 2030, but that is unlikely, without achieving the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals, which in turn will require an annual foreign investment flow worth $15 billion because experts say national resources alone will not suffice. <img width="1400" height="339" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b2d9c7e80680e04595fjpeg.jpg" alt="">A sluggish bureaucracy and corruption, however, have sent the wrong message to the outside world. <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Melamchi-water-not-enough-for-everyone,3899" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Large projects like Melamchi</a> are perennially stuck; the 216MW hydropower project on the Trisuli is yet to begin, eight years after the Korean South East Power Company began work, having already invested Rs6 billion. In contrast, a 102MW hydropower project started four years ago by the same Korean consortium in Pakistan is nearing completion.General Manager Giriraj Adhikari says: “We are ready to go ahead with the project but officials are taking their time to decide on hedge fund issues. When will that be? No one knows.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=23930&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Overseas Nepalis not impressed</a>, Sewa BhattaraiThe worst precedents were set by the Norwegian company SN Power pulling out of the 650MW Tamakosi III project in 2013 because of the lack of political will on the part of the government, and Australia’s SMEC gave up on the $1.5 billion West Seti Project after trying for 15 years. China’s Three Gorges also withdrew from West Seti due to lack of agreement on a power purchase.The Finnish company <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-will-nepal-do-with-its-e-waste/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepwaste had a proposal to solve Kathmandu’s waste problem</a> and generate electricity with an incinerator project, but is reluctant to advance, first because senior politicians wanted a cut and then because Kathmandu Municipality asked the Finns to deposit the total annual salary of all its workers in its bank account to begin.Eighteen other large projects involving Chinese and Nepali contractors are in trouble after a Chinese government-owned insurance company reported uncertainty about return on investment in Nepal. Nepal has no policy yet on sovereign guarantee.  Other foreign investors are frustrated by the government’s failure to provide basic infrastructure like roads, power and water. Without a transmission line, Chinese-backed Hongsi Cement is using a 25MW diesel generator.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/early-investors-didnt-sell-nepal-short/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Early investors didn’t sell Nepal short</a>, Lisa Choegyal<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=23904&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Napoli Nepali</a>, Kunda Dixit <img width="750" height="738" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b2f9c7e80680e045960jpeg.jpg" alt="">It is not just the government that is working at cross-purposes to create obstacles for foreign investors, Nepal’s protection-minded private sector is equally to blame. Nepal’s cement cartel tried its best to stop Hongsi from setting up its plant, and was only successful after allying with Shivam. Another Chinese cement company Hwasin is setting up a plant, but only after partnering with industrialist Suraj Vaidya.When news surfaced that India’s Amul wanted to invest in Nepal, Nepal’s dairy industry was up in arms and lobbied their case in Parliament. Dairy and agro-industries are therefore in the FITTA negative list.When India’s biscuit company Britannia announced plans to expand in Nepal, Pashupati Biscuit openly lobbied against it. The tourism industry has been adversely affected by domestic companies who want to keep the foreigners out. Experts say foreign investment is not just about money, but bringing in state-of-the-art technical knowhow, skills and quality control. This is most evident in the cement industry where domestic manufacturers have been selling customers sub-standard cement by keeping foreign companies out. Some investors have even faced violent threats. In 2001, Nepal Telecom gave a license to Spice Nepal to operate a private telecom service. India’s Modi group that owned majority share of the company backed out when its representative was threatened with kidnapping. The Koreans involved in Himalayas Spring Water’s Ontop brand in Rasuwa pulled out after its executive was beaten up by the same Maoists who are in government now.Many middlemen and former government officials are also sitting on lucrative hydropower projects and mineral mines hoping to cash big on licenses.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/climate-risk-to-hydropower-investment/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Climate risk to hydropower investment</a>, Ajaya DixitDespite the risks, foreign investors still find <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/climate-risk-to-hydropower-investment/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal’s hydropower</a> a viable business venture, and more than 60% of the projects on offer at this week’s Investment Summit are in energy. After India and Bangladesh opened their market for electricity imports, Nepal has the opportunity to promote this sector to export surplus electricity after projects meet domestic demand expected to reach 10,000MW by 2030.Hitherto, the main roadblock for investment was political instability. Now that Nepal has a stable and strong government, the climate for growth is much more favourable. But as long as the state is afflicted with a rent-seeking mentality, experts say the best laws will not be enough to attract investors.  <h2>“Nepal is open for business”</h2> <img width="640" height="584" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b319c7e80680e045961jpeg.jpg" alt="">Nepal will use the Investment Summit this week to present projects on 63 categories including hydroelectricity, agriculture, tourism, and infrastructure. Investment Board Nepal CEO Mahaprasad Adhikari (pictured above) speaks to Nepali Times about prospects and challenges. Excerpts:Nepali Times: Some MPs have themselves said investment-related bills were brought for ratification without sufficient debate. What is your take?Mahaprasad Adhikari: Old bills were amended and new bills were registered in Parliament. We were hoping they would create a feasible environment for policy improvement during the Investment Summit. Bills regarding Public-Private Partnership and Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Act have already been passed, and both were vigorously debated. In fact, the Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Act was firsts discussed there years ago. If there are any changes, they can always be amended in future.How are the new laws more investment-friendly?There were no laws about public-private partnership (PPP) before. The act creates a legal foundation and provides fundamental tools to advance PPPs. Investors can now have more clarity about the process. Provisions related to transportation and infrastructure help strengthen the public-private partnership through the 'Viability Gap Fund' that enables the government to promote the private sector. The Investment and Technology Transfer Act will help expedite the investment process, increase security, and station a one-point service centre for efficiency. But critics say the new acts instead of strengthening the Investment Board increases the government agencies who need to give approval.The Investment Board has been functioning as a one-window service centre, and served as a bridge between investors and government agencies. The idea is that investors no longer need to visit different government offices once they contact the board. In the longer term, we hope to ensure that all government agencies communicate their decisions online. We are looking to expedite the process, and want investors to expend energy on development rather run around for documentation.We heard the same things at the 2017 Summit, but not much changed. How will this one be any different?This year's summit follows a different model, we are pushing policy improvements, and then present well-researched, attractive proposals to investors. Some of the investments commited in the last summit have arrived while the remaining is in the pipeline. Work and research has already commenced for a fourth of the investments worth Rs375 billion. What are your expectations this time?It is an invaluable opportunity to make international investors aware about Nepal's efforts to create investment-friendly environment. We have studied many projects thoroughly to showcase them at the summit, and that is an outcome by itself. We will also propose private sector projects to international investors. The message is that Nepal is ready and open for business.

Nepal has to curb corruption before wooing investors

https://youtu.be/NR6mf_rrRb0Learning from the success of overseas Chinese and Indians investing in their homeland, the Nepal government hurriedly passed two foreign investment related bills recently. But non-resident Nepalis are not impressed.The Public Private Partnership and Investment (PPPIA) Bill was passed by Parliament on 18 March, and the Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer (FITTA) Bill on 22 March, but investors say it does not go far enough in allying their concerns.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b239c7e80680e04595ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="211" height="182"/>Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/maze/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Maze</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/invest-in-investment/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Invest in investment</a>, Editorial<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=23939&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Curb corruption before wooing investors</a>, Ramesh KumarNot only do the bills have contradictory provisions with an extended negative list, a minimum limit for investments, and requirements of multiple approvals, experts say they do not address the central concern of transparency, policy continuity and rule of law.FITTA has extended the negative list (sectors in which foreign investment is prohibited) to include agriculture, horticulture, and dairy, sectors which many overseas Nepalis are eager to modernise and create jobs back home.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-inc/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal, Inc.</a>, Suman Joshi<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=23951&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A roller coaster ride</a>, Shyamal K Shrestha “When you prohibit so many areas for foreign investment, you are giving the wrong message to investors, especially to non-resident Nepalis. Not only does it render some sectors completely off limits, it also scares investors that their current investments may become off limits in future,” says <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/bottom-up-approach/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Siddhant Pandey of Business Oxygen</a>. “Investment should be welcomed in all areas so as to help economic growth, technology transfer and to bring Nepal’s human resources up to speed.”The Non-resident Nepali (NRN) Association is concerned about shortcomings in the Acts, and has said so through a document published by its policy research wing Nepal Policy Institute (NPI) which rues the fact that the Acts treat overseas Nepalis, foreign citizens of Nepali origin, and other foreign investors alike.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/two-experts-on-nepals-investment-climate/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal’s investment climate</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-nepal-can-invest-in-improving-the-investment-climate/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">How Nepal can invest in improving the investment climate</a>, Anil Chitrakar Says Khagendra Dhakal of NPI: “The government says it needs the negative list to protect small-scale industries, but people of Nepali origins have special emotional ties to Nepal even if they may not have enough capital for large scale investments. NRNs and foreign citizens of Nepali origins should be given the same rights as Nepali citizens.”The NPI report recommends scrapping the negative list and lifting restrictions on foreigners from investing in businesses worth less than $150,000 for overseas Nepalis.“If a business worth $100,000 is employing at least 20 Nepalis and training them in new technology, it should be open to investment for NRNs and foreigners of Nepali origin too,” says Dhakal.However, FITTA authorises the Industry and Investment Promotion Board to approve companies investing Rs5-10 billion, while PPPIA directs companies above Rs6 billion to the Investment Board Nepal (IBN).Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/early-investors-didnt-sell-nepal-short/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Early investors didn’t sell Nepal short</a>, Lisa Choegyal<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=23904&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Napoli Nepali</a>, Kunda Dixit<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b249c7e80680e04595bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="428"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Amidst concern that PPPIA concentrates power in the IBN, which does not have much to show for itself, the real question at the Summit this week is whether these hastily-passed bills will remove misgivings of foreigners and NRNs about investing in Nepal.Economist and former Nepali ambassador to the United States Shankar Sharma believes that the law itself is not the problem when it comes to attracting foreign investment, but its execution.“We have good laws but their implementation is weak, which is the real problem,” says Sharma. “There is supposed to be a one-door policy, but in reality investors are made to jump through hoops to register companies or repatriate profits. The process is cumbersome, full of hassles. We need detailed guidelines about how these laws will be simpler and easier to implement.”Former president of NRN association Jiba Lamichhane agrees, stating that though the laws are all right there are other problems. “Overall our laws are quite liberal, but they fail to create a conducive investment climate with extortion, hassles over repatriating profits. If we want to attract investment, we must learn from best practices around the world. African countries attract huge investments from China while we have not been able to do so despite being next door,” he says.Investing in Nepal is more expensive than in other Asian countries due to the lack of skilled manpower and infrastructure, and experts say that without improvements the two bills are not going to make much of a difference.On the positive side, FITTA and PPPIA have eliminated many of the hassles related to registering FDI companies. Investors who needed to get approval from at least five agencies, now need to go to only two.The World Bank’s Nepal Country Manager Faris Hadad-Zervos told Nepali Times: “Nepal is entering a new chapter in its development, and it is not just about one law or policy but a change in the narrative where Nepal has survived several crises and is moving to rebuilding. The actual impact of the bills will depend on regulations to operationalise these laws.”

Overseas Nepalis are not impressed

<figure><img width="1000" height="1500" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b369c7e80680e045962jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Nepal introduced the Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer Act (FITTA) in 1992, but it lags behind South Asian economies and Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-nepal-can-invest-in-improving-the-investment-climate/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">attracting Foreign Direct Investment</a> (FDI), and even the investment that comes in is declining.Net FDI inflows in Nepal, which stood at $196 million (0.8% of GDP) in 2017 declined by 14% to $169 million (0.6% of GDP) in 2018. FDI inflows crossed the $1.0 billion threshold in Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. India alone attracted $40 billion FDI in 2017. Bhutan, India and Sri Lanka are ranked above Nepal in Doing Business related indicators.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b399c7e80680e045963jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="211" height="182">Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/maze/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Maze</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/invest-in-investment/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Invest in investment</a>, Editorial <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=23939&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Curb corruption before wooing investors</a>, Ramesh KumarAs Nepal convenes another Investment Summit in Kathmandu this week, investors will be watching if there is any progress in translating the vision of economic prosperity into concrete reform measures. Reviving the investment climate is vital to taking Nepal's economy on a high growth trajectory for mass job creation, raising per capita income and reducing social inequality.Despite the government declaring Nepal Investment Year 2012/13 and organising an Investment Summit 2017, these campaigns could neither raise FDI levels nor convince investors that it was FDI-friendly. Since 2018, economic growth has rebounded to 6.0%, on average, due to restoration of political stability, improved electricity supply, favorable monsoon and higher tourism arrivals.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-inc/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal, Inc.</a>, Suman Joshi<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/two-experts-on-nepals-investment-climate/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal’s investment climate</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-nepal-can-invest-in-improving-the-investment-climate/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">How Nepal can invest in improving the investment climate</a>, Anil Chitrakar However, poor governance, weak and inadequate infrastructure, and bureaucratic hassles remain deterrents. Nepal ranked 109/140 on the Global Competitiveness Index 2018, 117/163 on the Logistics Performance Index 2018 and 110/190 in Doing Business 2019. FDI created only 243,540 jobs (1.4% of the labor force) up to mid-July 2018: 46% of FDI is in energy, 18% of FDI is in manufacturing, 18% of FDI is in services and 15% of FDI is in tourism. Small and cottage industries and many agricultural sub-sectors are in the negative list to protect domestic producers even though state support has not raised productivity nor export performance.Nepal has also become a net food importer, and imported $247 million worth of rice in 2017, higher than the total $215 million in agricultural exports that year. Similarly, the export performance of agro-based products identified under Nepal Trade Integration Strategy 2016 (large cardamom, ginger, and honey) remain dismal due to supply-side constraints affecting overall productivity.As more than 70% of Nepalis are employed in agriculture, selectively opening some sub-sectors to FDI could raise productivity in both subsistence and cash crops. This would check ballooning imports of food items that contribute to Nepal’s high trade deficit. This will also enable higher value-added production domestically, and enhance supply chains, thus creating strong backward linkages in terms of skilled employment.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=23930&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Overseas Nepalis not impressed</a>, Sewa BhattaraiNepal can take a cue from India’s Consolidated FDI Policy 2017, which allows an automatic entry route into various agricultural sub-sectors up to 100% but bars FDI totally in other farm sub-sectors. Vietnam, with net FDI inflows of $14.1 billion in 2017, does not maintain a negative list of industries but maintains foreign equity caps, mostly in the service sector.A single large infrastructure project such as the export-oriented Arun III Hydroelectric Project will add $1.4 billion to Nepal’s FDI stock. The recently-introduced hedging regulations are likely to mitigate some of foreign exchange risks around FDI and encourage further investment in the energy and infrastructure sectors.New luxury hotels set up by international hotel chains outside the Kathmandu-Chitwan-Pokhara triangle will diversify the tourism sector, which has the potential to create many better jobs and help less developed places in Nepal. The success of the new and amended labour, foreign investment, and industry laws will depend on whether they address risks to investment, allow business flexibility and create a level playing field for both domestic and foreign investors.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/early-investors-didnt-sell-nepal-short/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Early investors didn’t sell Nepal short</a>, Lisa Choegyal<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=23904&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Napoli Nepali</a>, Kunda DixitOpposition to reforming these laws from various sections of the political class, private sector, and trade unions reveals a deep-seated fear of competition, which is crucial for efficiency and productivity. Investment-related legislations should be regularly reviewed and amended accordingly.Investors are currently required to obtain approvals from a plethora of government agencies. Investment Board Nepal and Department of Industry should be the only one-stop shops for facilitating investment. Security concerns have again risen against the recent spate of violence, including damage to the property of FDI projects.Continuation of the stalled public-private dialogue between the government and the domestic private sector under the platform of Nepal Business Forum could go a long way in tackling investment climate bottlenecks at both the national and sub-national levels. This body can also form a task force to identify reforms related to ease of doing business. Shyamal Shrestha is a member of the Bibeksheel Sajha Party @ShyamalShrestha

A roller coaster ride

<figure><img width="1500" height="1044" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b109c7e80680e045951jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: BHANU BHATTARAI</figcaption></figure>Let us just say, for the sake of argument, that Nepal has now untangled its politics, formed a Constitution, the war is over and there is political stability. (We know that this is not strictly true, especially since there is a disgruntled faction of the ruling party that is on a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/its-a-crime-not-to-call-it-terrorism/">violent extortion spree</a> across the land.)Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/maze/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Maze</a>But suppose we had sorted out the politics, and we were actually taking a big leap forward towards a ‘prosperous and happy’ nation. Would that finally <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-inc/">convince foreign investors</a> that Nepal is an attractive place to do business because of its sizeable domestic market and prime location between the world’s biggest markets?<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b139c7e80680e045952jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="211" height="182">Not really. Foreign investors would look at lists like the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business, Forbes Magazine's Best Countries for Business, or the Global Finance magazine's list of Top Countries for Foreign Direct Investment, and see that Nepal scores nowhere near the top 50, or even the top 100 countries.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-inc/">Nepal, Inc.</a>, Suman JoshiJust Google "Nepal" and "<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/bulldozing-democracy-2/">Corruption</a>" and see how low Nepal ranks in the Transparency Index. There is the recent case of the Malaysian telecom investor <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/supreme-court-weighs-in-on-ncell-tax-dispute/">Axiata being forced to pay</a> Rs61 billion in capital gains tax even though it is the buyer, not the seller, that should be liable. In this space we recently recounted the horror story of how senior bureaucrats repeatedly <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/melamchi-delayed-by-government-extortion/">extorted an Italian contractor for kickbacks</a> and forced its personnel to abandon the nearly complete $500 million water supply project when they did not fork out Rs50 million. A Spanish contractor upgrading Kathmandu airport quit after being harassed over payoffs. Other investors have reported being asked for a cut to repatriate profits, and renewing business visas has become an ordeal. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepali-scientist-returns-to-pinpoint-hazards-of-dirty-air/">Kathmandu’s air pollution and poor quality</a> of education are other deterrents for investors.Given such sleazy behaviour, it is surprising there are still foreign companies interested in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-nepal-can-invest-in-improving-the-investment-climate/">investing in Nepal</a>. Despite the country’s strategic location, great potential for energy, agriculture and infrastructure projects, the level of foreign direct investment <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/why-there-is-no-foreign-investment-in-nepal/">(FDI) has been dropping rapidly</a>.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/two-experts-on-nepals-investment-climate/">Nepal’s investment climate</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-nepal-can-invest-in-improving-the-investment-climate/">How Nepal can invest in improving the investment climate</a>, Anil Chitrakar It rose steeply after the Foreign Investment Act of 1992 and the first Investment Summit a year later. But inflows dried up during the war years as the Maoists targeted domestic industries and foreign investors for extortion, threats and bombings. After the end of the conflict, investment rose sharply again as private hydropower projects got underway. However, there has been only $400 million in <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/making-nepal-fdi-friendly,853">foreign investment</a> in the past five years, with only $169 million in 2018 since the Nepal Communist Party took office -- a further drop of 15% compared to the previous year.In the meantime, other developing countries in the region, even those governed by communist parties like Vietnam and Laos, have moved up the value chain in garments and manufacturing and are now attracting investments in energy and electronics. India and China have attracted their diaspora to invest in the home country, but Nepal’s laws have failed to meet the demand of overseas Nepalis for special provisions to non-residents.Why is Nepal stuck? It boils down to poor governance, lack of accountability, and no rule of law. Those conditions are linked to political will, a national vision and efficient implementation of policies – all in short supply.This is why, despite being optimistic about Nepal’s long-term future, we are pessimistic in the short-term as the government holds another Investment Summit for the sake of a summit without even beginning to address the root causes. In the run-up to the Summit, the government hurriedly passed FITTA which actually makes it more cumbersome to get approvals, and has added dairy and agro-industries in the negative list to protect domestic businesses. The Public-Private Partnership and Investment Act, although streamlining IBN’s role, does not address the confusion over jurisdiction of federal and provincial governments. The new rules for hedging on dollar-rupee fluctuations are unlikely to reassure foreign investors because they come with so many if’s and but’s.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-can-create-a-business-friendly-environment/">Foreign investors</a> are attracted to put money in a country if there are incentives, facilities, transparency, and a guarantee of no bureaucratic harassment. With so much competition in Asia, and especially in the immediate neighbourhood, it is unlikely that many of the 600 potential investors from 38 countries who are in Kathmandu this week will be convinced.It is hard to entice foreign investors to the country when even Nepali businesses are so hesitant to start up a business. We do not need any more speeches; Nepal first needs to improve governance and transparency before another futile attempt to woo investors. <h2>10 years ago this week</h2> Nepal is holding another Investment Summit this week, exactly ten years after Maoist Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal embarked on a trip to Nordic countries to restore investor confidence after the war. Excerpt from a <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15725" target="_blank" rel="noopener">page 1 report</a> in the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/441">issue #444</a> of 27 March – 2 April 2009:Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has said his primary mission during his Nordic tour next week will be to encourage foreign investment. However, his hosts will also want to hear just how seriously he is committed to protecting democracy during Nepal’s transition to peace, and they will link his track record to future development assistance. Dahal will probably be able to convince the Norwegians and Finns he is serious about democracy, but he will have a much tougher time with potential investors. “The investment climate doesn’t look good at all,” said one European investor, “and what is worrying is that instead of getting better it is getting worse.”In Oslo, Dahal is set to meet executives from Statkraft, the Norwegian state-owned hydropower company that partly owns SN Power that is investing in the 600MW Tama Kosi III, and will face tough questions about security, legal stability, political and bureaucratic delays.<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/441"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110811118/636a2b149c7e80680e045953jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="507" height="812"></a>

Invest in investment

One smoggy winter morning in February 2019, Ekta regretted coming to her sculpture class. It was the first day of her period, and the 19-year-old wished she was home, curled up in bed with a hot water bag to soothe her cramps.
Her class was at Kalapremi Ceramic Studio, a dark room on the ground floor of a house in Maharajganj, and Ekta’s teacher was the artist Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’, a noted sculptor.
Two other students were already there, using all their muscle strength to knead the sculpting clay. Ekta, now 24, recalls how Kalapremi asked her if she was feeling all right. She avoided him, as she did not want everyone to know she was menstruating.
Kalapremi repeatedly asked Ekta what was wrong. She finally muttered that she was having her period, after which he grabbed her hand and led her to a partitioned corner of the studio and sat her on a chair. Before she could stop him, he slid his hand under her dress, and started massaging her abdomen.
“I was horrified,” Ekta recalls. “I told him to stop, but he didn’t listen, asking me not to be shy, saying he knew how to relieve my pain. He stopped only after I protested furiously.”&nbsp;
The art tutor then said, “You’re like my daughter. I’m doing it out of love to make you feel better, but you’re so stubborn.”&nbsp;
“Instead of saying sorry he acted like I was the one having crazy thoughts,” remembers Ekta, adding that from April 2016 to August 2020 beginning the time she was 16, the artist sexually abused and harassed her on several occasions. &nbsp;
Now, Ekta and the artist’s other former students are finally sharing their experiences and some are pressing legal charges against him, hoping that others do not have to endure what they did.&nbsp;
Award-winning artist and teacher Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’ (the name means ‘Art Lover’) is known for his ceramic art, sculpture, and contemporary pottery. He was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-house-of-kalapremi">profiled in Nepali Times after a collaborative exhibition</a>, ‘Where the Wild Things Are’ at the Siddhartha Art Gallery three years ago.&nbsp;
His pieces, titled Gaalis, featured sculpted female figures with the heads of dogs, sheep, and donkeys (pictured) to depict derogatory terms for women. Some critics said the collection was a satire on feminists.
Kalapremi started his artistic and teaching career in 1983 and over the years taught at Bhanubhakta School, Kathmandu University School of Arts, Lalitkala Campus and at his private Kalapremi Ceramic Studio. He has also lectured at Jeonju University in South Korea and recently at Tabor Academy in the United States.
Seven of Kalapremi’s former students were interviewed for this story. Five female students said he touched them inappropriately in his studio or at Kathmandu University. Two male students said they witnessed him abuse and harass the women. In all cases, the students struggled to recognise the abuse when it occurred, and the lack of reporting systems left them to cope on their own for years.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, students shared a social media post hinting at Kalapremi’s history of abusive behaviour following which more students of the artist reached out sharing similar experiences. Some students spoke of abuse that happened as long as 20 years ago.
Kalapremi, 60, has denied the allegations. He told Nepali Times: “Some years ago, there was a movement encouraging people to hug and kiss. I used to do it purely out of friendship and love. But after seeing posts on social media last year calling out my behaviour, I realised my actions may have hurt some people. I understand now that I should have been more mindful.”
He added: “I am also an auxiliary health worker, so I know the exact points to massage to relieve menstrual pain. It’s not just menstruation, I take anyone who is ill to the hospital.”
Sexual abuse is much more rampant than reported given how difficult it is to prove it in court. The law defines sexual abuse as occuring when someone touches another’s private parts, coerces them into touching theirs, uses vulgar language, shows degrading images, or behaves indecently towards them without consent.&nbsp;
Ekta and her fellow students are consulting lawyer Suneeta Regmi Pokhrel, who says they know that even if the court decides in their favour, it is difficult to survive after speaking up, and influential men defend themselves saying they are being framed.&nbsp;
“They are in a lot of pain and weep when recalling how he abused them,” Regmi Pokhrel told us. “They are angry and have filed a case against him, but they are also terrified. They know he is a powerful man and they have seen how our society treats women who speak up against abusers. Unless people speak up, perpetrators will be emboldened.”
Art and academia in Nepal simply reflect the power imbalances in society where people with intersecting identities experience worse forms of abuse. Theatre actors Raj Kumar Pudasaini, Rajan Khatiwada, and Sunil Pokhrel were called out during the #MeToo movement in the Nepali theatre scene in 2019. Even after the allegations Pokhrel went on to receive national awards, while others continued to work without repercussions.
“If you speak up against abusers, you gradually get sidelined from projects,” explained a theatre artist who wished anonymity fearing professional setbacks. “The theatre scene in Nepal is quite small, you just have to make peace with the perpetrators and work with them if you want to sustain yourself.”&nbsp;
In academia there is a history of faculty members sexually harassing students and getting away with it. After Tribhuvan University (TU) lecturer Krishna Bhattachan was accused of harassing women students, the university said it would follow Nepal’s sexual harassment law and set up a reporting mechanism. But nothing happened to the professor, who had already retired. Instead, he counter-accused the students of 'attacking the indigenous people’s movement with baseless allegations' as <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/letters/2019/01/29/bhattachan-responds">he told the Kathmandu Post in 2019</a>. He continues to be featured as a prominent speaker including at TU.
Other faculty members previously accused of sexual harassment include Jagadish Murti Koirala from TU, Bishnu Prasad Acharya from Ratna Rajya Campus, and Bodha Raj Tripathee from Lalitpur Madhyamik Vidhyalaya. A woman staff member from TU also filed a sexual abuse complaint against Dambar Chemjong from TU.
Prominent figures like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">mountaineer Nims Purja</a> have been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/31/sports/mountaineering-sexual-harassment-abuse-nims-purja.html">accused of sexual assault</a>, and cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane, actor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/celebrity-rape-case-spotlights-nepal-laws">Paul Shah</a>, and former speaker of Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mahara-arrested">Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a> have been accused of rape, but society-at-large has let off the alleged perpetrators amdist a larger debate about justice for survivors and punishment of perpetrators.&nbsp;
‘Gaushala-26’ is the court name given to the 18-year-old who accused Sandeep Lamichhane, former captain of Nepal’s national cricket team and skipper of Biratnagar Kings in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/here-comes-the-nepal-premier-league">ongoing Nepal Premier League</a>, of rape. She left the country citing society questioning her character affecting her mental health while Lamichhane got an outpouring of support. In May, the Patan High Court overturned a prior verdict that found Lamichhane guilty of rape and had sentenced him to eight years in prison. During the 23-month legal battle to pursue justice, Gaushala-26 faced threats of gang rape and acid attacks.&nbsp;
Exhausted by the struggle, Gaushala-26 sought to “move to a new world” where she could live free without hiding her identity.
Actress Samragyee Rajya Laxmi Shah in an Instagram video now deleted detailed the harassment she faced from a filmmaker during a movie shoot. She did not name any name but veteran actor Bhuwan KC filed a defamation case against Rana, but the court ruled that the charge lacked sufficient evidence.&nbsp;
Former Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo">Keshav Sthapit also mocked the #MeToo movement</a>, calling accusations against him by journalists Rashmila Prajapati and Ujjwala Maharjan “a rape of men’s rights”.
Serial Abuse
Back at the Kalapremi Ceramics studio, another former student, 24-year-old Rajiv, says he felt the need to speak out after seeing his female classmates being abused.&nbsp;
“He frequently kissed them on their cheeks,” he told Nepali Times. “Whenever they walked into the studio he flailed his arms like a child asking for a hug. They awkwardly hugged him from the side, but he pulled them closer, held their chin, and kissed their cheeks.”&nbsp;
Rajiv says he also saw Kalapremi pull the women’s bra straps, touch their breasts, and slap their buttocks. The young students would freeze, not knowing how to react, and if they protested, he would say it was “normal in art”. Rajiv, 19 at the time like his classmates, remembers thinking perhaps the well-respected artist was right after all.
Another student, Luna, who took lessons at Kalapremi’s studio from 2020 to 2022 did try to confront the tutor after he made an obscene proposal to her. She recalls: “One day when the other students had left the studio and it was just the two of us, he told me that God had given him special artistic talent and he could transfer those powers to me. But to do that both of us will have to be naked, inside a dark room, and have sex.”
Luna, who was 18 then, was livid and told him she did not want any of his powers, but she says he laughed at her as if he was joking. She did not tell her family about the incident because she thought no one would believe her.&nbsp;
“They were all in awe of this famous artist and felt I should be grateful that to be learning sculpting from him,” she says. “I was scared to be alone with him in case he talked about sex again. My coping mechanism was to be rude so he wouldn’t try to come close to me.”
Seeing how some classmates were standing up to Kalapremi, Ekta too tried to push back against his advances, but she said he found ways to coerce her. Since Ekta, Rajiv, and Luna could not afford Kalapremi’s Rs30,000 monthly fee for lessons, he had offered them all a stipend to assist him in the studio.
“He had spondylosis and took me to his therapy sessions to learn massage techniques, then he often made me and other students massage him,” says Ekta. Whenever she refused, he would feign pain to make her feel sorry for him. “He would insist that I put my hands under his shirt so that I could massage him better,” she adds.
The art tutor often tried to “seduce sympathy” from Ekta by sharing how he had never been loved as a child and was “sexually frustrated” as an adult.&nbsp;
“At 7PM, he would pour himself Signature whiskey and immediately go off again about how he was sex-starved. I didn’t know how to respond. It took me time to realise alcohol was just an excuse to talk about sex,” Ekta says.
If convicted, Kalapremi could face financial penalty and/or a prison sentence of up to three years according to Section 224 of National Penal (Code) Act 2017.&nbsp;
Data suggests that victims of child sexual abuse on average take nearly 24 years to tell someone about their trauma, and some may never disclose it at all.&nbsp;
“In our culture, children are rarely taught about boundaries. They often react, show anger when adults pinch their cheeks. But adults insist they did it out of love, and force the children to accept it,” says Sita Lama, a psychotherapist at Manka Kura. “And even when someone touches them inappropriately they struggle to identify and verbalise it.”
When perpetrators claim to be “acting out of love”, Lama says survivors are likely to perceive it as something safe, rather than recognising it as abuse.&nbsp;
“It may take years for them to realise they were abused,” she explains. "And even when they become aware, the power imbalance with the abuser and the associated shame often prevents survivors from speaking up."
Other former students from the School of Art at Kathmandu University have also come forward years later, saying Kalapremi sexually abused them. As young adults, they felt his behaviour was off but were uncertain if it was inappropriate, illegal, or they did not know how to respond. After having understood that it was indeed abuse, they say they are speaking out now to protect others.&nbsp;
Amina Singh, a visiting faculty member at Kathmandu University, says there is no clause against sexual abuse in contracts of teachers, and there is no formal grievance handling mechanism for the students.&nbsp;
“So the only way students can to deal with sexual abuse is approach someone they trust,” she says.
Eight other former art students of Lalit Kala Campus and Srijana College of Fine Arts of Tribhuvan University and other private art studios in Kathmandu say they were also sexually abused by their art teachers. Three faculty members interviewed from these institutions said they saw the abuse, but felt it was futile to report it given how powerful the teachers were.
In the absence of a formal system, some longtime women artists warned each other about “problematic” artists. They shared &nbsp;a “heads-up” to be more cautious when collaborating with them, and avoided responding to their calls and texts after work hours.
To ensure art institutions are safe for all, galleries, museums, artist studios, and smaller art spaces need to develop policies on sexual harassment. This would include a code of conduct or studio policies that hold the leadership accountable and outline the principles of professional ethics.&nbsp;
Students and employees should inquire about accountability mechanisms for raising concerns, both formally and informally, advocates say.
Three years after Ekta left the ceramics studio, she learnt that Kalapremi had harassed many other women. Still trying to get a footing in the art industry, she attended a workshop in Kathmandu where women artists discussed ways to stay safe in the art sector.&nbsp;
Since it was a close-knit group Ekta opened up about how she felt violated and realised she was not alone, he had been abusing underprivileged students for years, and this was common knowledge among artists in Nepal.
Ekta says that even after she quit, Kalapremi continued sending her text messages like ‘I am thinking of you’, ‘Why have you stopped speaking with me’, or ‘I am waiting for your call’.&nbsp;
But what really forced her to act was when Ekta found out that he was sending similar texts to her younger sister.&nbsp;
“I’ve had enough,” she told us. “He abused me all these years but I won’t let him abuse my sister.” &nbsp;
Ekta, Rajiv and Luna are not the real names of the students.&nbsp;

‘Art Lover’ accused of sexual abuse

It was 8:15 in the evening of 25 March 1968 when everyone in the village of Batulechaur near Pokhara heard a deafening sound like thunder as a bright flashing object hurtled down to land in a field.&nbsp; That field belonged to Kul Timilsina, and the next morning he retrieved a sheet of metal about 2m by 1m and carried it home with the help of a few others, thinking it would be useful for his buffalo shed.&nbsp; Before he died at age 83 three years ago, Timilsina had told photo archivist Sunil Ulak that the black metal sheet was not rectangular and had rounded corners. There are a few witnesses still alive who have a clear recollection of the object that fell from the sky that night.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="601" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>The field in Batulechaur belonging to Kul Timilsina where fragments of a flying object fell from the sky in 1968.</figcaption> </figure>  One of them is Timilsina’s wife Gyanu, who was 22 at the time. She had been at home, and remembers hearing the big bang and the sky becoming very bright. “We saw the thing in the field in the morning,” she told us. “It looked like a lid, a covering of some sort. The way it was stuck in the ground, it must have fallen from the sky. We thought we could use it to dry clothes on, and took it home.”&nbsp; Another witness is Kul Narayan Paudel. “I was only eight then. We ran to the field to see what had fallen. It was a four-sided metal sheet. The elders took it away, and I don't know what happened to it.” &nbsp; Ram Bahadur Baniya, a teacher at the local school, says he had heard the sheet had been brought to the school, and later handed over to the Zonal Commissioner at the time, Nanda Prasad Malla. “But that is all hearsay,” he says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="610" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Gyanu Timilsina, wife of Kul Timilsina.</figcaption> </figure>  There are two versions of what happened to Kul Timilsina’s metal sheet. One is that an American Peace Corp Volunteer teaching at the nearby Bindyabasini School took it, and another is that it was handed over to the government. Recently declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and US State Department documents from the time say that the US Embassy in Kathmandu tracked down the object two years later and had it shipped back to the US. A telegram from the Department of State and Department of Defense tagged as ‘MOON DUST / Space Fragments’ dated 1 March 1972 stated: ‘1. Restored space fragment will be on board Embassy support flight 115 arriving Kathmandu on or about March 10. Fragment is packed in shipping crate (cargo no. 72-33365) marked in care of DAO.&nbsp; 2. State and Defense representatives examined fragments prior to shipment finding restoration acceptable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df" data-rendition-name="original" width="856" height="568" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Declassified CIA documents about the investigation into the object sighted in Pokhara. </figcaption> </figure>  The documents show that the US government, military and intelligence agencies investigated this incident thoroughly when it occurred, and have continued to revisit it ever since, as recently as five years ago. What is even more intriguing is that the object that fell in Pokhara was not the only unidentified space object that fell to earth that year. There were similar sightings of objects falling from the sky in Ladakh, Sikkim and Bhutan between 19 February and 25 March 1968.&nbsp; These mysteries were the subject of a CIA investigation in 1968 titled ‘<a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP81R00560R000100070007-8.pdf">Sighting of Unidentified Flying Objects in Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan</a>’, and the report is part of the recent online declassification of 800,000 top-secret documents from the period.&nbsp; &nbsp;Although unidentified flying objects (UFOs) have a connotation now of being alien craft, it could be pieces of satellite, missile, rocket or even aircraft. The CIA report documents six sightings in 1968 and quotes local sources as describing all of them having similar characteristics: bright blue or red streaks in the sky accompanied by loud sounds like lightning and thunder and objects falling to the ground. Aside from the metallic object that was found in Batlechaur, there were other items also found nearby in Tallakot, Tureypasal, Armalakot and Maidan. Whatever the object was, it seems to have disintegrated even before it hit the ground.&nbsp; The CIA report records the first sighting on 19 February 1968 in various parts of Sikkim and Olangchung Gola and Ghunsa in eastern Nepal. The light was said to be ‘long and thin’ and giving out ‘green and red light’. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb" data-rendition-name="original" width="892" height="596" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara "> </figure>  Two days later on 21 February, a soundless blue object was seen traveling fast across the sky above Thimphu in Bhutan. Then on 4 March there were multiple daytime sightings or white streaks in the sky at Chang La Pass, Fukche and Koyul in Ladakh. There were more sightings in Ladakh on the very day fragments fell near Pokhara on 25 March 1968.&nbsp; After the sightings in Pokhara, rumours started flying in Kathmandu that these were aliens trying to land on Earth, it could be Russian or Chinese spy planes or satellites, and some even say it as a sign from heaven that the end of the world was near. This was at the height of the Cold War. The Russians and Americans were testing their thermonuclear devices as well as intercontinental ballistic missile delivery systems. The Washington-Beijing rapprochement had not yet happened, and China was making quick progress testing atomic bombs. Within two years after its first atomic test, in 1966 China exploded its first hydrogen bomb at the Lop Nur site in Xinjiang, 3,000km to the north from Nepal. After neary six decades, what is still intriguing is that all the sightings within a few months of each other in 1968 were along the Himalayan arc bordering Tibet: from Bhutan, Sikkim Nepal, to Ladakh. The US military intelligence seems to have concluded that this was not a coincidence and there were frequent research trips to the site in Pokhara by American officials in the months after the incident. With the help of the Royal Nepal Army, the region north of Pokhara was thoroughly searched.&nbsp; A confidential memo dated 25 June 1968 by Jerry C Trippy to a ‘Mr Farley’ mentions that the US Air Force’s Foreign Technology Division had decided that the debris could be important because it may be related to a Chinese missile test or a Soviet ‘Vehicle Venik’ rocket.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  On 28 August 1968 the US Embassy in Kathmandu sent a letter to Washington DC saying that the object could be of Soviet origin, possibly from when the rocket carrying the ‘Kosmos 208’ satellite re-entered the atmosphere. But why were the fragments falling to earth several weeks apart, and in the same region? No one knows where the metal sheet that Kul Timilsina recovered is now. It was definitely packed in a crate and taken to the US, and although it is rumoured that it was returned that is not very likely. Archivist Sunil Ulak heard from the Timilsina family that CIA officials had returned to the site five years ago. &nbsp; Interest in UFOs peaked in the US in the 1950s, with the Cold War space race and tests of atomic weapons and delivery rockets. CIA and scientists were being sent to investigate sightings, both publicly and privately. Could the Pokhara fragments as well as the sightings in Ladakh and Bhutan actually be alien craft falling to earth? The renewal in interest in space travel in large part due to Elon Musk’s SpaceX, UFOs and sightings are again subjects of public interest.&nbsp; Even 57 years later, even if there was definitive proof about whether the Batlechaur fragment was from a Chinese missile or a soviet rocket, it has not been made public in documents declassified so far. We may never know.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598" data-rendition-name="original" width="642" height="320" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  Sunil Ulak speculates if the debris actually came from an American aircraft, perhaps on an intel mission upon China. “Which could explain why they were so thorough in collecting the fragments in Pokhara,” he says. But that still does not explain the multiple sightings weeks apart in 1968.&nbsp; Indeed, US military aircraft were at that time flying frequent night-time missions from air force bases in India to supply weapons to Khampa guerrilla camps in Nepal located north of Pokhara in Mustang. It could very well be that the Chinese shot down one such aircraft. The other sightings could have been contrails of US spy planes, or Chinese anti-aircraft missiles.&nbsp; There were quite a few developments regarding UFOs in 2024. In a US congressional hearing in July, former intelligence officer David Grusch claimed that the government had long been involved in a program to investigate and retrieve non-human craft crashes, and then try to reverse engineer them. However Grusch did not show any evidence.&nbsp; The UAP Disclosure Act of 2024 was signed into law by Joe Biden in December 2023. It plans to oversee the public disclosure of UFO information. However, there is a clause in it that prevents disclosure if it would cause threats to military defense, intelligence operations or foreign relations.&nbsp; It is unlikely that the declassified documents about sightings in the Himalayan will cause any real surprise about definite evidence of alien life even if it was found. It seems humanity will continue, at least for now, to wonder about curious lights in the sky and whether there is anybody out there.&nbsp;

UFO over Pokhara

When Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) president Rabi Lamichhane was arrested in October on charges of defrauding depositors of cooperatives, the party’s vice president Swarnim Wagle gifted him Fareed Zakaria’s book, Age of Revolutions.
Since then, Lamichhane has been shunted around from Kathmandu to Pokhara to Chitwan and back to Pokhara to attend police investigations and court proceedings. He was being flown to Birganj via Kathmandu on Buddha Air on Monday. There is another pending case in Janakpur.
Human rights groups and civil society have criticised the government for hounding Lamichhane with inhumane treatment that borders on physical torture. The two parties in the coalition, Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML, see Lamichhane’s RSP as a potentially formidable challenge to their power.
Even if the fraud charges against Lamichhane are true, the Nepali public is increasingly looking at the government’s actions through the police and courts as political vendetta.
Despite all the travelling, sometimes by plane and often by road at night, Lamichhane appears to be in high spirits, waving to supporters who often gather if they know he is going to be driven around. A social media video shows him giving high fives to fellow passengers on a recent flight to Pokhara.&nbsp;
In the past weeks, streets in Pokhara have erupted with parallel protests by Lamichhane’s supporters as well as depositors of cooperatives who lost their savings to the scam.&nbsp;
Although family visits are allowed, prison officials in Pokhara told Nepali Times that not many people visit Lamichhane these days. He added, “When he does get visitors, he asks them to bring him books.”
Lamichhane is currently Nepal’s most high-profile public figure in custody, and highlights the stark difference between how influential prisoners are treated compared to ordinary inmates.
There are six prison cells at Kaski District Police Office’s two-story detention centre, three on each floor. And while authorities pack prisoners into already overcrowded cells, Lamichhane has an entire room on the second floor to himself.&nbsp;
He has also been allowed to call his family every few days. Other prisoners are not permitted phone calls except for emergencies.
Meanwhile, Lamichhane’s former business partner Chhabilal Joshi, an ex-Deputy Inspector General of Police with whom he established his Gorkha Media Network, is in custody under the same charges in the prison cell next to him.
Lamichhane is accused of siphoning off depositors' money to the tv network in which he was part-owner and anchor. &nbsp;
Both Lamichhane and Joshi are able to buy food from the police canteen instead of being served the regular meal like other prisoners. Joshi has also given his statement to authorities in Rupandehi and Kathmandu for his alleged role in the scam. Lamichhane is yet to be presented in Kathmandu for questioning.
While he was in custody at the Kathmandu District Police Complex, Joshi expressed his desire to sleep in a police officer’s office, reportedly assuring authorities that he would not run away and he was entitled to certain facilities as a former officer of the law.
“He seemed to be under the impression that he is still a police officer,” says a source at the Kathmandu District Police. “We made it clear to him that as someone accused of a crime, he was not entitled to special treatment.”
Former ministers Balkrishna Khand and Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, and ex-home secretary Tek Narayan Pandey, who were arrested in connection with the fake refugee scam last year, were similarly housed in the offices of law enforcement officials instead of prison cells. Khand has since been released after six months in jail.
While there is no legal provision to keep high-ranking officials in separate detention centres when they are arrested, authorities granting them special facilities is not uncommon. Law enforcement officials say VIP detainees expect preferential treatment while in police custody.
Among those is former Kosi Province minister Lila Ballav Adhikari, who was arrested from Biratnagar on 10 November over his alleged involvement in human trafficking and brought to Kathmandu. Adhikari had flown to Japan without government approval with three individuals on 29 October to attend a cultural conference, but had been sent back to Nepal from Narita.&nbsp;
His three companions were arrested at Kathmandu airport upon their arrival, but Adhikari was able to exit unscathed from the VIP lounge. Adhikari had resigned as the Kosi Province Minister for Internal Affairs and Law when it became public that his companions had been taken into custody, and was himself arrested shortly after. He has since been cleared by the courts.
Throughout his detention, Adhikari was kept separately from other inmates. Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Basant Rajouri, head of the Bhadrakali complex, says that while there is no separate detention area for VIPs, some detainees are kept separately depending on the nature of their crime.
However, sources say that arrangements were made for retired judges and others to visit Adhikari frequently worked at the office of a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) during his time in custody.&nbsp;
“He used to constantly pester the authorities to let him sit outside in the sun, and to be able to use the police officer’s shower area,” added an officer.
Adhikari was released on 25 November after the government prosecutor’s office decided not to charge him in a move that was seen to expose the government’s double standards.
Over at Kathmandu’s Dilli Bazar Prison, former Kist Bank CEO Kamal Gyawali emerges from his prison cell into the courtyard of the prison’s ‘Ka (क)’ block every morning with a thick book in his hands, ready to give his daily sermon.
With his long beard, Gyawali, who is serving a prison sentence for banking fraud, looks the part of a religious guru as he implores his rapt listeners to “walk the right path, abandon bad thoughts and turn to scripture and spirituality”.&nbsp;
Afterward, the attendees gather to discuss politics and current affairs. Inmates at his daily sermons at the prison include other high-profile detainees, including former MP Ichchha Raj Tamang, who is in jail for money laundering and cooperatives fraud, former joint secretary Chudamani Sharma, who was convicted of corruption, as well as NC leader Chandra Bahadur Lama and Krishna Bahadur Upreti of the UML both of whom are on trial for embezzling billions of rupees.
Victims of the cooperatives scam that former lawmaker Tamang was involved in have made trips to the prison and requested visits, but he has refused to meet with any of them.
“Tamang often complains that the state has prevented him from returning the money to the victims by locking him up,” says a police officer at the Dili Bazar jail.
“All you hear every day from the VIP prisoners is that they have been framed,” adds the officer. “No one admits that they were involved in misdeeds.”
But while most high-profile prisoners complain about prison conditions, one exception is former provincial lawmaker Deepak Manange, who is serving a sentence at Dilli Bazar Jail for attempted murder.
“He is the happiest prisoner here,” says a warden. “Unlike the others, he doesn’t claim to have been framed, in fact he doesn’t seem to care that he is in prison.”
Manange is detained in the ‘Kha (ख)’ block of the prison complex, which he renovated at his own expense. The block previously housed female prisoners, but Manange used his influence to transfer them elsewhere. He faces no shortage of visitors, who range from political leaders to people from the underworld.
Along with Manange, other well-known prisoners in this block include Nepal Telecom Managing Director Sunil Poudel, and former executive director of the Surakshan Printing Centre Bikal Poudel, who are serving time for corruption.
Former prisoners at Dilli Bazar prison include ex-ministers Khum Bahadur Khadka and Shyam Sundar Gupta, NC leader Ganesh Lama, Maoist MP Balkrishna Dhungel, Nagarik Unmukti Party leader Resham Chaudhary, as well as former IGs Ramesh Chand Thakuri, Om Bikram Rana, and Hem Bahadur Gurung.
Section 54 of Nepal’s Prison Act assigns each prison’s internal administration the
responsibility of governing its prisoners, which means the more favourable the jail management is, the more comfortable it is for prisoners.
Dilli Bazar prison has been the prison of choice for many high-ranking prisoners, especially those convicted of white collar crimes, due to its more accommodating administrators. The prison, which has the capacity to house 700 inmates, is also less crowded than other jails.
Anuj Bhattarai, spokesperson of the Department of Prison Management, says that there is no legal classification in Nepal for felons to be assigned prisons based on the nature of their crimes.
“That Dilli Bazar Jail has a higher number of prisoners convicted of crimes like corruption is most likely a coincidence,” says Bhattarai. “There is no provision for influential people to be able to choose where they will be incarcerated.”&nbsp;
Translated by Shristi Karki from the Nepali original published in himalkhabar.com

What Nepal’s VIP prisoners do in jail

If you were raised in Nepal, you must have picked up its unique set of vocabulary: आन्दोलन, चक्का जाम, बन्द, राँके जुलुस, आफ्नो मान्छे, हाम्रो दल, कर्फु and many more words connoting political protest.
We became familiar with the acrid smell of burning tyres, and eyes smarting from tear gas. And yet, everyone speaks of another revolution in the making. Not by desire, but by suffocation.
We heard speeches about नयाँ नेपाल, but the New Nepal never arrived. The governance system changed, but it did not reflect on people’s lives — except for those close to centres of power. The state is still unreachable and is not bothered about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/matter-of-life-and-debt">victims of loan sharks</a>, cooperative scams and other injustices.
Politicians continue to speak in sound bites, but fail to deliver. They have mastered the game of pointing fingers towards an external enemy and convincing people that they are never at fault. The political narrative is so disconnected from the actual analysis of the problem that suffocation doesn’t go away after every revolution.
No genuine effort has been made to deliver at all, which is why there is a palpable sense of disillusionment in the air forcing us to seek another revolution, even if Nepal may not be able to afford it.
How has the current system successfully held power, even if the public is deeply frustrated? How is it that for three decades we continue to be led by the same faces, who have time and again, proved to us that they may be great politicians but not national leaders?
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/improving-internet-governance-in-nepal">My experience at the epicentre of politics</a> has led me to identify three cultures that have enabled political parties to keep a tight hold on power: acceptance, silence and dependency.
We accept things the way they are. We use fatalistic phrases like “नेपालमा यस्तै हो” or “नेपालको कानुन दैब जानुन”. While this resilience enables us to rise back up from devastating calamities, it is also a reason for our compliance with the status quo.
Despite so many ‘revolutions’ that have led to significant reforms, these phrases keep getting reinforced, to the point that the upcoming generations have made it their lingo.&nbsp;
This acceptance is not a symbol of law-abiding citizens, but citizens living in fear of those in power, unable to ask the whys and why-nots.
Innovation suffocates in this culture of acceptance of the status quo. This is manifested in remarks like “but we don’t have any laws for this,” or “we don’t have the capacity to implement this”. An innovator or entrepreneur therefore has to spend that energy to become a political lobbyist, often educating and convincing the bureaucracy.&nbsp;
Remember when locally assembled <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/designed-and-made-in-nepal">Yatri motorbikes</a>, despite having willing customers, had to suffer to secure license numbers because of a lack of regulations? Instead of creating new laws, the government kept chanting the “We will promote Nepal-made goods” mantra, leaving entrepreneurs in a labyrinth of bureaucracy. The weight of acceptance of the law lies heavily on innovators. Fatalism is a tactic used by those in power to generate mass fear in society.
When we accept, we become silent. This is a pervasive phenomenon. We are trained to keep quiet, lest we ruffle feathers, burn bridges, or not get the help we need in future. We know, yet we don’t speak.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bureaucratic-hurdles-in-researching-nepals-bureaucracy">Bureaucratic hurdles in researching Nepal's bureaucracy</a>, Daniel W Edwards
Here is one example: the 2021 census shows that the number of baby boys born for every 100 baby girls is 112. This is a clear indication of female foeticide because of boy preference in society.
Despite such horrifying realities, there is finger-pointing within the government between the Ministry of Health and Population with the Ministry of Home Affairs. At the citizen level, we know those who are involved in killing girls. Yet, we don’t speak up. The Nepal Medical Council reports state that despite this gender imbalance at birth, there is no indication of any action.
But why would anyone speak against one's own fraternity, no matter how vile the act is?
When we accept and keep quiet, we become dependent on those who yield power. From getting our government procedure completed on time to getting transfers, to accessing any of our legally protected rights as well, we are forced to depend on our networks of चिनेको मान्छे people we know by blood, village, relations, political affiliation.
The culture of dependency has been the established way in Nepal. If you drive a two-wheeler or four-wheeler, and you get into a small accident, you will be asked to sort it yourself, dialing up the most powerful person you know. It becomes a competition of who knows who.
Recently I was told that there were calls from the Ministry of Health and Population and another from the Prime Minister's Office for just one medical position in a private hospital. Each was pushing its own candidate. Guess which candidate got the position.&nbsp;
The dependency of people is not on the laws or the state, it is with people in power, a reliance on the network of somebody who knows somebody, including those not officially in power.
These cultures are deeply ingrained in our heads, and in society. Collectively they form a vicious circle that helps those in power to retain power. This is not the society we want to live in.
Then, what do we do as a collective to break away from this? How do we break away from the cultures of acceptance and silence that have created this dependency? What can we do to ensure that our children do not have to learn the jargon of आन्दोलन before they learn about the state?
These are the cultures political parties need to shed rather than use them to perpetuate their power. This is what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/an-alternative-to-alternative-politics-in-nepal">alternative politics</a> needs to be about.
Sumana Shrestha is a member of Parliament’s Education, Health and Information Technology parliamentary committee and represents the Rastriya Swatantara Party.

economic-progress