<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723c649c7e80680e0c9619jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2266" height="1536"/><figcaption>ALL PHOTOS: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption></figure>Manushi Yami Bhattarai, daughter of Maoist leaders Baburam Bhattarai and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/review/nepals-maoist-revolution-from-the-inside/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Hisila Yami</a>, followed her family’s footsteps into politics as a student at Tribhuvan University, where she was secretary of the All Nepal National Independent Student Union. She has an MPhil from Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi and has been nominated by the Maoist Centre to contest the November election from Kathmandu-7. Excerpts of interview with Manushi Yami Bhattarai: Nepali Times: How is your campaign going so far?Manushi Yami Bhattarai: We have been discussing our platform and plan to improve and strengthen our collapsing public institutions, which have been taken over by a handful of people within the political parties. They have fallen prey to the much stronger party structures. Constitutionally-guaranteed rights have not been upheld. Our health and educational institutions are near collapse. The corruption watchdog has been rendered ineffective by political interference.  We need to restructure and empower these institutions from the policy-making level, for which we need effective legislature.Once our health, education, and employment sectors are strengthened, the economy will run these institutions, and I am aware of the role we need to play to strengthen the economy in the first place. Also on my agenda is environment-conscious development at a time when we have been unsustainably exploiting our natural resources to advance development. The next generation will have to pay for it with frequent and catastrophic natural disasters.We want to introduce laws that address conflicts of interest. Nepal’s political leaders are in business with interest groups who want to commercialise and privatise the education and health sectors, which is why they do not talk about strengthening public schools and hospitals. There is no one in Parliament to stand for universal healthcare and education, and there will be no one unless we stop people with connections in private healthcare and education.I attended public school in Delhi from elementary to high school and was able to become a gold medalist at Tribhuvan University on the strength of my academic background. I want to send my child to a public school, and take them to Kanti Hospital when they are sick.Why don't we trust or take ownership of public institutions? When we choose to employ services of public institutions, we will be able to identify problems within those institutions first-hand, and look at issues regarding manpower and infrastructure with more sensitivity because they directly affect our well-being and of people around us.What are your priorities on infrastructure?It is a given for leaders to promise what sells. But political leadership means being ten steps ahead of the public in terms of ideas and strategies, and should not just pander to the masses. Populism can be a problem. I am determined to address the basic needs Nepalis face. But what we have been unable to do until now is make Nepalis aware of the roles and responsibilities each level of government has, from the local to the federal.But while it is important to address the immediate needs and the infrastructural development of Kathmandu-7, it is also important to discuss the country’s economic, foreign, health and education policies which have wider-reaching and long-term importance. It will be my responsibility to solve problems at the local level as well as speak to policies that have far-reaching consequences.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723c689c7e80680e0c961ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2304" height="1536">There is speculation that Baburam Bhattarai swapped his Gorkha constituency with Pushpa Kamal Dahal to secure Maoist support for your election candidacy? That has nothing to do with my candidacy. If I was looking for an advantage, it would have been much easier and safer for me to run from Gorkha. Kathmandu is a challenging constituency even with support from the coalition.But the announcement of your candidacy came out of the blue. How long have you been thinking about running?This process has not been sudden. I have been in politics for a long time, having been involved in organisation and social movements since I was 15 years old. I worked for student welfare when I was at All Nepal National Independent Student Union. I have the experience and knowledge of the responsibilities that come with being both a representative and the opposition. This is the right time to put my academic, social and political experiences to the test and take it to Parliament.There is a challenge in that most Nepali voters align themselves with their political beliefs and ideology and vote along party lines. However, there are now large numbers of voters disillusioned with Nepal’s political mechanism, who are frustrated with the lack of delivery, and will vote for candidates and issues over ideology. Similarly, a larger number of Nepalis are not affiliated with any party and are aware of the need to vote for competent and qualified candidates regardless of party. That is why I am optimistic about my chances.The number of women candidates in the direct ballot is less than 10%. Yes, no matter which political party, it is difficult for women to even get selected as candidates. And when women are given tickets, they are given constituencies where they have little chance of winning. It is also more challenging for women to secure election funding. Our social structure also makes it difficult for women to stand in elections while raising children and juggling family responsibilities.A large part of the public is concerned with image rather than agenda, choosing to pay attention to how female candidates present themselves over what their election platform is. Women are thought of in relation to their husbands and families rather than as individuals.Has having parents who are involved in politics worked for or against you? On the one hand, it has been easier for me to get recognised and have a platform because of who my parents are. On the other hand, I am seen as an extension of my parents before people are willing to consider that I am a separate existence with my own abilities and agenda. In that sense, it has been both an advantage and a disadvantage.My parents received a good education and chose to enter politics because they always believed it was a way to pure service. Had they chosen a different profession, they would probably have had different financial circumstances.My parents never imposed their opinions or demands on me. They never expected me to follow a set path. I was never pressured to join politics -- in fact, they were always clear that politics would not get me financial benefits, and that I should pursue other interests if that was my goal. But seeing them inspired me to take this up.I have learned from my family that one must never exploit or take advantage of their platform. They have always been aware of the responsibilities, and have always been connected to everyday Nepalis. I have also learned from them not to let victory feed my ego and not let defeat discourage or scare me.Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/review/nepals-maoist-revolution-from-the-inside/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepal's Maoist revolution from the inside</a>, Sahina Shrestha<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723c6b9c7e80680e0c961bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2304" height="1536">Does that mean that considering the criticism, especially on social media, for being the daughter of political leaders you have considered another like of work? I am not very active on social media. Outrage-filled discourse on social media has become a global culture. I see discourse on social media as transient — they can lionise an individual one day and vilify the same person the next. So I don't take it too seriously and have chosen not to engage with it. I prefer to meet and interact with people directly. Throughout such interactions, whether people choose to engage with me in anger or frustration, or love, I will accept it.How will your leadership be different from the previous generation?The previous generation of political leadership had to replace an autocratic, undemocratic, and centralised political system with a federal democratic republic. It is now up to our generation to stand on the shoulders of past leadership and focus on people and issues that affect them directly: education, healthcare, and employment. We must strengthen our economic foundations so that we can sustain our still-nascent political institutions and protect what we have achieved over the years.Things have not turned out as I hoped. In the beginning, building a Constitution took precedence over representing the people, and while we focused on policy, we did not address issues that Nepalis faced in their daily lives. Now we have learned our lesson. As party cadres, we relied too much on our leaders to solve the problems, but we now want those leadership positions ourselves so that we can help people directly. You cannot win elections if you are unable to challenge the existing leadership.What are the challenges of being a full-time politician?I came into politics at a time when the 'power' of the leadership of our party was declining. I came into politics while we were under siege.It is challenging to manage a household, both financially and logistically, when one is involved in politics full-time. It is especially challenging now that I have a two-year-old child who will have to start school soon and will have healthcare and childcare needs. So, I have started teaching. My husband was also in politics, but now he is looking for a job. I wonder how other people involved in mainstream politics run their households, and what their sources of income are.What will your campaign message be to voters in your constituency?My life and work have always been transparent. It's time to find solutions to problems that we have felt have not been addressed all our lives. And if we make it to Parliament, we will address those problems, in a way that people feel its impact immediately. But we will also need to address issues that will affect Nepalis in the long run and to make those changes we will need some time.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-parties-forge-new-pre-poll-alliances/">Nepal’s parties forge new pre-poll alliances</a>, Shristi Karki

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A daughter also rises

<figure><img width="1200" height="700" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216e59c7e80680e0ba9bcjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Mina Biswakarma is going door to door campaigning for chair of Raghuganga Rural Municipality with her 3-year-old son strapped to her back. When Gau Bahadur touched Mina’s feet with his head to bless her campaign, she was overcome with tears. This photo was widely shared in Nepal’s social media this week. Photos: RIM KATUWAL</figcaption></figure>With just a week to go for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/coalition-collision/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepal’s local elections</a>, 28-year-old Mina Biswakarama is on the campaign trail with a three-year-old son strapped to her back.She is a candidate from the Maoist-Centre party for chair of Raghuganga Rural Municipality of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-clouds-are-lifting-below-dhaulagiri/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Myagdi district</a>, and is going door to door asking for votes not just from her own Dalit community but from others as well.“I have suffered the same problems you have, I am going to try to solve them if you vote for me,” she says simply as she reaches the remote village of Phuldanda. <figure><img width="1280" height="798" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216e89c7e80680e0ba9bdjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Biswakarma knows the problems of her community well. Aside from poverty, she has experienced <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/caste-aside-dalits-battle-sitgma/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">discrimination because of her caste</a>, as well as for being a woman. Her party wanted to change that with the bullet, but she now seeks to uplift her people through the ballot.  Mina was just six years old when the Maoist launched their armed struggle. Myagdi was the scene of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/remembering-battle-of-Beni,3213" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">one of the fiercest battles in 2004</a> when about 200 people were killed in the attack on the nearby district capital of Beni.“There are layers and layers of problems we face in the village. There is discrimination against Dalits for being untouchable, there is domestic violence, us women have to wait for hours at the village tap for a bucket of water,” she says.“I saw no progress after the last local election five years ago, so I decided to stand for municipal chair myself,” she adds.Mina lost her mother as a child, and was in Grade 10 when the family married her off. She then left her studies and volunteered in the local Mother’s Group where she earned the respect of peers for her commitment to social reform.Despite being involved in community projects, she found that society’s problems are structural and decided that she had to get into politics to bring about real change for the poor, the downtrodden and women in her constituency.Mina’s chances for winning are good. Most of the nearly 14,000 voters in Raghuganga are Dalit, and because of the outmigration of men, more than 55% of the voter’s list is made up of women. Candidates from the other parties are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/purchasing-power/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">supported by local traders and businesses</a>, and spend lavishly on elaborate public meetings with free lunches for attendees.  <figure><img width="640" height="853" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216eb9c7e80680e0ba9bejpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Mina Biswakarma’s funding is completely crowdsourced with small donations from her community.“I don’t even have money to hire a jeep and loudspeakers or to print posters, so I just walk door to door as much as I can,” says Mina who is not deterred by villagers who make fun of her simple campaign style.She has a list of priorities if she gets elected. Top on it is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/this-is-how-to-upgrade-nepals-rural-health/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">affordable healthcare</a>, especially for women, and to help raise living standards of the poorest and most under-served families. <figure><img width="1080" height="751" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216ee9c7e80680e0ba9bfjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>As she walks past elegant stone houses of Phuldanda, Mina is greeted by an elderly relative, Gau Bahadur Biswakarma, who kneels on the ground and respectfully touches her feet with his head. Mina is overwhelmed by this gesture, and starts weeping uncontrollably, wiping tears with her red shawl. Being a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/black-lives-matter-but-dalit-lives-dont/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Dalit</a> activist, Gau Bahadur had never got the chance to stand for election, and wanted to bless Mina and her campaign. The photo of Gau Bahadur touching Mina’s feet has been widely shared on Nepal’s social media, accompanied by many messages of support and best wishes for her candidacy. Says Mina: “I think he was happy that even though he never got the chance to stand for elections, that I did even though I am a woman from a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/dalits-disasters-and-discrimination/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">poor Dalit family</a>. He touched my feet because it was these legs that have brought me so far.” Adapted from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/129614?fbclid=IwAR13phNZMwT_F5439D2FslLHIAuQKyPPOKUcvf5YmMNhEHB24B3npN0YxOk" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepali original</a> in <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com" target="_blank" style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" rel="noopener noreferrer">himalkahbar.com</a>

Anita Bhetwal

Baby on her back, Dalit mother on campaign trail

In the black and white photograph, General Wangdu smiles broadly in front of the dusty cactus garden in Kathmandu’s Annapurna Hotel. With an ill-fitting jacket and shaggy hair he looks benign enough, but this was the last leader of the Tibetan freedom fighters who led the resistance against the Chinese from their remote mountain hideouts in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/comings-and-goings-in-mustang">Mustang</a>. Five months later, Wangdu was dead. Snapped in March 1974, I had only recently arrived in Nepal. How did I meet this legendary fighter? Possibly with his devoted camp follower, Lynne Klapecki, and probably in the Om Restaurant near Freak Street which was the preferred <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/hippie-trail-nostalgia-in-kathmandu">hippie hang-out</a>. Om Lobsang and his brother Yeshe were <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/earthquake-brings-back-memories-of-camps-for-tibetan-refugees">refugees from East Tibet </a>whose cafe offered a friendly welcome and<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/momo-loco"> the best momos</a> - they became my in-laws after I married their eldest brother Tenzin, but that was a decade later.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_4573b34282b0f5395c007243d6bef12c7ba76bfd520419e994cdcea048d795a1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2025052403054_4573b34282b0f5395c007243d6bef12c7ba76bfd520419e994cdcea048d795a1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1583" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>Photo: LISA CHOEGYAL</figcaption> </figure>  Wangdu’s English was enthusiastically rudimentary, but even riding around town with him on the back of an aging <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/kathmandu-s-new-motorbike-museum">motorbike</a>, he was a commanding presence. Always flanked by armed outriders, impressive scars marked his forearms and a pistol hung from the cord around his neck. A charismatic guerrilla leader, Wangdu was celebrated by his followers for his tough commitment and respected for his measured pragmatism. He seemed so young to have shouldered such a responsibility of command, leading hundreds of hardened <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/50-years-after-the%20raid-into-Tibet,1012#google_vignette">Khampa combatants </a>through what had been a particularly <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/heavy-snowfall-over-nepal-himalaya">brutal winter in Mustang</a>, the last bastion to hold out against the Chinese invasion of their Tibetan homeland.&nbsp; The freedom fighters of Tibet, known as the Chushi-Gangdruk, had emerged to resist the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/territorialism">Chinese takeover</a> of Tibet during the 1950s. Estimated to be 80,000-strong at the time of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/what-or-who-after-the-dalai-lama">the Dalai Lama</a>’s final escape to India in 1959, the sheer number of Chinese deployed into Tibet eventually forced the Chushi-Gangdruk to retreat to Mustang, From this high Himalayan stronghold, they continued cross-border raids on the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) throughout the 1960s.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_8a4a935ba25ae79dc3a63bb5c14626927020e5ec098093c45ccb9a5982e009fd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="2025052403054_8a4a935ba25ae79dc3a63bb5c14626927020e5ec098093c45ccb9a5982e009fd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1114" height="676" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>Guerrillas known as the Chushi-Gangdruk emerged to resist the Chinese annexation of Tibet during the 1950s. Photo courtesy: MIKEL DUNHAM</figcaption> </figure>  Their Kathmandu base was a small discreet lodge in a back lane near Rani Pokhari. Sipping sweet tea from a blue mug with a chipped lid, I sat bemused in a corner of the Mustang Hotel room whilst Wangdu and his cohorts received a battered brown suitcase from their CIA connection, a tousle-haired American in a leather jacket. Heaved onto the dingy bedspread that covered the thin mattress, it was clicked open to reveal piles of neatly stacked dollar bills.&nbsp; I cannot think why Wangdu allowed me to witness this handover but I was clearly no threat, a newly arrived world traveller with no understanding of the stakes nor any Nepali or <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/tibetan-music-in-nepals-sacred-valley">Tibetan language</a>. Despite armed guards in the corridor,Wangdu radiated confidence and bravado, and there was a practiced familiarity to the tense transaction. This deadly dance for many years had been funded by the Americans, tolerated by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-kingdom-within-a-republic">Mustang’s residents</a>, and permitted by King Mahendra and the Nepali authorities who it suited to turn a blind eye.&nbsp; But Mahendra died in 1972, and times were changing. Richard Nixon’s ping-pong diplomacy thawed the cold war and signalled a fresh entente with China. Nepal’s yet-to-be-crowned <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/if-birendra-was-alive-nepal-could-still-be-a-monarchy">King Birendra </a>was under pressure to curb the irritating incursions against the PLA launched from the Nepali territory of Mustang. Keen to appease his northern neighbour, on several occasions the King summoned Wangdu for peace talks but, despite increasingly overwhelming odds, Wangdu refused to surrender.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_a8efd5cfb92cd997bd7cb74296a936fef46e2f7428f9cd642b03f1ac4ea11ecb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="2025052403054_a8efd5cfb92cd997bd7cb74296a936fef46e2f7428f9cd642b03f1ac4ea11ecb" data-rendition-name="original" width="1055" height="885" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>General Wangdu flanked by two Tibetan resistance fighters in Mustang in the 1970s. Photo courtesy: MIKEL DUNHAM</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_75969125a745847a2ef82b6fe8b9106c0b21a116d85b8efdf5d2ee89a347bb31.jpg" data-media-id="editor_15" data-image-id="2025052403054_75969125a745847a2ef82b6fe8b9106c0b21a116d85b8efdf5d2ee89a347bb31" data-rendition-name="original" width="1044" height="792" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>King Birendra with General Wangdu (right in dark glasses) taken in 1974 possibly in Mustang after one of their few attempts at negotiation. Photo courtesy: RAJRNDRA KUNWAR</figcaption> </figure>  While I naively rode pillion around Kathmandu in the spring sunshine, Wangdu was in the midst of what turned out to be his final round of negotiations with the Nepal government. Refusing to cease hostilities with the Chinese, Wangdu must have suspected the cost of his decision, making his cheerful smile in the photograph all the more poignant and brave. It was only much later that I appreciated the significance of the moment. Wangdu had been sent to replace the first resistance leader in Mustang, Baba Gen Yeshe, a much derided corrupt character who stole money meant for his troops and exploited fleeing refugees by seizing their treasures. Baba Gen Yeshe never forgave Wangdu,and sought revenge in May 1974 by betraying him and his commanders to the Nepal authorities. Renewed Chinese incursions from the north, active PLA collusion with the Nepali forces under the new King, and treachery from within the Chushi-Gangdrukranks combined to seal their fate.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_e0987a7c90d76431b0d7d5e6115ebfe3dbda7ab939e5941e079c18d722e884c0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_16" data-image-id="2025052403054_e0987a7c90d76431b0d7d5e6115ebfe3dbda7ab939e5941e079c18d722e884c0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1400" height="769" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>British television journalists George Patterson and Adrian Cowell embedded themselves with Khampa guerrillas and accompanied them from Tsum Valley on a cross border raid on a Chinese Army convoy in 1964. Photo: ESSAYS ON NEPAL / SAM COWAN</figcaption> </figure>  Mikel Dunham, renowned author of Buddha’s Warriors, writes: ‘It is possible that Wangdu was waiting for some cue from the Dalai Lama’s government-in-exile in Dharamsala, India. It is equally possible – during that last, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/the-human-cost-of-nepal-s-yarsa-gold-rush?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR31-Cqw8oyIwMPzf_35e4Skr0ululJvLf3_vDkzHn-AYG2h8uPw2rqqErg_aem_tGVn5coY1-jA7fze_xqhew">desolate winter </a>– that he made the decision to go out in glory rather than admit defeat. Over the last fifteen years, Wangdu had experienced Tibet’s organized resistance being squeezed and shoved around by every conceivable outside force.&nbsp; First they had been pushed out of their own country by the PLA; then they had been refused sanction while on <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/nepal-india-trans-boundary-bonds?fbclid=IwAR0PpJ5zUEbwdug3g_U3ar6FUugngRY0S8Tl2v_7wqzrsHmXWcXsKjvL4t4">Indian soil</a>; then they were abandoned by the Americans because, apparently, Nixon wanted to make friends with Wangdu’s mortal enemies, the communists; then they had been betrayed by the vampiric Baba Gen Yeshe – a Tibetan and, even worse, a fellow Khampa; and now, finally Wangdu’s army was being evicted by the Nepalis. One thing was certain: Wangdu was a warrior. To imagine Wangdu simply giving up and settling down in the pacific squalor of a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/elderly-left-in-bhutan-refugee-camp">refugee camp </a>was unthinkable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_8fc1ffef4ae751628b90ae781b66e11e51e4fdde2787207c9042efbee345ce49.jpg" data-media-id="editor_20" data-image-id="2025052403054_8fc1ffef4ae751628b90ae781b66e11e51e4fdde2787207c9042efbee345ce49" data-rendition-name="original" width="500" height="746" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>The much derided Baba Gen Yeshe, the first Tibetan resistance leader in Mustang, who betrayed Wangdu for personal gain. Photo courtesy: MIKEL DUNHAM</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_b1d833cdb00d3ac4416b844d8730475cd88c238caaaf8da69889a584eea229a3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_21" data-image-id="2025052403054_b1d833cdb00d3ac4416b844d8730475cd88c238caaaf8da69889a584eea229a3" data-rendition-name="original" width="500" height="656" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>Aditya SJB Rana of the Royal Nepal Army whose team ambushed Wangdu and his cohorts at the top of Tinker Pass in Darchula, West Nepal. Photo courtesy: GAUTAM SJB RANA</figcaption> </figure>  By August 1974 the game was up. Wangdu and six of his exhausted party were killed on their horses by <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=7270">the Royal Nepal Army</a> on the brink of escape. The officer in charge, Aditya SJB Rana, cleverly predicted their route into India after they failed to silence a police radio in Yari. A carefully laid ambush trapped them near the summit of the Tinker Pass in Darchula,at 5,000 meters the highest military operation of its time. Wangdu’s body was helicoptered to Kathmandu, and a big show made of the royal Nepal victory.&nbsp; The Tibetan armed insurgency against China had reached its end.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250524030520_3ff9c6fc85a65bc9a2c3afe9736d9f5f9413de752e790a5d9dca0981ea94f9b4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_23" data-image-id="20250524030520_3ff9c6fc85a65bc9a2c3afe9736d9f5f9413de752e790a5d9dca0981ea94f9b4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> </figure>

The Last Days of the Khampa

Starting 17 September Turkish Airlines will fly daily to Seville, one of Spain’s major tourist draws. This is Turkish’s sixth destination in Spain after Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Malaga, and Bilbao. Seville is in the Andalusia region on Spain’s south coast with a rich Moor history. There are approximately 30,000 Nepalis living in Spain.&nbsp;

Turkish to Seville

Fenerbahçe Beko won the Turkish Airlines EuroLeague finals in Abu Dhabi, held 23-25 May, defeating Monaco 81-70 in the final. Olympiacos, who defeated Panathinaikos 97-93, finished the series in third place. The Most Valuable Player (MVP) of the final match, Nigel Hayes-Davis from Fenerbahçe Beko, received a prize of 1,000,000 Miles&amp;Smiles from Turkish Airlines’ Chief Commercial Officer Ahmet Olmuştur. The carrier has been the title sponsor of the Turkish Airlines EuroLeague, a top tier tournament, since 2010.

Turkish Basketball

The newly-formed Himalayan Art Council is set to launch Nepal’s National Art Protection Platform that seeks to preserve <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-history-of-heritage">Nepal’s unique cultural heritage </a>using<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/artificial-censorship"> AI-powered tools</a>. The Council seeks to safeguard <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-art-going-places">Nepali art works</a> from neglect, theft and counterfeiting as well as preserve existing artwork and celebrate living masters by giving them a cultural space to continue the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/sacred-survival">sacred art traditions</a>. "We are introducing a new digital platform designed to preserve, verify and elevate <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-new-generation-of-alternative-artists">Nepal’s art for generations to come,</a>” says a statement from the Council, adding that the digital platform will use AI told for authentication and blockchain to keep track of works of art. Artists can now be protected by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/ayo-ai?fbclid=IwAR1uwmTVq4gUB70ljfRezjzukD9ArWXPuMnUikopeQ8PoiZMjicToPSwhKE&amp;=1">AI tools</a> that detect forgeries, identify their work even when unsigned, and ensure they receive proper recognition and credit. The archives will be searchable with translated inscription and interactive guides. Says curator Meena Lama: “AI and blockchains are tools that give us the power to detect fakes and identify unsigned paintings and track every piece. With these tools we can restore trust, secure authorship and give artists the dignity they deserve.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250514170544_2ab58f6313c0458f75114a692b0016bd9efb3b59d5f8f07f0da72e1e37b82f53.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250514170544_2ab58f6313c0458f75114a692b0016bd9efb3b59d5f8f07f0da72e1e37b82f53" data-rendition-name="original" width="1300" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Artwork at the Traditional Art Exhibition at Patan Museum."> <figcaption>Artwork at the Traditional Art Exhibition at Patan Museum.</figcaption> </figure>  The Council is also holding an exhibition of Nepali cultural masterpieces with 50 historical <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Buzz-the-art,671">thangka and paubha </a>by past masters and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/between-the-sacred-and-everyday">contemporary works by current artists</a>. This curated collection is a living tribute to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/when-yaks-go-so-does-culture">Himalayan culture</a> with economic depictions of deities, mandala and sacred narratives. The exhibition at <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/a-portal-into-patan-s-past-and-present">Patan Museum</a> also provides an opportunity to meet painters and custodians of art and culture. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/golden-deities">Golden deities</a>, Sewa Bhattarai ‘The exhibition is only the first step in a long journey to ensure that Nepali art is no just seen but fully understood, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Narratives-of-Faith-and-Memory-Remembering-the-Lost-Sculptures-of-Kathmandu-exhibition,987">protected and remembered</a>,’ the Council says. Artist Kailash K Shrestha of Artudio has spent decades promoting thankha and paubha traditions because of their beauty and devotional meaning. But he also says artists are underpaid, exploited and ignored. He adds, “AI and blockchain are not just buzzwords, they are powerful tools that can protect Nepal’s artists from fraud, verify authenticity and build a permanent record of provenance.” Traditional Art Exhibition Till 17 May Patan Museum

election-campaign

A daughter also rises

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The Last Days of the Khampa

Turkish to Seville

Turkish Basketball

Digital protection for Nepal’s art