<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131128/637234599c7e80680e0c492bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1600" height="1066"/><figcaption>All photos: RABI LAMICHHANE/FACEBOOK</figcaption></figure>While mainstream political leaders in Kathmandu were vacillating on a date for the upcoming provincial and federal elections, one Ram Bahadur Biswokarma was up on a stage of an open stadium in Nepalganj.“May my country be like Rabi Lamichhane,” said Biswokarma in a quivering voice. He was prompted to speak about ‘the country of his imagination’ at a district meeting of the newly launched National Independent Party in Banke.Another participant, Balkrishna Chapagain added: “May my country be what Rabi Sir has envisioned!”Rabi Lamichhane is using this public preference for independent candidates because the incumbents are old and incompetent to his advantage and to catapult his National Independent Party to prominence. His personal brand as a well-recognised face has helped.Lamichhane is only the latest figure cultivating tv popularity for politics in a long list in Nepal, India and other countries. Viz:  Donald Trump, Silvio Berlusconi, Volodymyr Zelensky, Smriti Irani.According to John Street, English professor and author of Mass Media, Politics and Democracy, it is easy to have 'celebrity influence' on politics through television. The reason: compared to any other mass medium, television focuses more on the human aspect of the people -- making the audience in turn feel seen and heard.Lamichhane’s News 24 show  सधा कुरा, जनता संग (Straight Talk with the People) allowed him to generate a massive fan base after it was first aired in 2016. He took on issues of public concern including foreign employment fraud, mismanagement of airport immigration, and corruption. Heated political confrontation in the studio, live rescue of abused workers meant that people were now coming to him in the hope of solving their problems instead of going to the police.Soon enough, Lamichhane was everywhere. At political party events, the crowd lined up for selfies with ‘Rabi Dai’. On Facebook, he has over a million followers which is more than the combined total Sher Bahadur Deuba, K P Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal have on the platform.But his influence was perhaps most visible when he was taken into custody by Chitwan Police in 2019 for the suicide case of a former employee. Even as an alleged video emerged where Salikram Pudasaini before his death blamed Lamichhane among others for mistreatment, supporters took to the streets calling the incident a smear campaign against the tv presenter.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/kathmandus-balen-phenomenon/">Kathmandu’s ‘Balen Phenomenon</a>’, Sarala Gautam<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131128/6372345c9c7e80680e0c492cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="852">Which might as well be, but Lamichhane’s persona is cultivated by sensational, clickbait journalism. his content is provocative and unapologetic, it incites antagonism against guess. Few anchors on national television have hurled invectives and threats as he has.But when the Press Council sent Lamichhane a warning letter, he wrote back, ‘I’m not a journalist, not yet.’ And yet, he has used the media to propel himself to national popularity. 'I would rather be a cobbler than apply for a press pass,' he added, which the followers supported by waging a cyber jihad.For a celebrity presenter of his status, he is quite fast and loose with facts. His forte is not fact-checking, as exemplified by episodes on Nepal manufacturing its own Covid vaccine and a haunted house in Kathmandu which were baseless, problematic and promoted false narratives.So it is only natural to wonder if his politics will resemble his journalism. After all, a leader has the responsibility to forge a path without crowd pressure, having judged right from wrong.Lamichhane accepts that he lacks leadership experience in Nepal, but claims to have led a large group at his workplace in the US to improve customer service. Lamichhane was formerly a manager at an outlet of the sandwich chain Subway in Baltimore.It was also the Chitwan incident that prompted Lamichhane to join politics, he has said. He had even announced a new reality show titled Leader to find candidates for his new political party but the pandemic intervened.But when he joined Galaxy 4k TV where he was also an investor, one could see a marked difference in his demeanour. He was constrained, and diplomatic with his guests. Perhaps he was just biding his time to join politics.“I had thought of running for mayor of Kathmandu,” Lamichhane was quoted as saying. But the results of the May election where independent candidates were victorious in some of the major cities appears to have emboldened him to launch an entirely new political party.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rise-of-the-independents/">Rise of the independents</a>, Editorial<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131128/637234609c7e80680e0c492djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000">Lamichhane set some ground rules during the campaign. At his party functions, it is not the leaders who speak and make false promises but participants who talk about their expectations, election tickets will be given only to the candidates chosen by ordinary members and the party will refrain from setting up cadre and forming fraternal organisations.But Lamichhane’s unclear stance on federalism and secularism is suspicious to many. To be sure, he was in the news for his anti-republicanism and anti-federal sentiments around the time Rajendra Lingden won the RPP chairmanship.There was also talks of him joining the party prior to local elections in May. Lamichhane’s celebrity status combined with RPP’s stronghold could have been a powerful alliance, but by setting up his own party, it seems he wants to be his own boss and not be led by crowds.We have already seen how Bibeksheel Sajha Party went into decline after its chair also a former media personality Rabindra Mishra demanded feudalism to be scrapped, monarchy restored and a referendum on secularism.Will Lamichhane be able to connect to the people with his politics as he did with his brand of journalism? Will the voters amid their distaste for mainstream parties and the same old leaders seek an alternative as they did with Balen Shah and Harka Sampang in May? We will have to wait till November for answers.So far, the new party has enjoyed a good turnout at its district meetings. But so do gatherings of rural cooperatives. And despite the Lamichhane Craze, his new party lacks candidates and leaders to properly contest the election. Even Lamichhane’s otherwise tv presenter-style provocative oration lacks substance at his political events.“Giving a public speech is much more difficult than speaking on tv where we talk based on facts,” Lamichhane himself admits. But one cannot discount the possibility that the celebrity presenter could cut the vote bank of the establishment and even capture their strongholds.Rabi Lamichhane’s transition to politics is an experiment. Voters will also be experimenting by voting for him. For many, given the current crop of ageing leaders, that is worth a gamble.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/snowbalen/">SNOWBALEN</a>, Shristi KarkiUmesh Shrestha is the editor at NepalFactCheck.org, a joint initiative of the non-profit Center for Media Research Nepal (CMR-Nepal) and the Nepali language blog, MySansar.com

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After Balen, the Rabi Phenomenon

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114121112/637223079c7e80680e0c032djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1364" height="860"/><figcaption>Photo: AMIT MACHAMASI/NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE</figcaption></figure>On his first anniversary in office this month, Nepal’s <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/deuba-5/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">five-time prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba</a> and his coalition governments get a mixed report card.Deuba came to power by riding on an internal feud within the leadership of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">powerful Nepal Communist Party</a> (NCP) that ruled the country after the UML and Maoists together won the 2017 polls. As the NCP disintegrated, so did the UML, and Deuba replaced K P Oli in July 2021.It has been a chequered year for Deuba. On the plus side, more than 90% of Nepal’s eligible population is fully vaccinated against Covid-19, the American-aided MCC project <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/mcc-gets-green-light-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">got ratified by Parliament</a> after a bruising political battle, local elections were held.However, just as Nepal was emerging from the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-real-cost-of-nepals-second-wave/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Covid-19 pandemic</a>, it plunged headlong into an economic crisis spawned by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/ukraine-crisis-hits-nepal-economy-hard/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">economy is in bad shape</a>.The 5-party coalition in its first cabinet meeting had given itself ten targets that included post-Covid economic prosperity, strengthening the federal democratic system, disaster management and equitable access to public services.But perhaps the biggest achievement of the Deuba administration has been the relatively successful conduct of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-goes-to-the-polls/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">local polls in May</a> which was held in 752 local constituencies with 35,045 representatives elected. Holding elections in time should not be regarded as an ‘achievement’, but we have to remember that Deuba had to convince both coalition partners Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoists and Madhav Nepal of the CPN-Unified Socialists who were <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/dance-of-democracy/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">reluctant about polls</a> because they thought their parties would lose.Deuba even managed to convince Netra Bikram Chand, erstwhile separatist C K Raut, and Resham Chaudhari who had been expelled from Parliament on allegations of involvement in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/tikapurs-protracted-trauma/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Kailali massacre</a> of 2015, not to disrupt the voting.But Deuba’s second singular achievement was to steer the $500 million MCC infrastructure grant through House ratification despite the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/high-tension-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">political polarisation</a> that it had created. The MCC was stuck in Parliament repeatedly when the NCP with its near two-thirds majority was in power, but Deuba’s deserves credit for deftly manoeuvring the bill through the House.The MCC was not just important because of the size of the grant, but because the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-cost-of-no-mcc/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">future of Nepal’s hydropower development</a>, distribution and possibility of future export of surplus electricity to India depends on it.The previous Oli government had been accused of corruption in the import of Covid test equipment, vaccines, security printing press, and real estate scams. The Deuba coalition has not been able to escape allegations of corruption in high places either.As soon as his coalition took over from the Oli government, Deuba sent both Houses into recess and called a Cabinet meeting the very next day to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/political-expediency-trumps-nepal-constitution/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">pass an ordinance allowing parties to split</a> with just 20% of the membership.This was targeted directly at the UML, allowing its rump Unified Socialists to split off. This was a blatant misuse of power for partisan benefit, especially since it was Deuba himself who was responsible for a law requiring 40% membership of a parliamentary party for a break-up — a requirement especially designed in 2017 to prevent political instability,All this was the height of hypocrisy for a coalition that had attacked the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-pm-oli-goes-it-alone/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">K P Oli government for violating the rule of law</a>. Deuba ended up out-doing Oli in bending rules for power and partisan gain.Since then, scandals have been coming on thick and fast involving ministers in the Deuba government. Finance Minister Janardan Sharma first got burnt in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/state-sponsored-economic-crisis/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">sacking Nepal Rastra Bank governor Adhikari</a>, then for allowing outside consultants to help him pass tax laws in the new budget that benefited only certain business houses.Sharma then got embroiled in allegations that he had allowed special interest groups illegal access to the budget design process. And then there was the tape of Minister of Culture, Tourism and Aviation Prem Ale abusing and manhandling the head of Nepal Airlines, allegedly over refusing to give jobs to the minister’s cronies. Instead of reprimanding the minister, Deuba’s ministerial council sacked the airline chief.There was also blatant interference in the promotion of the new police chief, which sent the message that the security services had been politicised. But this was not new for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/reinstate-remove-repeat/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Deuba</a>, who as Home Minister 30 years ago, had interfered similarly in police promotions.Despite all this, by the sordid record of past governments in Nepal, this coalition government is relatively clean. With <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-local-polls-a-rehearsal-for-federal-elections/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">federal and provincial elections looming</a> on the horizon, the Nepali Congress still has a chance to distance itself from its tainted partners and aim for a fresh mandate in November.Santa Gaha Magar

Deuba's mixed report card

Ang Kami Sherpa just broke his own record to climb Mt Everest for the 26th time last week. Also aspiring to be in the Guinness Book is Prime Minister Deuba by being prime minister seven times (five down two to go) and have a wax figure of himself yawning installed at Madame Tussauds.Hoping to get into the Guinness Book this week is the shortest man ever to summit Mt Everest. We already have Ghantaghar in Dharan officially listed as the world’s fastest clock, and the CPN Maoist Centre has been recognised as the world’s most rightwing Communist Party.We can now reveal that Nepal’s Election Commission is going to be on the Guinness Book for being the slowest ballot counters. This is a great national recognition that does Nepal proud, and shows that our hard-won democracy is taking a great leap forward.There have been calls to speed up the counting process so that Nepalis can get on with their busy schedules to enjoy two-day weekends. That would be a bad idea. After all, haste makes waste, and slow and steady wins the race. The Election Commissars have also wisely desisted from putting the names of parties and candidates on the ballot so as not to confuse voters. For The Ass, 13 May was a toss up between Shuttlecock and Cock.To be fair, voters do have a right to be confused about ballot papers this time, there were just too many candidates. This presents a clear and present danger of the Erection Commission running out of party symbols for future polls.Since prominent symbols like Fountain Pen, Mango, Duck and Rabbit have already been taken by the 5-Party Cartel, we need more symbols so that in November  voters can confidently stamp their Hammer and Sickle on the Swastika.In order to enlarge the gene pool of election symbols, the Ass is inspired by Nepal’s rich biodiversity to include the country’s flora, fauna and sauna. The Uncastrated He-goat, Bull, Water Buffalo and Yak have already been conscripted.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111128/6372186e9c7e80680e0baa40jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="765" height="2000"/>To accommodate political parties that are missed out, we have assigned them the Scorpion, Yeti, Vulture, Porcupine, Snake, Snail and (the Donkey is pleased to announce) a Jack Ass delivering a back kick.We have also included symbolic symbols like Handcuffs, Grenade (with pin attached) and Squat Latrine. The Family Party’s symbol has been changed to a male prophylactic, and Bibeksheel Sajha gets Face Mask.As more election results come in, let the best ass win.

Ass s

Symbolic symbols

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111128/637218899c7e80680e0baa4ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1426" height="951"/><figcaption>Photo: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>Journalists and academics coming to Kathmandu for conferences often remark how unrestricted and open it is. But they also have a warning: how easy it is to lose it all through populism, exclusion and a flawed <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/clean-up-elections-to-clean-up-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">electoral process</a>.Even as the results of the 13 May local government elections trickle in, we are reminded just how precarious our democracy still is. Even though the nationwide average for voter turnout this time was a respectable 64%, this was lower than the 2017 local election which was nearly 75%.That could be because it was the first local polls in 20 years, but the blame for this year’s poor show can be placed squarely on voter apathy, disillusionment and a feckless electoral mechanism.The 52% turnout in Kathmandu can be due to the very low expectations of the capital’s citizens towards the mainstream parties that have mis-ruled Nepal for the past 30 years. The protest vote for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/kathmandus-balen-phenomenon/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Balen Shah</a> is a rejection of the UML’s Bidya Sundar Shrestha who failed spectacularly.But the Election Commission and the political parties have not exactly made it easy for citizens to exercise their mandate. Nearly <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/we-are-treated-like-atms/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">4 million Nepalis living and working abroad were not allowed to vote</a> because, despite a 2018 Supreme Court ruling, there is no voting by mail.This represents a serious democratic deficit and a blot on our electoral system. The excuse is that mail voting could open up avenues for fraud, but their real fear is that since most young Nepalis abroad have left because they see no future here, their votes would be against mainstream candidates.There is also reluctance to introduce electronic voting machines (EVMs). Parties worry about rivals cheating (or, being unable to cheat themselves) could be a reason. Countries at the same socio-economic status as Nepal have electronic voting, there is no reason why we cannot.The Election Commission has taken more than a week to count just 30% of the 200,000 or so ballot papers in Kathmandu. This is a shame. In Bharatpur, the memory is still fresh of attacks by Maoists at the counting centre in 2017, tearing up ballot papers. Fortunately, Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s daughter Renu is ahead in the polls this time, otherwise there is no guarantee that the 2017 performance would not be repeated.Asked about the slow counting, the Chief Election Commissioner passed the buck saying his job was to conduct elections and someone else was responsible for counting. That is a cop-out. But as much to blame are political parties who have blocked every effort to introduce electronic voting.There had been similar delays five years ago, and the Election Commission should have learnt its lesson. This being Nepal, EVMs were not even tested in selected urban areas, and it is doubtful if there is the political will, competence, or the wherewithal to introduce electronic voting in the November provincial and federal elections.To be sure, it is the not all the Election Commission’s fault that the 5-party coalition and its common candidates for municipalities and metros made the ballot papers so complicated. In some areas you had to be a rocket scientist to figure out where to wield the swastika.This is the reason more ballot papers were disqualified in this election than in any previous one since 1992. In some voting centres of Kathmandu the proportion of rejected ballots is said to be as high as 40%. Shocking revelations like this force us to question the entire outcome of elections themselves.What the Commission could have easily done is divide up the ballot papers between mayoral and ward candidates, or added tellers in centres where it knew there would be bottlenecks. How come Bhaktapur was able to count all its ballots in a few days and the other municipalities in the Valley are so far behind?These delays increase the temptation for trailing candidates and parties to disrupt the counting process, cheat, or resort to violence. Voters and the entire nation have been paralysed for nearly two weeks now because the results are slowly trickling in from one municipality and ward at a time.Even then, we do not see any sense of urgency or realisation that the voting process needs to be fairer and faster. It does not behoove a modern democracy to have such an obsolete and archaic system of casting and counting.

Counting every vote

<figure><img width="2048" height="1536" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217d29c7e80680e0baa0ajpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>Nepal registered a turnout of 64% on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepalvotes/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Friday’s local election</a> against 73.8% in polls five years ago. Ballot boxes have been collected from major polling stations including Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Lalitpur, allowing vote counting to start in many places from Friday night itself. There were a total of 17,733,723 registered voters and some 300,000 people had <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/on-the-road-to-vote/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">travelled to their home districts</a> this week to cast their ballots. Nepalis all over the country had queued up from early in the morning to choose from 145,010 candidates for more than 35,221 legislative and executive seats in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/local-poll-national-impact/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">753 local units across 77 districts</a>. Of these, 355 were elected unopposed. <figure><img width="960" height="640" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217d59c7e80680e0baa0bjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Ballot boxed being collected from polling stations across the country. Photos: MONIKA DEUPALA</figcaption></figure><figure><img width="960" height="640" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217d89c7e80680e0baa0cjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><img width="2048" height="1364" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217da9c7e80680e0baa0djpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><img width="2048" height="1364" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217dd9c7e80680e0baa0ejpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><img width="960" height="640" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217e09c7e80680e0baa0fjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure>While the election day for the most part unfolded smoothly, there were some clashes with police forced to fire in the air, as well as incidents of ballot box capture. There was also one deadly road accident in which 10 voters were killed. By 12PM, the police had to fire several rounds in the air to control threats of violence in 13 polling booths in districts including Ramechhap, Dolakha, Okhaldhunga, Humla, Accham, Bajura, Bara, Sarlahi, Gorkha and Rautahat.The security forces also used tear gas to disperse demonstrators when clashes broke out between the political party cadres of the governing coalition and the opposition UML. <figure><img width="2048" height="1364" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217e39c7e80680e0baa10jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><img width="1200" height="700" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217e69c7e80680e0baa11jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Vyas Municipality mayoral candidate Deep Raj Joshi was beaten up by Nepali Congress cadres at the voting booth.</figcaption></figure>In Tanahu’s Vyas Municipality, it was the independent mayoral candidate Deepak Raj Joshi who was beaten up by Nepali Congress cadres. Joshi had gone to visit the polling centre for observation. Joshi, who sustained a head injury is the son of former Nepali Congress leader Govinda Raj Joshi but received support from the opposition UML for his candidacy.The Madhes Province also saw a turnout of nearly 70% despite some sporadic incidents that led the voting to be stopped in eight centres: four in Bara, three in Rautahat and one in Saptari even as the district recorded one of the highest turnout at 72%. <figure><img width="1200" height="700" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217e89c7e80680e0baa12jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>A voter injured in a road accident in Syangja.</figcaption></figure>Elsewhere, the election day turned into mourning for a village in Syangja when 10 people from a single Ward perished in a road accident earlier in the day.A jeep carrying voters headed to Syangja’s Waling Municipality met with an accident when it veered off the road and plunged 500m, killing 10 people on the spot. Twelve more are being treated for injuries in Pokhara.  <figure><img width="1200" height="700" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217eb9c7e80680e0baa13jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure>Also in Friday's election, former prime minister and Janata Samjbadi Party’s federal council chair Baburam Bhattarai invited a controversy when he shared on social media a photograph of himself voting in a booth, with the ballot paper exposed (pictured above). The Election Commission sought clarification from Bhattarai who has now been fined Rs15,000. He has since deleted his post on social media.

Nepalis vote enthusiastically in local elections

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217919c7e80680e0ba9f4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Senior citizens cast their ballot in Kathmandu's Hanuman Dhoka on Friday morning. Photos: RSS and AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>Nepalis all around the country are queuing up to vote in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-goes-to-the-polls/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">local elections</a> today. Nepal will be choosing from 145,010 individuals for more than 35,221 legislative and executive seats in 753 local units across 77 districts. Of these, 390 representatives have already been elected unopposed.A total of 17,733,723 voters are registered of which 8,992,010 are male, 8,741,530 female and 183 have registered under the 'others' category. An estimated 300,000 people have <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/on-the-road-to-vote/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">travelled to their home districts</a> this week to vote in Friday’s elections.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217959c7e80680e0ba9f5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="750" height="563"><figcaption>Incumbent mayor of Lalitpur Chiribabu Maharjan with his wife after casting their ballot at Ward 3 this morning.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217979c7e80680e0ba9f6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1147" height="765"><figcaption>Nepali Congress leader Prakash Man Singh at his voting booth in Kathmandu's Ward 16 Paknajol.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/6372179a9c7e80680e0ba9f7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1800" height="1200"><figcaption>UML co-chair Surendra Pandey at a voting booth in Chitwan.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/6372179d9c7e80680e0ba9f8jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"><figcaption>Bharatpur incumbent mayor casting her vote.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217a19c7e80680e0ba9f9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1221" height="814"><figcaption>Kathmandu mayor candidate Srijana Singh of Nepali Congress.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217a39c7e80680e0ba9fajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1175" height="784"><figcaption>UML vice chair for Kathmandu nominee former Miss Newa Sunita dangol</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217a69c7e80680e0ba9fbjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1840" height="1584"><figcaption>Nepali Congress leader Ramchandra Paudel at Byas Municipality of Tanahu district.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217a99c7e80680e0ba9fcjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3000" height="2909"><figcaption>UML vice chair nominee former Miss Newa Sunita dangol</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217ad9c7e80680e0ba9fdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"><figcaption>An elderly at a voting booth in Baglung'sGalkot Municipality.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217b09c7e80680e0ba9fejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1800" height="1200"><figcaption>A woman casts her vote in Suryabinaka, Bhaktapur.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217b39c7e80680e0ba9ffjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217b69c7e80680e0baa00jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="428"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217b89c7e80680e0baa01jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="428"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217ba9c7e80680e0baa02jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">A key concern in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/local-poll-national-impact/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">this election</a> is the probability of high number of invalid votes as several parties have forged electoral alliances and with around 79 political parties registered, the ballot paper will have more election symbols than candidates.

#NepalVotes

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217669c7e80680e0ba9e5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>In an informal survey, Nepalis in the United States were asked about <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">elections back home this year</a> to three levels of government.Most replied that they do not care much about politics either in Nepal or the United States, they just want to finish their studies, or save enough to send to families in Nepal.Most had no plans to return to Nepal any time soon, among common reasons like quality of life, financial security, and the need to support families back home.But there was one response that seemed to go to the heart of it: "Nepalis do not have equal rights."Although Nepal ranks fairly high in gender equality because its reservation laws for elected representatives, and is above many other Asian countries in the Human Rights Index, there are persistent gaps. Caste, ethnic and gender discrimination are still rife, and socio-economic inequities hold the country back.What rankles Nepali students here is that, like the other 4 million or so compatriots overseas, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/our-notes-count-but-our-votes-dont/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">they cannot exercise their right to vote</a> in local elections on 13 May or in provincial and federal elections later this year.Some saw their Filipino classmates or colleagues voting in this week’s elections, and are puzzled why Nepal cannot do what the Philippines does. Non-resident Indians may even be allowed to vote by post in the 2025 elections.The United States allows overseas voters to cast ballots after filling in a Federal Post Card Application. The UK allows nationals abroad to cast postal votes or even delegate someone else to cast a proxy vote.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217699c7e80680e0ba9e6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Despite a Supreme Court verdict in 2018, Nepal’s Elections Commission still has not got its act together to allow the diaspora to cast their ballot.The Nepal Supreme Court’s six-point directive four years ago ordered the government to make necessary arrangements to allow Nepali citizens living and working in foreign countries to vote in elections at the country’s diplomatic missions and universities abroad. It also directed the government to prepare a list of Nepalis who have not renounced their Nepali citizenship, or obtained citizenship of the countries they are living in.To be sure, only 45 out of more than 200 countries currently have procedures to allow absentee mailed ballots. But for a country with a Constitution that is regarded more progressive than previous ones, this is a glaring omission.As many as 14% of Nepal’s total population is abroad. Many are migrant workers in India, the Gulf, Europe or East Asia. Others are students in Australia or the United States. The estimated $7 billion dollars they send home every year is keeping Nepal afloat through its current economic crisis. In fact remittances from Nepalis abroad accounts for nearly a third of Nepal’s GDP, second only to Kyrgyzstan in Asia.Overseas Nepalis are also exposed to a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/between-home-and-the-deep-blue-sea/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">diverse, global perspective from work experience</a> and education. They have more data points to know what Nepal needs, how possible solutions might be viable, who can implement solutions, and vote as informed citizens. And yet they are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/mirage-of-migrant-rights/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">not allowed to cast their ballots</a>.“It's not that Nepal’s parties are not aware of this situation,” says one student whose family members work for the government back home. “But they are afraid that our votes will be against failed politicians who have ruled Nepal for so long.”Officials in Nepal admit privately that they fear there will be a lot of cheating if absentee ballots are allowed. But if the Philippines can do it there is no reason why Nepal cannot, and this indicates a lack of political will.Overseas Nepalis all have access to the internet, so e-voting would be an easy, effective and fraud-proof solution. All it needs is a law allowing mailed ballots.“Our contribution to Nepal has been ignored, we do not want to return to Nepal as long as our hard work is not valued,” said a Nepali worker here, who like others, did not want to be identified. “The government just sees us as ATMs.”Back home, Nepali Congress leader and former foreign minister Prakash Sharan Mahat has indicated that voting by mail may not be possible in the foreseeable future. He was quoted as saying recently: “It may not be possible in local elections, nor in the upcoming parliamentary elections. It would be a great achievement if we succeeded to make it possible in the coming five years.”Despite that inability to exercise their franchise, most are worried about political disarray and the economic crisis in Nepal. They follow developments in Nepal closely and constantly on the internet, and express worry and frustration.

“We are treated like ATMs”

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/6372171f9c7e80680e0ba9d0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="600"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>After having served five years in office, Manju Devi Gurung was once again chosen by the UML as its deputy mayor candidate for Pokhara. Gurung had initially opposed her party’s decision because she wanted to contest as mayor, but later re-registered her candidacy.She is one of the many grassroots politicians who are actively pushing back at the male leadership of the parties who consider <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/deputies-drive-development-in-rural-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">deputy mayors</a> as incapable of taking on the top post.Indeed, even as the Election Commission records show an increase in the number of female candidates for mayor and rural municipality chair, the appointment of women to top political positions will likely decrease this time.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/baby-on-her-back-dalit-mother-on-campaign-trail/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Baby on her back, Dalit mother on campaign trail</a>, Anita BhetwalIn 2017, seven women were elected mayors and 276 were elected <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">deputy mayors</a>, while 11 female leaders were appointed chairpersons and 424 vice-chairpersons of rural municipalities.While 345 women across the country had run for mayors and rural municipality chiefs in 2017, 466 women have registered their candidacies for the top position this time. Similarly, 3,359 women have filed for the position of deputy mayor and deputy chief, up from 3,291 in the last election.The three biggest parties — UML, Nepali Congress (NC) and the Maoist Centre have put up more female candidates for the top post this time. UML has fielded 27 women for mayors and 28 for village chiefs or chairperson, up from eight and 13 respectively in 2017.The NC had nominated 16 candidates for mayor and 10 <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/baby-on-her-back-dalit-mother-on-campaign-trail/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women candidates</a> for village chair in 2017. This time 12 women have been fielded for mayor and 19 for chairpersons. The Maoists had 17 mayoral candidates and 18 village chair candidates last election. This time, there are 18 mayor hopefuls and 29 women running for village chairs.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/woman-leader-vies-for-top-job-in-local-polls/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Woman leader vies for top job in local polls</a>, Himnath DevkotaIn 2017, the UML had 662 female candidates, NC had 636 and the Maoists had 604 for deputy mayor and deputy chair. This time, the UML has nominated 670 women, NC 475 women, and the Maoists 475.While the UML has slightly increased the number of women nominated for deputy positions, the number of women running for deputy positions from the NC and Maoist Centre have decreased.Political analyst Indra Adhikari says that although the increase in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/woman-leader-vies-for-top-job-in-local-polls/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">female candidates for top local office</a> is a positive step, there is a catch: “Nepal’s female mayors and chairs have done remarkable work in the last five years. Given their achievements and potential, it was natural for the number of women candidates to increase, but they have been sidelined from leadership positions by the central party leadership citing political reasons.”Indeed, the electoral alliance within the governing 5-party coalition led by Prime Minister Sher Bahadur’s Nepali Congress has meant that many municipality tickets are going entirely to male candidates because they are from different parties. There is no constitutional provision to select candidates of different genders in election partnerships.The male-dominated party hierarchy has taken advantage of this loophole to nominate their cronies, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/coalition-collision/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">given women fewer tickets</a>. Says Adhikari: “Women have been given the fundamental right to proportional inclusion by Nepal’s constitution. Yet we do not see that being implemented.”Dila Sangraula Pant, an NC MP, says the number of women candidates has decreased because of the five-party electoral alliance as there are no laws or mandates requiring women to be nominated in election partnerships.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Can Nepal elections change its male-stream politics?</a>, Aditi AdhikariMP Amrita Thapa of the Maoist Centre agrees that the current political equation has barred capable women from running for top positions in the local election despite elected women having proven their mettle in the last five years.The number of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women in municipal leadership</a> is also expected to decrease. Adhikari says this is a reflection of the patriarchy’s distrust of female leadership. She wants the 33% female participation rule to apply to mayor and chairperson appointments as well.“Nepal’s political parties and society at large have not yet created an environment in which women can be trusted in key political and leadership roles,” she says. “Male candidates are automatically picked because parties fear that female candidates will bring in fewer votes. Women are not in a position to lobby for tickets, they still do not have access to inheritance, and thus are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">unable to raise election money</a>.”The UML’s Bishnu Rijal admits that Nepali politics has been dominated by men in top leadership positions resulting in male-dominated committees within parties, while women have always been <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">relegated to supporting roles</a>. “This is what has led to women candidates being less acceptable to the political leadership at election time. Although women are nominated and contest elections, their participation has not been accepted wholeheartedly. Political parties need internal reform to change this mind set.”

Why fewer women may be elected this time

<figure><img width="1400" height="1051" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111410118/637205959c7e80680e0b28c5jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI/NEPALI TIMES</figcaption></figure>When the second wave hit Nepal in May 2021, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/helping-nepalis-breathe-again/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">city hospitals ran out of ICU beds and oxygen</a>, and politicians in Kathmandu appeared helpless, local governments across Nepal sprang into action.In Helambu, village chair <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/rural-nepal-fights-back-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nima Galgen Sherpa</a> set up action teams in each ward to go house-to-house looking for people with symptoms. They were tested on the spot and told to isolate or quarantine. This strategy did not burden overwhelmed hospitals, and helped contain the contagion. Chair Laxmi Pandey and vice-chair Kopila Malla of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Hupsekot of Nawalparasi district</a> worked together to trace, test, and treat Covid-19. Ever since they were elected in 2017, these two women leaders, despite belonging to different political parties, have set a new benchmark for education, agriculture and nature conservation in rural Nepal. Dhawal Shumsher Rana was r<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/rana-regime-restored-in-nepalganj/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">e-elected mayor of Nepalganj</a> in 2017, and built on a solid track record of good governance and transparency to upgrade urban infrastructure, and improve service delivery in his border city.All these local government leaders have one thing in common: serving their constituents. That is what politics is all about, not the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-ruling-party-feud-affecting-covid-19-response/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">mad scramble for power in Kathmandu</a> that has held Nepal back for decades. The mayors and their deputies may be from different parties, but that almost does not seem to matter since the needs of their constituents are the same.Even as national-level politicians in Kathmandu <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/polls-in-the-time-of-pandemic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">dither about local election dates</a>, these grassroots leaders have shown in just five years what is possible when the people they serve are put first.To be sure, not all local leaders have been honest and accountable. A survey in this paper in 2018 showed that more than <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/Elected-contractors,4182" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">one-third of elected mayors were contractors</a>. They went on to take corruption to new heights, as illustrated in our investigation of illegal sand-mining in the Tarai.Putting aside these bad apples, there are plenty of examples of responsive and responsible local governments who have now served five years. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-coalition-dilly-dallying-on-polls/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Local elections cannot be postponed</a> just because some national leaders think they will lose. Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba must over-ride opposition from two of his coalition partners, follow the Constitution and safeguard the gains of the past five years.Srijana Tamang is vice-chair of Jugal Rural Municipality, and together with other local leaders we profile in this edition she best understands what the needs of her people are.“They know where we live, they have our number, it is easy for people to tell us about their needs. They can come to our homes and complain about the work we are doing or encourage us to do better,” Tamang told us.Local government elections were the first to be held after Nepal moved to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/volatile-mix-of-politics-and-religion/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">federalism</a> following the 2015 Constitution, so it was up to elected representatives to institutionalise it. It became a learning platform for the other two governments in the exercise of federalism and democracy.There were also many good practices that came with the 2017 local elections. For one, it was significant in advancing <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/including-the-excluded-women-dalit-women-in-local-elections,3742" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">female representation</a> in the political sphere of Nepal, and helped bring minorities forward in local governments. Each local tier of government could also function on its own, making policies and taking action to answer the needs of their constituencies.As per Nepal’s Local Election Act 2017, voting for all 753 local units must be held by 19 March. The EC has proposed 27 April and 5 May dates. Leaders of the Maoist Centre and Unified Socialists are so wary of faring badly in local polls, that they want to use a loophole in the law to have it postponed. But all the local leaders Nepali Times spoke to this week spoke with one voice: local elections should be held as scheduled. Local government elections are a mechanism that allows Nepalis to vote for the leaders they want: keep the ones who have done good work, replace those who have not lived up to expectations. Or, maybe experiment with a new face altogether. <a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/dance-of-democracy/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Pushing back the dates or aborting local elections</a> will be a disservice to Nepalis, undermine the democratic values the nation stands on, and push back development.Arjun Mabuhang, Chair of Laligurans Municipality in Tehrathum sums it up: “It is written in the Constitution that local elections have to be held on time. Choosing their local representatives is the people’s right. Whether they want to keep us or replace us is up to them. The national parties in government should respect that.”Sahina Shrestha

Sahina Shrestha

Think nationally, vote locally

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111410114/637205299c7e80680e0b289fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1208" height="737"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>The first popularly elected government led by B P Koirala enacted the Birta Abolition Act in 1959, that required zamindars formerly granted land by the state to pay full tax. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/america-nepal-and-the-royal-coup/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/america-nepal-and-the-royal-coup/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643077045608000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2B7iXxi6EQ44Yn6fvU7P8o">Feudal landlords opposed the move</a>, and it became one of the reasons why King Mahendra ousted Koirala in a coup d’etat on 12 December 1960.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/land-reform-in-cold-war-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/land-reform-in-cold-war-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643077045608000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0_lFjeM84k9XkhIFJ4Ij_i">B P believed that only genuine land reform</a> would ensure that all Nepalis prospered together, and also deflect the Communism tide. But in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/putsch-ek/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/putsch-ek/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643077045608000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3728k40jtTzbzquYVdgXVu">justifying his coup</a>, Mahendra declared that Nepal’s first democratically elected government had to be overthrown because it had “failed to work in the interest of the poor”.Today, more than six decades later, BP’s Nepali Congress that espoused social democracy is leading a governing coalition. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/dance-of-democracy/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Sher Bahadur Deuba</a>, who once led the party’s student union, is prime minister for the fifth time.Yet, 1.5 million families representing a quarter of Nepal’s households, are still landless or have land issues. Some 53% of Nepal’s farmers own only 18% of the total cultivable land.After ousting B P, King Mahendra continued the भुमी सुधार land reform to retain international support and quell domestic discontent. But the effort was half-hearted: the landed kept their land. Mahendra and his son <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/if-birendra-was-alive-nepal-would-still-be-a-monarchy/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Birendra</a> ruled through a partyless Panchayat system for the next 30 years.Ironically, unequal land ownership (the very reason that pushed Mahendra to stage his coup) became one of the factors that led to the People’s Movement and the downfall of the Panchayat in 1990.But even after the multi-party system was restored, there was only tokenism for land rights. In 1991, a commission set up to resolve the issue was dissolved even before it could complete its work. In the past three decades, 18 more land reform commissions have been formed by democratic governments, only to fizzle out.Land ownership and rights have been weaponised time and again at election time since 1990 to win votes, but there has been no real change on the ground. The Nepali Congress, UML and Maoists are all guilty of making false promises to the landless.The Maoists made land to the tiller and just land distribution a major point in their 40-point demand to Deuba in 1996 during his first tenure as prime minister. Their main slogan to recruit young men and women to take up arms was to promise land.After all this, the landless have stopped trusting politicians who promise land. Disputes over land make up one-third of all cases in Nepal’s courts.Various factors have changed the dynamics of land today. While educated Nepalis do not want to farm and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/high-risk-remittance/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/high-risk-remittance/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643077045608000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0fa06zRhqJSxyBT6Zn3rB4">migration is leaving arable land fallow</a>, remittances fuel the market in real estate, the price of which has risen exponentially.This unorganised and uncontrolled buying and selling of land has once again concentrated ownership in the hands of richer Nepalis, who have grown pheonmenally richer as property values escalate. There is a whole class of new-rich who have made their fortune through real estate speculation.This is why we have the farce of the Baluwatar real estate scandal that involves the mightiest in the land, even while a quarter of the country’s population is landless.The Gorkha empire’s expansion in the 18th century was financed by land, generals and soldiers were granted ownership of portions of the land they conquered. During the Shah reign, the royalty and courtiers could take what they wanted. During the Rana period, at least one-third of the total cultivable land in Nepal was distributed among those close to them. The Birta system may have been repealed six decades ago, but it is still intact in other forms through landlords, traders and brokers owning most property.Real estate today is booming business, and a major source of revenue for the state from taxes. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/kathmandu-creeps-up-surrounding-mountains/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/kathmandu-creeps-up-surrounding-mountains/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643077045608000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1sT_kl8lVvxjzEaQecolxh">Urban land value appreciation</a> has made it possible for some Nepalis to become fabulously rich overnight.It is not productive when real estate speculation becomes a mainstay of the economy. It does not create jobs, and it exacerbates inequality. Private property rights effectively legitimise past injustices that parcelled out large swathes of the country to the privileged. It perpetuates discrimination and inequality, laying the seeds for future conflict.To be sure, distributing land to the landless alone does not solve their problem, nor does it erase historical discrimination. Self-respect comes from belonging to the land, giving them a sense of purpose and responsibility. It is a start. But it should be without any condition, it cannot be a publicity stunt, or ploy to pad up vote banks.If we are to safeguard the gains of the 2017 Constitution and build the pillars of the federal democratic republic from the ground up, we must pick up where B P Koirala left off 61 years ago.Translated from an Editorial in the January-February 2022 issue of <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.himalkhabar.com&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643077045608000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0kZ1Nz-GpmZwGP7z3MsKDm">Himal Khabarpatrika </a>dedicated to the issue of land.

Ground reality of landlessness in Nepal

<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Nepal’s newly-installed Prime Minister Balendra Shah</a> unveiled his Council of Ministers after taking the oath of office on Friday in Kathmandu.&nbsp; Besides Nepal's pre-existing problems, his team will immediately have to deal with the fallout of the West Asia conflict to satisfy an electorate impatient for change. The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) won a majority in the 5 March election and capped the Cabinet size at 15. Shah, a structural engineer and musician, himself has taken charge of the Defence and Industry Ministries. There has been an attempt to make the Cabinet inclusive with women in five of the new portfolios.&nbsp; After much negotiation, the powerful Home Ministry, a bone of contention between Shah and RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane, has gone to Sudan Gurung, a hitherto little-known figure who <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/who-or-what-is-hami-nepal">rose to prominence after the September GenZ protest</a> and won the election from Gorkha-2.&nbsp; Gurung will be in charge of Nepal’s internal security apparatus and maintaining law and order. And with Gurung, a close ally of the Prime Minister, in charge, some note the Home Ministry will be a hook for Shah if Lamichhane, with his share of controversies, steps out line.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260327090324_c7725ea5fb9ffbf96df25a7b3122520b7ae3ee10548aed3f37781a7e5440e51a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260327090324_c7725ea5fb9ffbf96df25a7b3122520b7ae3ee10548aed3f37781a7e5440e51a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Balen Shah swearing in NT"> </figure>  Notable RSP leaders, including vice-chair DP Aryal, were said to have been vying for the portfolio.&nbsp; Gurung is the founder of the non-profit Hami Nepal, which worked primarily in earthquake relief in 2015, and emerged onto the national stage during negotiations to appoint Sushila Karki as interim PM after the unrest. He was also involved in key negotiations that cemented Balendra Shah and Rabi Lamichhane’s political partnership in the runup to the election.&nbsp; Most new Cabinet members are not just first-time ministers, but are also freshmen lawmakers. Many are experts in their fields. Finance Minister Swarnim Wagle is an <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-needs-to-rebrand-itself">economist </a>with degrees from the London School of Economics and Harvard, and was previously Chief Economic Advisor at the UNDP Regional Bureau for Asia and the Pacific, and also served in Nepal’s National Planning Commission.&nbsp; Previously a member of Nepali Congress, Wagle exited the party in 2023 following differences with top leadership, and joined the RSP. Wagle won a by-election from Tanahu-1 in 2023 and won again from the same constituency in this month’s election.&nbsp; Shishir Khanal, who heads RSP’s foreign affairs department, has been appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. &nbsp;Khanal is co-founder of Teach For Nepal, was briefly Education Minister when the RSP was part of the the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led coalition government in 2023.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260327090324_b1a670bac12e2bf4df955134f58c8de7718d48f6be4e1f2df7c7c52f82e36e42.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260327090324_b1a670bac12e2bf4df955134f58c8de7718d48f6be4e1f2df7c7c52f82e36e42" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Balen Shah swearing in NT"> </figure>  Law Minister Sobita Gautam is a lawyer by profession and worked in governance and public policy before she was elected as the youngest MP in the 2022 election.&nbsp; Health Minister Nisha Mehta is a nurse and became a lawmaker under the Proportional Representation system in this election which swept the RSP to power with a near two-third majority.&nbsp; Education Minister Sasmit Pokharel, a first-time MP elected from Kathmandu-5, served as an aide to Balendra Shah when he was mayor of Kathmandu and a was member of the KMC City Planning Commission.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260327090324_5ed794d7bf0cac2844277521810225c4355746b9c3f7369f70cacc878c94641f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260327090324_5ed794d7bf0cac2844277521810225c4355746b9c3f7369f70cacc878c94641f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Balen Shah swearing in NT"> </figure>  Biraj Bhakta Shrestha is Energy Minister, and also served as the Minister for Youth and Sports in the Dahal-led coalition government in 2024. Before joining RSP, Shrestha was elected to the Bagmati Provincial Assembly in the 2017 elections representing the r<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/rsp-s-activist-dna">eformist Bibeksheel Sajha Party</a>. He will immediately face the challenge of addressing the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rough-road-ahead-for-new-nepal-rulers">impact of the West Asia war,</a> including rising petroleum prices and a shortage of cooking gas. Sita Badi, who was elected through the PR system, is Minister for Women, Children and Senior Citizens. She was born and brought up in the underserved and marginalised Badi community in Surkhet and has been advocating for the rights and welfare of women, children, and minority communities. Other ministers include RSP spokesperson Pratibha Rawal as Minister for Federal Affairs and General Administration as well as Land Management, and Gita Chaudhary as Minister for Agriculture, Sunil Lamsal is Physical Infrastrucutre, Transport, and Urban Development Minister, Khadka Raj (Ganesh) Paudel as Tourism and Civil Aviation Minister. Dipak Sah is the Labour and Employment Minister, and Bikram Timilsina is Communication Minister.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260327090324_b67c2d199d4897031583a5b7ec7ce43e88771167696e6161665eeb5fca25d3ed.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20260327090324_b67c2d199d4897031583a5b7ec7ce43e88771167696e6161665eeb5fca25d3ed" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Balen Shah swearing in NT"> </figure>  Meanwhile, RSP vice-chair DP Aryal, who many thought would be home minister because of his proximity with Rabi Lamichhane has been proposed as Speaker of the House.&nbsp; Aryal previously served two brief stints as the Minister of Labour when RSP was part of the RSP’s coalition governments in 2023 and 2024. As minister Aryal came <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/skeletons-in-the-cabinet-k5x6py1v">under scrutiny </a>for his involvement in an employment agency that was investigated for illegal acquisition of wealth in 2020. If appointed House Speaker, Aryal will be expected to play a neutral and non-partisan role in Parliamentary affairs. &nbsp; With the full Cabinet announced on Friday, Prime Minister Shah and his team now have their work cut out for them. &nbsp;The government’s first priority will be ensuring the safety and long-term security of the almost two million <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/migrant-workers-in-wartime">Nepalis living and working in the Gulf</a> amid the ongoing conflict in the region, and taking steps to cushion Nepal’s economy from the Israel-US war on Iran. The new leaders will also be tasked with implementing the findings of the Karki Commission report on the September violence that paved the way for the election and the rise of the RSP. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260327090324_69b36bc62737e44ade4080be36688f9c2f92201356e1df2072cef8ecc6a9be5d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20260327090324_69b36bc62737e44ade4080be36688f9c2f92201356e1df2072cef8ecc6a9be5d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Balen Shah swearing in NT"> <figcaption>Snapshots from PM Balen Shah's swearing-in ceremony</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260327090324_69b36bc62737e44ade4080be36688f9c2f92201356e1df2072cef8ecc6a9be5d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20260327090324_69b36bc62737e44ade4080be36688f9c2f92201356e1df2072cef8ecc6a9be5d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Balen Shah swearing in NT"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260327090324_8646d490883154f696bcdc6e2375084419f2eefaaf0ef0c7e2710aa6e2d94a8a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20260327090324_8646d490883154f696bcdc6e2375084419f2eefaaf0ef0c7e2710aa6e2d94a8a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Balen Shah swearing in NT"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260327090324_89d17d6584593be1eb23eb1d4872c3b7c600e1620f3aca48dbff4838364a1e3c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20260327090324_89d17d6584593be1eb23eb1d4872c3b7c600e1620f3aca48dbff4838364a1e3c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Balen Shah swearing in NT"> </figure>  &nbsp;Full list of ministers: Prime Minsiter: Balendra Shah Home Minister: Sudan Gurung Finance Minister: Swarnim Wagle Foreign Affairs Minister: Shishir Khanal Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Ministry: Sobita Gautam Energy, Water and Irrigation Minister: Biraj Bhakta Shrestha Education Minister: Sasmit Pokharel Physical Infrastrucutre, Transport, and Urban Development Minister: Sunil Lamsal Communication and Information Ministry: Bikram Timilsina General Administration Minister: Pratibha Rawal Women, Children and Senior Citizens Minister: Sita Badi Health and Population Minister: Nisha Mehta Agriculture Minister: Gita Chaudhary Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation Minister: Khadka Raj (Ganesh) Paudel&nbsp; Labour Minister: Dipak Sah

Nepal swears in new Cabinet

Rivers have been the lifelines of civilisations with their dynamic ecosystems providing vital services for human survival and ecological balance through the ages.&nbsp; But accelerating anthropocentric footprints are causing severe, and often irreversible, damage to river systems across the world, including those across High Asia, a region that sustains nearly a fourth of the global population downstream. An example is the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/how-the-bagmati-civilisation-is-becoming-uncivilised" target="_blank">Bagmati River</a> that courses through Kathmandu, crosses the Himalayan foothills to join the Ganga in India. A river that once shaped the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/when-it-comes-to-water-pollution,3196" target="_blank">Kathmandu Valley Civilisation </a>is now a polluted and biologically dead water body constricted by urban sprawl, choked by construction debris, chemical waste and untreated sewage.&nbsp; The loss of a sacred river is tragic enough, but its hazards related to health, life and livelihoods are not limited to the Valley, nor is its enormity fully gauged by the metrics of fatality, income loss, flood return periods, runoffs, embankment failure.&nbsp; It is a systemic collapse of ecological integrity, socio-economic stability and cultural heritage, affecting its downstream users as well. The death of Bagmati is a peril for a population size way bigger than circa 5 million residents of Kathmandu Valley. The degradation started in the 1980s and has accelerated. Why has not enough been done to save this iconic river that runs through Nepal’s capital?&nbsp; The Bagmati River Basin Improvement Project (BRBIP) was designed to make headway in restoring the river with a sewage treatment plant, dams for storing water to support dry-season runoff, recharge groundwater, creation of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/resurrecting-bagmati-the-river" target="_blank">green biodiversity corridors</a> along the river bank to also serve as recreation areas, reduce the urban heat island effect, and also provide cultural continuity. The project also envisages collection of hydrological data for managing Bagmati multipurposewater systems and providing flood forecasts and early warnings aimed at protecting lives and property, among other things. Most importantly, the project takes the integrated water resource management approach, which, in principle, is a holistic and collaborative way of managing all elements of the water cycle to ensure water security, public and environmental health and amenity.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260329040336_9605240fa8c7d649ce49fbe43565130e3187e979338ccf959c4e9b8c581b7a4c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260329040336_9605240fa8c7d649ce49fbe43565130e3187e979338ccf959c4e9b8c581b7a4c" data-rendition-name="original" width="2126" height="1577" loading="lazy" alt="Bagmati NT"> </figure>  This should pave the way for managing a river as a connected ecological, social, and economic system by enabling coordination across agencies and disciplines, stimulating technological innovation and financial investment. The success of this approach depends on long-term political will and commitment that transcend political cycles, but also needs strong community and civil society in defining issues and proposing solutions, creating and sharing knowledge, taking independent action to inform practice, monitoring and evaluating policies, and participating in public decision-making. Civil society, especially, in making the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/encounter-with-bagmati-river" target="_blank">revival of the Bagmati River</a> a pressing governance issue. The Bagmati Action Plan 2009, a precursor to the BRBIP, was designed in response to lawsuits filed in 2000 and 2004 by an independent legal practitioner of Kathmandu against waste dumping in the river.&nbsp; It took him almost two decades of legal battle for Nepal’s Supreme Court to pass orders for mandatory septic tanks in all homes in Kathmandu Valley, relocation of squatters from Bagmati river banks to government-built houses, and embargo on dumping and burying garbage on the banks of the river and its tributaries. Despite court orders, however, actual results have been unsatisfactory. Restoration of Bagmati barely made it to any political debate or electoral manifesto this time. Treatment plants have not been operational for years, yet no one is held accountable. The population ignores waste segregation or single-use plastic rules to check littering.&nbsp; The current condition of the river therefore seems to have more to do with the lack of public awareness and behaviour change than the failure of various master plans. Why does the deep danger of a dead river fail to arouse widespread civil society concern, let alone action? The apathy is perhaps underlined by an innately anthropocentric understanding of the river as a mere resource to be exploited, rather than the backbone of existence.&nbsp; Such a paradigm shift is possible when river or river systems are understood to be necessary for &nbsp;a harmonious coexistence with human populations. The more pertinent question is not whether a dead river can be restored because there are many examples from around the world where that has been successfully achieved. It is whether we choose to restore our rivers for intergenerational equity. This would require a holistic perspective and political will to revive reverence for a river system so that its symbiotic relationship with human settlements can be restored. Roshni Gurung is Research Assistant, River Basins at the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD).

A lifeline becomes liability

On Friday, Balendra Shah is taking his oath of office as Nepal's prime minister in a capital city of which he was a mayor till six months ago.
At 35, he will be among Nepal’s youngest prime ministers. His reticence and reclusiveness have reinforced his brand as a doer rather than a talker. This was a persona he cultivated as mayor of someone who cleaned up the city by managing garbage. But he also chased off sidewalk vendors in an effort to ‘beautify’ the city.&nbsp;
After being elected, Shah did not attend RSP events in official capacity, and he was absent at an MP orientation last week.&nbsp;
His refusal to engage with the press, and even stopping to post on social media, have added to the air of reclusiveness. But as prime minister, he may have to communicate more even if it just to stop conspiracy theories and intrigue.&nbsp;
The people he will now represent would like to know, and have a right to know, what he is up to. Otherwise the feeling will grow that Nepal is entering uncharted territory. Governance, the economy and investment do not like uncertainty.
Political scientist Pyakuryal notes that calling Balen a 'man of few words' may serve as a useful epithet if he governs with quiet efficiency rather than fanfare. "But as Prime Minister, he must engage the nation’s will, not simply manage from above," she says.
She adds: "The real test lies in his choice of style: will he lead exclusively, keeping decisions close, or inclusively, opening space for dialogue and shared ownership of governance?"
Nepal's newly-elected lawmakers were sworn in on Thursday. And once sworn in as PM on Friday, Balendra Shah is set to appoint a ‘minimalist’ Cabinet. Although the Constitution caps the size of the Council of Ministers at 25, the party has decided to stick to maximum 18 and not split ministries to accommodate loyalists as was done in the past.&nbsp;
&nbsp;"The Cabinet must support the leadership of the Prime Minister while ensuring accountability to the Parliament,” notes political scientist Sucheta Pyakuryal. “But the questions that come to mind are: will the RSP MPs readily submit to Balen’s leadership and is Balen’s absence from the party’s official events an unwillingness or hesitation to submit to the party?”
Prime Minister Sushila Karki and her ministers ended their interim tenures this week, and she was lauded for upholding her commitment to hold a free, fair and peaceful election. But her image was tarnished for her reluctance to release the investigation report on the September violence, as well as recommending her Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal for a National Assembly seat, and her personal secretary to the National Trust for Nature Conservation. President Ram Chandra Poudel has put Aryal’s nomination on hold. &nbsp;
The Investigation Commission report leaked on Wednesday said the state failed to stop the firing on protestors by Police on 8 September and blamed the Army for not preventing the arson next day. It recommended the prosecution of prime minister KP Oli, home minister Ramesh Lekhak, and Police chief Chandra Kuber Khapung.
Notable names said to be in consideration for the Cabinet include many who are experts in their fields, and RSP wants a young lawmaker as Speaker. The new government will plunge headlong into the economic fallout of the West Asia war.
RSP, with its near two-third majority, does not have to placate any coalition partner, so Nepal is at long last expected to have a stable government after 35 years. Despite hopes that there will not be the usual horse-trading this time, there is tension between supporters of RSP chair Rabi Lamichhane and Balendra Shah. The two have been negotiating in hotel rooms for Cabinet posts for loyalists.&nbsp;
Shah’s larger-than-life online persona and nationwide appeal delivered the RSP its overwhelming electoral victory this month, and this makes the party’s core leadership beholden to him. To what extent is Shah willing to meet Lamichhane’s demands is the critical question, and we will know the answer by this weekend.
Says Pyakuryal: “Because this election showcased personality politics rather than the regular party politics, the dangers of ego-clashes, power-tussles and intraparty realpolitik become very real and this kind of equation can greatly hamper the spirit of democracy, representation and collective good."

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 <video controls src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260327020320_f91bd3e51c1dd198b099a24daac8c52384b408174506e7f5a0ced1db76773824.mp4" alt="" width="100%" height="100%"></video>
 <figcaption>Animation: ANUP TAMU</figcaption>
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Ball in Balen’s court

Nepal’s new government hit the ground running with the arrests of former Prime Minister K P Oli and home Minister Ramesh Lekhak early Saturday morning.&nbsp;
Their dramatic detentions followed an inquiry commission report recommending that Lekhak, Oli, and former Police chief Chandra Kuber Khapung be investigated and prosecuted for negligence in failing to stop the killing of 19 young protesters by security forces during the protests on 8 September.&nbsp;
Interim PM Sushila Karki’s government faced considerable criticism from GenZ activists at the end of her 7-month tenure for failing to release the report and hold the previous UML-NC coalition to account.&nbsp;
Karki had left any decision on the report’s findings to new RSP government, but her government released it after the content was leaked earlier this week, a day before Nepal’s newly elected lawmakers took their oath of office.
By making the arrests of Oli and Lekhak as its first order of business, the new government, and especially Home Minister Sudan Gurung and Prime Minister Balendra Shah, have tried to show that they are decisive and mean business.&nbsp;
It has been hailed by many as signalling that Nepal’s new and young leadership will back up its pledges with action. However, others including the UML and some constitutional experts, say that the arrests have not followed legal procedures. The UML has mobilised its affiliated groups to start nationwide street protests.&nbsp;
The main divide seems to be over the perception that the new government is only interested in justice for the perpetrators of the 8 September Parliament massacre, and not against those who organised arson and vandalism of government buildings, homes of politicians, businesses and the media the next day.&nbsp;
While some celebrate what they see as the beginning of justice for the victims and survivors of the September violence, political analysts and legal experts express alarm over a lack of adherence to the rule of law.&nbsp;
K P Oli has a lot of experience being behind bars. He was jailed a dozen times in 1970s by the Panchayat regime for his extreme left activism and then spent 14 years in prison between 1974-1988.
Critics argue that the former leaders were denied due process and label their arrest a “political vendetta."
RSP supporters had made similar arguments in October 2024 and April 2025 that the arrest of party chair Rabi Lamichhane over misappropriation of funds from numerous cooperatives were &nbsp;politically motivated.
‘What is happening is unacceptable,’ wrote former minister and diplomat Nilamber Acharya wrote on Saturday morning. ‘Such acts of revenge and crackdowns do not bode well.’
In response to accusations of the arrests being partisan and politically-motivated, Home Minister Sudan Gurung took to social media, saying that the new government is fulfilling its promises: ‘No one is above the law,’ he wrote. ‘This is not revenge, it is the beginning of justice. I believe now that the nation will now take a new direction.’
There is also concern the new leadership has jumped the gun to implement the findings of the inquiry commission, which has itself been criticised in some quarters for concentrating on the events of 8 September rather than investigating the perpetrators of the anarchy on 9 September.&nbsp;
The first meeting of the Council of Ministers made the immediate implementation of the GenZ Movement Inquiry Report its first priority.
But there are questions as to whether the execution of the report will be impartial. Home Minister Gurung will now dictate how the recommendations &nbsp;will be conducted, since he is himself referenced in the report in connection with the unrest on 9 September.&nbsp;
In fact, the report also outlines how supporters stormed Nakhu Prison on 9 September to organise Rabi Lamichhane’s jailbreak. Will Minister Gurung also go after his own party's leadership? &nbsp;
With the UML already calling for nationwide protests against the detention of its leaders, there is concern that Nepal is plunging straight into turmoil instead of stability.
The UML leadership has been unrepentant about the 8 September events. Oli has defiantly blamed infiltration and outside forces for the killings, and unlike the Nepali Congress the UML has not managed its own leadership changeover.&nbsp;
The NC under Gagan Thapa as well as the Nepali Communist Party of Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal have so far been silent about the detentions even though former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak is from the NC.
Oli and Lekhak’s arrests will now be challenged in the courts. But their detention also signals to Nepal’s political old guard that the tables have turned: legacy leaders cannot be complacent and assume they will disappear from national consciousness for past deeds without being held accountable for what happened during their watch.
The RSP government under Prime Minister Balendra Shah seems determined not to let bygones be bygones. But while that is all and well, it remains to be see whether the party can deliver on the need of the electorate for tangible governance reform.
The danger is that the new rulers may be defined by the same tactics of political revenge as its predecessors in the name of meting out justice.

elections