<img width="1944" height="1124" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109171144/636bd99e9c7e80680e080222jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>The same Cabinet meeting on 1 October that decided to nominate Yubaraj Khatiwada as Nepal’s new ambassador to the United States also partially reversed a hefty tax increase on electric cars that he announced as finance minister in May.  But the irony was lost on top government officials.The initial public joy was replaced with dismay as the reality sunk in – the tax reversal was not going to bring down the price of electric vehicles by much, and the higher capacity battery-powered cars would remain almost as expensive.“It looks like the prime minister’s office was under public opinion pressure ever since the budget announcement that raised the tax on electric vehicles, so they had to show that they were doing something,” said one electric vehicle importer. “But this is a cosmetic decrease.”Indeed, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-takes-3-steps-back-on-e-cars/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-takes-3-steps-back-on-e-cars/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEU9jBT96A5Sg26_0hGC5Gd5nOw6A">Khatiwada’s tax increase</a> made a mockery of Prime Minister Oli’s own declaration in 2018 that Nepal would convert <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/20-electric-by-2020/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/20-electric-by-2020/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGUESOu0HMzPn10KVzplnK8Q-86Sw">20% of its vehicles to electric by 2020</a>. No one believed the government could meet that goal, but at least it showed a commitment to shift to renewable energy in transport.Last month, after he stepped down as finance minister because his term in the Upper House expired, the un-elected Khatiwada served briefly as the prime minister’s economic adviser. Baluwatar insiders say he was firmly against any reversal on his steep tax hike in May.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-takes-3-steps-back-on-e-cars/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-takes-3-steps-back-on-e-cars/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEU9jBT96A5Sg26_0hGC5Gd5nOw6A">Khatiwada’s budget increased the price</a> of small and mid-sized electric vehicles by 55-59%, but the revision brings the price down by only 17%.In other words, the price of an electric vehicle like the Mahindra e2O that used to cost Rs2.6 million after <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/05/29/shifting-gears-2/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/05/29/shifting-gears-2/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEIMh3JtdYO2BZEvrWD-cdbLut9Fg">taxes were slashed in 2016</a>, went up to Rs3.6 million <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-takes-3-steps-back-on-e-cars/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-takes-3-steps-back-on-e-cars/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEU9jBT96A5Sg26_0hGC5Gd5nOw6A">after the budget tax increase</a> this year. With last week’s revision, the same model with the same options will now have a price tag of approximately Rs3 million. <img width="1580" height="978" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109171144/636bd9a19c7e80680e080223jpeg.jpg" alt="">Electric SUVs like the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-electric-transport-future-is-here/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-electric-transport-future-is-here/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHJaqfLbTKiRiwpbBF3z0OQOUfbPg">Hyundai Kona</a> or the Kia Niro with higher kW that used to cost Rs6.6 million before the budget, shot up to Rs9.5 million, but may now fall to just Rs8.5 million depending on the mark-up. This could be about the same as the petrol or diesel versions of the same SUVs.“The budget decision killed the electric car market, and the tax revision does not do much to restore confidence, and definitely does not promote electric transport,” says Cabinet Shrestha, whose Agni Group represents India’s Mahindra, makers of the e20.Like most other electric car importers, Mahindra also brings in petrol and diesel vehicles that include SUVs, pickups and vans. While the sale of petroleum vehicles is picking up ahead of Dasain, they say their investment in electric car showrooms, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/business/electric-car-service-centre/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/business/electric-car-service-centre/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFjcIAPJxFs7_XGvBchg7I0QmT7Rw">separate service centres for battery-powered cars</a>, and charging stations across the country will have been in vain.The Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) was losing Rs2 billion a month in revenue during the lockdown because of the reduction of industrial demand and increase in generation capacity because of a robust monsoon this year. NEA’s chief Kulman Ghising made an impassioned plea before he stepped down last month to increase consumption of electricity with electric appliances and battery-powered cars.The rationale supporting a shift to electric cars is logical: 15% of Nepal’s total imports go to buy petroleum products from India totalling Rs215 billion annually. Even if this could be reduced by 10% it will mean considerable savings for the country. This in turn will lessen air pollution in urban centres, which has reduced the lifespans of Nepalis because of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD). With the Covid-19 scare, air quality could be a life-or-death issue.However, the government itself relies on its high tax on petroleum products which is the mainstay of its revenue. In addition, lobbing by the fossil fuel lobby at the Finance Ministry appears to be stronger than lobbying by the importers of electric cars. <img width="964" height="478" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109171144/636bd9a49c7e80680e080224jpeg.jpg" alt="">Khatiwada himself justified the tax increase in his budget speech saying electric SUVs were for the wealthy, and they should be taxed like any other SUV. Having Prime Minister Oli’s ear meant that Khatiwada could convince him that there should be no rebate on electric vehicles. Under pressure to show his green credentials, Oli last week announced the fig-leaf tax reduction.“We are in no position to promote electric vehicles anymore,” an importer of high-end battery-powered SUVs told Nepali Times on condition of anonymity. “If there is no cost differential with a similar capacity petrol SUV, Nepali customers will not buy electric. There has to be an incentive.”After the budget announcement, there are 450 vehicles still stuck at customs and the International Container Port in Birganj. Importers had been waiting for a government decision to revise the tax, but now have no option but to clear the vehicles.The extra cost will be passed down to customers who had booked the vehicles, and some of them will be paying up to 50% more than they would otherwise have. Some buyers have cancelled their orders.Before the budget in May, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/05/29/shifting-gears-2/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/05/29/shifting-gears-2/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEIMh3JtdYO2BZEvrWD-cdbLut9Fg">electric cars only had to pay 10% excise and 13%VAT,  minimal customs duty</a>, and the Rs30,000 annual road tax was waived. This had led to a dramatic <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/The-electric-age,3419" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/The-electric-age,3419&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGUA9S9oyH6FGAYpAFrgwKLKiKoOw">spurt in electric car sales</a> in Nepal because electric cars were more competitive than fossil-fuel cars which are taxed at 260%. Further improvements in range to 480km, and the reduction of fast charge times of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/plug-ins/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/plug-ins/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHRNMyTYSKt8DQ41mX5qXYTA3_h9w">plug-ins</a> to 30 minutes made them <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/electri-city-cars/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/electri-city-cars/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEq6rvom8m5qbzElx9_I4YDth9lEw">popular for cross-country drives</a>. Kia and Hyundai, for instance, could not keep up with a surge of demand from Nepali buyers.However, the budget in May raised the total tax for electric vehicles to between 120-140%, which priced battery cars higher than a petrol or diesel car of the same size. Electric vehicles of peak power 50-100kW had to pay 40% excise, 50% if it was 100-150kW. The excise went up to 60% for battery cars with peak power of 150-200kW. But although last week’s <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-reduces-tax-on-electric-cars/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-reduces-tax-on-electric-cars/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNF5sUvg5Opvhp_U7aQT1W7Nw8xfsA">Cabinet decision reduced the tax</a> on smaller capacity e-vehicles by 80% of the increased amount, and by 75% for cars in the 40% excise bracket, there were only minimal reductions for cars with higher kW.Most electric vehicle importers said they would not be importing any more units after clearing their present stock. Customers will not buy electric cars which cost the same as petrol cars even though they save money on fuel because of the perceived lower resale value.Nepal <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/why-nepal-needs-to-restore-ev-tax-subsidy/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/why-nepal-needs-to-restore-ev-tax-subsidy/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602147571487000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHRrD82yLKrjua8GQKYHNT-mQrW-A">had a chance to be ahead of its neighbours</a>, but will now be going electric only because India and China are shifting to electric vehicles. By 2030, India’s goal is for 30% of vehicles manufactured in the country to be electric. China’s target is to ensure that 25% of all vehicles in the country will be plug-ins by 2025.Says Shrestha of Agni Group: “Electric vehicle sales were picking up, we thought there was a bright future. But Nepal has gone back five years.”

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How much will electric cars cost now?

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107161124/636923399c7e80680e03a170jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="757"/>Laxmi Intercontinental, the authorized dealer of Hyundai Nepal has launched a new electric car in the Nepal Automobile Dealers Association Auto Show. Hyundai IONIQ is the first launch of Hyundai Nepal in the electric vehicle segment.IONIQ is an 88kW electric motor connected to a 28kWh lithium-ion polymer battery that gives up to 200-250km of driving on a single charge and has an OBC charger ready to plug into any 110-volt outlet. The new car has paddle shifters offering four levels of control over regenerative braking. With its sleek look, customers now don’t have to sacrifice on looks while choosing IONIQ.The latest electric car is a significant leap forward for Hyundai Motor as it intensifies its commitment to produce highly efficient, eco-friendly vehicles. Hyundai is a caring brand that is committed towards clean mobility solutions to make a long-term transformation to benefit future generations.With the new eco-friendly car, Hyundai is future ready to deliver diverse eco-friendly cars for aspiring customers without compromising on dynamics looks and performance.

New electric car in town

Nepal’s Gurkha soldiers have a well-deserved reputation worldwide for uncommon valour and loyalty. However, what happened in Hawaii in 1986 and the long struggle for fair pay and pension shows that the formidable fighters from Nepal also do not tolerate injustice. The Hong Kong-based 1st Battalion of the 7th Duke of Edinburgh’s Own Gurkha Rifles was in Hawaii for jungle warfare training exercises at the Joint Pacific Multinational Readiness Center when they beat up their commanding officer, Major Corin Pearce. &nbsp;&nbsp; The Gurkhas said Pearce had insulted them, and 111 soldiers were dismissed. Pearce suffered broken ribs and a head injury, and was himself also discharged. The incident got worldwide publicity and enforced the belief that the Nepalis were not treated fairly in the British Army. It also led some retired soldiers to begin a decades-long struggle for compensation at par with their British peers.&nbsp; Retired British Gurkha soldier Shankar Rai in his book Triumph and Tears revisits the Hawaii incident which he witnessed, and also his experience in the Falkland Islands/Malvinas war in 1982.&nbsp; He has lots of grievances: unequal treatment and injustice from the British Army towards himself and his comrades. This is an indignant and disillusioned account of the good, the bad and the ugly of being a British Gurkha, which he says let him down despite his service and belief in it.&nbsp; The book could also be a cautionary tale of how one person on a power-trip can tarnish two centuries of the shared history of Nepal and the UK, as well as ruin the lives of those involved. It also is proof that loyalty should never be taken for granted. Four years after defeating the Argentinians in the Falklands, several companies and platoons of Gurkha rifles were stationed in Hawaii in 1986 for joint US-UK ‘Exercise Union Pacific’ military exercises. The goal was to ‘perfect the art of marine warfare in collaboration with the US Marine Force’. The rules were that a British Gurkha company commander needed to have the rank of major and pass a Nepali language test. Captain Pearce was the son-in-law of a British Brigadier on extra-regiment employment, and this rule was waived. He was appointed Acting Major. Pearce didn’t bother to learn Nepali language or culture, and from Rai’s account took every chance to belittle and embarrass the Gurkhas as poor, stupid, rude, backward, and lucky to be there. He writes: ‘After Captain Pearce reached Hawaii, he began to project himself as a master and the Gurkhas as servants, to show off to the Americans.’ The author also recounts other slights, such as only receiving a fourth of the rations they were due during hard training, being forced to train even when some of the soldiers had high fever, and claims to have ‘civilised’ the Nepalis.&nbsp; Pearce had been to eastern Nepal before the training and seen the grinding poverty. He kept telling the Gurkhas how lucky they were to be in the job, and that they were making ‘more money than Nepal’s prime minister’. During the final farewell party in Hawaii, Pearce set up tables to form a saluting platform, and asked the Gurkha pipe and drum band to march around him while playing. The enraged soldiers could not take it anymore, and after the party an inebriated group ran Captains Pearce and Chandra Kumar Pradhan out of their tents and beat them up. Both officers broke ribs, and the major needed 15 stitches on his head. ‘This sorry and unseemly episode is considered to have been entirely at odds with the Brigade of Gurkhas’ tradition of loyalty and gallant service in the British Army. It is regarded as an isolated and untypical event, which will not be permitted to detract from the high esteem in which the Brigade is held,’ reads the report of an investigation. Most of the 1/7 company soldiers were dismissed whether they had been involved in the assault or not. The author describes the shame that followed, with dismissed soldiers returning to Nepal with lost face.&nbsp; ‘I burned with humiliation, and life scared me,’ writes the author, whose father told him that he was ashamed to call him his son. ‘Many of my friends’ girlfriends left them and married other people. Rifleman Khem Gurung (21162015) of Itahari committed suicide,’ writes Rai, adding that those dismissed were blacklisted, and could not get other jobs.&nbsp; They tried to pursue legal action against the British Government, but backed down when they could not afford expensive hotshot lawyers, and would not have the money to cover the British government’s legal fees in the likely case of a loss in court. Gurkhas who had served for four years in the UK were allowed to move there, an option that many of those dismissed in the Hawaii incident took, including the author, who now lives in Oxford. Rai pours out his hurt and emotion in the book. Towards the end, he writes: ‘I depend on small jobs for livelihood. In the remaining time, I actively raise the issue of the victims of the Hawaii incident. We are burdened with insults, hatred, and contempt for a lifetime. It was harsher than a court martial, too heavy to bear.’ The is a slim book, and is a quick, engaging read of an incident 30 years ago, and Rai writes with a soldier’s precision. Even though the anger shows even after all these years, there is no over-dramatisation in the narrative.&nbsp; The first part of the book is about sailing across the South Atlantic in the QEII, which had been converted into a troop ship to take the Gurkhas to war. The soldiers from landlocked Nepal were mostly sea-sick, but were happy to get two cans of beer a day. Barclays Bank even had a branch on board. Rai’s descriptions of the friendships he developed in the Company and on the battlefield are poignant. They braved Argentinian bombs, dug trenches and fought through the rain in the Southern Hemisphere winter. There are vignettes of sharing tea with fellow Nepalis, seeing comrades fall, and finding pictures of wives and children in the pockets of dead young Argentine soldiers. Behind the prestige, honour and myths of being a Gurkha soldier, it seems this is just another job with nepotism, horrible bosses and bad pay. But such is the desperation that up to 20,000 young Nepalis still apply for 300 openings in the British Army every year. &nbsp;&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251227041256_694a253e782c83b0bf89fc1b9840b0ade3f7beca2d0b01dbc4fcd3e63c207f50.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251227041256_694a253e782c83b0bf89fc1b9840b0ade3f7beca2d0b01dbc4fcd3e63c207f50" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Triumph and tears book details NT"> </figure>

Not taking loyalty for granted

After a week of to-and-fro that culminated in all-night bargaining, two populist young figures in Nepali politics agreed at 4AM on Sunday to join forces ahead of elections in March. Rabi Lamichhane of the RSP, who came out of jail a week ago, has forged an alliance with Kathmandu mayor Balen Shah. Both are keen to ride on the GenZ wave that radically changed the direction of Nepal’s politics that has been dominated by three mainstream parties for the past three decades. Under the 7-point deal, Lamichhane will still head the RSP, while Shah has been promised prime ministership if the party wins a majority in the federal elections. Shah will also be the parliamentary party leader. The RSP will keep its name and election symbol. “Agreements must be made not on the basis of what leaders want, but on what the country needs,” Lamichhane wrote on social media announcing the alliance. The RSP chair is said to have put his own prime ministerial aspirations on hold to ensure the Kathmandu Mayor's support for the March polls. This is an alliance of convenience. Lamichhane requires the backing from Shah’s youth voters to face the legacy parties, while the mayor needs a political platform. Ultimately the prospect of leading not just Kathmandu but Nepal itself appears to have been the deciding factor for Balen Shah. The Kathmandu mayor is reportedly keen to contest the election from Jhapa against former prime minister K P Oli in his constituency.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251228041212_1b26fd7f14e418a9bdb827a7b733914c08183c36b4a93694fc1aefda9f45d85a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251228041212_1b26fd7f14e418a9bdb827a7b733914c08183c36b4a93694fc1aefda9f45d85a" data-rendition-name="original" width="900" height="900" loading="lazy" alt="Balen-Rabi alliance"> <figcaption>Photo: BALEN SHAH, RABI LAMICHHANE / FACEBOOK</figcaption> </figure>  The two have much in common. Lamichhane, a former tv anchor, returned from the United States and launched the RSP as an alternative party four months before elections in 2022. He served as Home Minister twice in Pushpa Kamal Dahal's coalition government before being jailed for defrauding cooperatives depositers. He made a jail break during the September protests, returned to prison voluntarily, and was released on bail last week. Balen Shah stood as an independent candidate for mayor of Kathmandu in local elections in 2022, and was catapulted to victory because of anti-incumbent protest votes among urban youth.&nbsp; Both campaigned on social media, pushing a populist anti-corruption agenda and against the governance failure of the three establishment parties — the same logic that drove the GenZ protests in September that escalated into violence and brought down the UML-NC coalition. Even as government buildings smouldered on 10 September, GenZ members were strongly urging Balen Shah to be the interim prime minister, but when he declined they voted on Discord for former chief justice Sushila Karki.&nbsp; With just over two months to go for elections on 5 March, Prime Minister Karki has been trying desperately to get the mainstream parties on board. She has met twice with the top leaders of the UML, NC and the NCP. All three parties have been dealing with internal power struggles, and the UML appears to be the most reluctant to face elections.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251228051212_d42944e014b278d6864270b74f924ac842d6f7a68d5bd6817148d120522ba60b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251228051212_d42944e014b278d6864270b74f924ac842d6f7a68d5bd6817148d120522ba60b" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Sushila Karki with political leaders"> <figcaption>Prime Minister Sushila Karki has been meeting with leaders of the mainstream parties to get them on board for the election. Photo: PMO</figcaption> </figure>  The UML’s former prime minister K P Oli has refused summons by the Judicial Inquiry Commission charged with investigating the massacre of protesters on 8 September and the arson and vandalism the next day. Then home minister Ramesh Lekhak is scheduled to give his deposition to the Commission this week. The legacy parties appear to be taking the threat from the Rabi-Balen partnership strongly, and have been trying to forge an electoral alliance so they do not compete against each other.&nbsp; They are relying on traditional vote banks among the rural electorate, and calculate that alternative forces will cancel themselves out. They could also be hoping that Balen Shah’s erratic behaviour and Rabi Lamichhane’s prison conviction will put voters off. A total of 837,094 first-time voters have been registered in Nepal ahead of the elections.&nbsp; The Kathmandu mayor is an engineer and rap artist, and had till now been reclusive, preferring to post on social media rather than face the press. His late-night online posts have been impulsive: like the one urging that Singha Darbar be burnt down, or another one recently in which he used the f-word against the US, China, India and the mainstream parties. He later deleted both posts.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251228041212_a2f87881e36fb40b82bf77e1b07003aaf36b91e2a9eb5da096f1e562654c31e3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251228041212_a2f87881e36fb40b82bf77e1b07003aaf36b91e2a9eb5da096f1e562654c31e3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1112" height="1440" loading="lazy" alt="Balen Rabi agreement NT"> <figcaption>The seven-point agreement between Shah and Lamichhane. </figcaption> </figure>  Lamichane and Shah had also been negotiating with Energy Minister Kulman Ghising’s newly-forced Ujyalo Nepal Party, but the bargaining did not go well because Ghising refused to fight elections under the RSP banner. If the three had been successful in coming together, it would have been a formidable alliance. There are misgivings about the RSP-Balen Shah deal, even among some GenZ who see the two prominent men dividing up the power structure as just the kind of political culture they wanted to reform. Many are already predicting exactly the kind of clash of egos between the two alpha males that characterised Nepali politics since the restoration of democracy in 1990. In the coming days, as with most political change in Nepal, there will be much speculation about the geopolitics behind the Rabi-Balen deal. Balen Shah’s angry post against India-US-China as well as his past nationalistic pronouncements on Nepal’s territorial dispute with India over Kalapani will be recalled, while Beijing has misgivings about the antecedents of some GenZ figures. Dharan-mayor Harka Sampang, who has also formed his own political party, has already pronounced the Rabi-Balen deal as being “foreign backed”.

Old vs New in Nepal in 2026

Everyone in the world is running some kind of race. Some chase recognition. Some chase money. Others run simply to stay ahead of others. But there are some who run for others. They are not trying to overtake anyone, they do not do it for fame, they are not getting paid to do it. But they run to pay for the upliftment of those less privileged. Bal Joshi, 41, is originally from Surkhet. His father was involved in the democratic movement during the days of absolute monarchy and he remembers frequent police searches of the house. And with his father in hiding, the young Joshi had to take care of the family. When the family’s small shop failed, his mother took the young Bal and his brother back to the village, and that is where he completed his education, walking four hours roundtrip every day between home and school. He ran most of the way, and without realising it he has been running ever since. Life was hard. Rent, food, education. His mother struggled constantly. There were days when there was no money even to buy kerosene for the stove. At one point, he sold his calculator, worth Rs 300, for just Rs 80 to get by.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251229031252_edb16b64a3d362a8dc86870bfa5deaad03a84e67d47f37cfd0bb5a8e584691fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251229031252_edb16b64a3d362a8dc86870bfa5deaad03a84e67d47f37cfd0bb5a8e584691fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Running for dear life NT"> </figure>  At 15, Joshi moved to Nepalganj to continue his education. He initially stayed with his uncles, but eventually began living on his own. The transition to city life was difficult, and he experienced significant economic hardship while trying to pursue his studies. There were times when he struggled to meet basic needs, and at one point he sold his calculator just to get by. When he was 17, after hearing that his father was seriously ill, Joshi travelled to Gujarat to bring him back home. His father died soon after, and Joshi took on responsibility for supporting his family. It was his mother who taught him that despite scarcity, life had to be lived with dignity. Joshi started working at a newspaper at the age of 16 as a proofreader, and later became a journalist. During the Maoist war when children were being orphaned as a result of violence by both sides, he became active in the Sahara Group, and at 19, he began managing an orphanage that took in conflict-affected children. In Bajhang, after the army killed a man on suspicion of being a Maoist, his wife jumped into the Seti River and ended her life. Their two children were taken into army custody. During the rescue process, Joshi met Sunaina Adhikari of the ICRC and back in Nepalganj they decided to get married. The conflict was still raging in western Nepal in 2005, when Joshi went to the United States. In Maryland, he initially worked at a Bengali-owned Subway outlet, spending long hours on his feet behind the counter. He changed jobs frequently, financing his education along the way, and ultimately graduated with a degree in finance in 2008. He joined Hancock Whitney Bank in Texas, and has risen up the ranks to be Senior Vice President. A colleague inspired him to run as a way to stay healthy. But it soon turned into something more meaningful — running more than a dozen 50km marathons for charity.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251229031252_165a6d935860cf6707178aa2ac7395733883158f425bbe0ebed125529d601f61.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251229031252_165a6d935860cf6707178aa2ac7395733883158f425bbe0ebed125529d601f61" data-rendition-name="original" width="999" height="1500" loading="lazy" alt="Running for dear life NT"> </figure>  Last year, Joshi returned to Nepal to run the Everest Marathon, and raised $42,000 which he donated to <a href="https://onestepfoundation.org/" target="_blank">One Step Foundation</a> which works on health care, child welfare and cultural preservation in Nepal and around the world. In June this year, Joshi and his family climbed Kilimanjaro, raising $19,000 for 80 HIV-affected orphaned children in Tanzania. During the Diwali festival he ran 220km in Nevada’s Red Canyon and raised $25,000 for cataract surgeries through the the <a href="https://www.theruitfoundation.org/" target="_blank">Ruit Foundation</a> in Nepal for cataract surgeries.&nbsp; Joshi does not run competitions, and is not trying to break any records. His motto is: “My race, my pace.”&nbsp; Turning his childhood scarcity into helping others, he says: “We all share sunlight, rain, air, and soil, nothing is truly just your own. I grew up without shoes, and I am fortunate to be able to distribute shoes to those who walk barefoot.” We ask Bal Joshi what (and where) next? His answer: the <a href="https://www.worldmarathonchallenge.com/" target="_blank">World Marathon Challenge</a> that will go around the world to run seven marathons in seven continents in seven days beginning in Antarctica at end-January.&nbsp; Joshi aims to run wearing the daura suruwal and Nepal’s flag as to show where he comes from, and how far in life he has come.

Running for dear life

A day after Rabi Lamichhane and Balen Shah <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/old-vs-new-in-nepal-in-2026-z6l4fgrd">came together to form an electoral alliance</a>, Kulman Ghising has also joined forces with the two leaders, merging his Ujyalo Nepal Party with the RSP.&nbsp; Following last-minute negotiations before Monday’s midnight deadline for parties to file their list of candidates for the Proportional Representation (PR) seats, Lamichhane and Ujyalo Nepal chair Anup Kumar Upadhyay signed a seven-point agreement to unify the two parties, with Balen Shah as witness.&nbsp; Per the deal, Ghising will be the vice-chair of the RSP, joining DP Aryal and Swarnim Wagle as the party’s seconds-in-command. The earlier agreement between Lamichhane and Shah retained Lamichhane as RSP chief, and promised Shah prime ministership if the party wins a majority in Parliament in March.&nbsp; Ghising’s team reportedly has a 17% share on the list of PR candidates filed by the RSP at the Election Commission. Balen has also fielded his own picks, and together the party has the likes of cricketer Gyandenra Malla, actress Reema Biswokarma, rights activist Mohna Ansari, climate activist Tashi Lhazom, and singer Prakash Saput as PR candidates. Ghising had held multiple rounds of talks with the RSP chair and the Kathmandu Mayor to discuss possible collaborations, but had failed to reach a power-sharing agreement. On Monday, Ghising had met with Lamichhane heeding a last-ditch effort from GenZ leaders, in particular Sudan Gurung, as they tried for the final time to get the interim Minister on board with Lamichhane and Shah before the PR list submission deadline.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025123004128_99e23ae7b6a042e71d271e3e74f7527086a7bb55779e6781bc9e7b711c8303e7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2025123004128_99e23ae7b6a042e71d271e3e74f7527086a7bb55779e6781bc9e7b711c8303e7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1595" height="1087" loading="lazy" alt="Sudan Kulman Balen"> <figcaption>Photo: SUDAN GURUNG / FACEBOOK</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025123004128_d9f530704ab4c6e27eebf51f8e9fb55fed1d4281c99d089d06455cc7448bfda7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2025123004128_d9f530704ab4c6e27eebf51f8e9fb55fed1d4281c99d089d06455cc7448bfda7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1026" height="1084" loading="lazy" alt="Balen and Sudan NT"> <figcaption>Photo: BALEN SHAH / FACEBOOK</figcaption> </figure>  The three are now set to make a formidable team to challenge mainstream parties at the polls. News of this alliance has been welcome to Nepalis who are looking for any alternatives to break the stronghold of the Oli-Deuba-Dahal trio over Nepali politics in recent history.&nbsp; But they will also carry each other’s baggage.&nbsp; Lamichhane, who was jailed for defrauding cooperatives depositors last year, was welcomed back as RSP party chair with open arms after he was released on bail last week. And while he has maintained his base of loyal supporters, he was subject to widespread criticism after he walked out of detention amid the jailbreak during the September protests, prompting his eventual voluntary return to prison.&nbsp; His party’s silencing and expulsion of critics within the RSP has also drawn direct comparison with the leadership structure of Nepal’s mainstream parties. Prominent leaders like Sumana Shrestha have left the party over disagreements with leadership.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Balen’s impassioned campaign resonated with Nepalis disillusioned with establishment leaders during the 2022 election and made him mayor of Kathmandu. The mayor’s direct, no-holds-barred style of communication and commentary has attained him much support beyond his constituency.&nbsp; But his unyielding, often unempathetic leadership style and policies— like his dismissal of street vendors and informal businesses during his drive to free up Kathmandu’s footpaths— have also earned him detractors. His recent outburst on social media in November that included expletives against both of Nepal’s neighbours and the US, as well as Nepal’s three main parties and the RSP was also widely criticised.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251230041212_fc2088daf32bac93541ebf25ca07725d75a721ae83440749ac8fa09d8fe308f2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251230041212_fc2088daf32bac93541ebf25ca07725d75a721ae83440749ac8fa09d8fe308f2" data-rendition-name="original" width="890" height="1255" loading="lazy" alt="Agreement NT"> <figcaption>The seven-point agreement between RSP and Ujyalo Nepal Party.</figcaption> </figure>  Ghising, credited with ending Nepal’s prolonged load-shedding during his tenure as the chief of Nepal Electricity Authority, has a reputation of getting the job done. His public goodwill earned him a seat on Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s interim Cabinet following the youth protest.&nbsp; But he has also been under scrutiny for funds misappropriation as well as controversial power purchase agreements during his tenure as NEA chief. Ghising had foregone the leadership position at his Ujyalo party, preferring to play the role of patron until closer to the election date, but was nonetheless criticised for his political and electoral aspirations while being a member of the transitional government. It now remains to be seen if and when Ghising will step away from his position in the interim Cabinet and begin campaigning with his new partners.&nbsp; As it stands, the involvement of prominent GenZ figures in bringing together Ghising, Shah, and Lamichhane has established youth leaders as major players in Nepal’s post-September political landscape. These leaders will have significant pull with young and first-time voters. But not all young leaders are impressed with this new triumvirate. Some have pointed out that the unity between these three leaders is no different from the political opportunism and quid-pro-quo power-sharing culture established and followed by Nepal’s mainstream leadership for the last three decades which culminated into the GenZ movement of September.

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