K P Oli is Nepal’s Prime Minister for the fourth time. Regardless of the fact that we are just recycling the same old, tried, tested and failed leaders, Oli has now secured himself a position among Nepal's serial prime ministers.&nbsp; He has promised to vacate the chair for coalition partner Sher Bahadur Deuba, who will be PM for the sixth time in 18 months. Deuba has only one more tenure to go to prove his astrologer right. His consort Arzu Deuba was sworn in as foreign minister in the new cabinet this week. Surya Bahadur Thapa of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and Girija Prasad Koirala of NC were prime ministers five times each. Lokendra Bahadur Chand also of RPP has been PM four times, last appointed by the king Gyanendra at the peak of the Maoist conflict after he had dissolved Parliament.&nbsp; Oli first became prime minister in 2015, although he has been a powerful member of the UML ever since the 1990s. His second term was two and a half years later in 2018 after Nepal's first federal elections. The third time he was a minority PM and was in the office for two months before Deuba upstaged him in 2021. Now, the two leaders who backstabbed each other multiple times are partners in government again. There could be no better proof of the truth in the adage that there are no real enemies or friends in politics.&nbsp; Besides Arzu Deuba, the NC has also brought back Prakash Man Singh (son of democracy warrior Ganesh Man Singh) as deputy PM and Minister for Urban Development. Bishnu Paudel of the UML has returned as the Finance Minister for the third time with his work cut out to revive a stagnant economy. His appointment is also under a cloud because his son has been implicated in the Baluwatar land scam.&nbsp; Notably, there are only two women ministers in the cabinet. Besides Arzu Deuba, Bidya Bhattarai replaces Sumana Shrestha of RSP as the Minister of Education. There are no Dalit or Muslim ministers. In these archival images by photojournalist Bikas Rauniar, we trace the political journey of some of these prominent figures, and in their faces we see the passage of time. But we are also reminded that the more things change, the more they remain the same. We see Oli on a street demonstration with Madhav Kumar Nepal (now his nemesis) and other leaders in 1998 protesting inflation and state violence. Two years later, he is at a commemoration of the North Korean National Day in Kathmandu. We also catch a glimpse of Oli with a young Bidya Devi Bhandari, who later became the first female president.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024071617070_5bb57b7aacd98ce990c51a6c2d255bad10c8398bb3dd12b318c6beec3afa2c3f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024071617070_5bb57b7aacd98ce990c51a6c2d255bad10c8398bb3dd12b318c6beec3afa2c3f" data-rendition-name="original" width="2073" height="1285" loading="lazy" alt="K P Oli and Bidya Bandari in 1995"> <figcaption>Home Minister K P Oli , Bidya Devi Bhandari, Mirza Dilshad Beg at Kathmandu airport to see off Haj pilgrims in 1995.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024071617070_a2dbc57c66692d4b0712d16ebf8e62b004359b5b98768008b2e7d47ff6e84a5a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024071617070_a2dbc57c66692d4b0712d16ebf8e62b004359b5b98768008b2e7d47ff6e84a5a" data-rendition-name="original" width="2440" height="1204" loading="lazy" alt="K P Oli in UMP party meeting in 1996"> <figcaption>K P Oli, Madhav Kumar Nepal, Bharat Mohan Adhikari and other UML leaders at a parliamentary party meeting at Singha Durbar in 1996.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240716160756_e85cc21bf3cb305e6e46471f323136f72ebe961654cdf55884ec3b83a4927806.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20240716160756_e85cc21bf3cb305e6e46471f323136f72ebe961654cdf55884ec3b83a4927806" data-rendition-name="original" width="2357" height="1537" loading="lazy" alt="K O Oli in a protest with Madhav Nepal NT"> <figcaption>K P Oli, Madhav Kumar Nepal and others during a demonstration against the NC government outside Singha Darbar in 1998.</figcaption> </figure>  We also see Arzu Deuba as an activist attending a public hearing on the Arun III project in 1992, and another photo of her with her bespectacled husband, Sher Bahadur Deuba. A 1994 photo captures Prakash Man Singh with his father Ganesh Man Singh at a function.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024071617070_2a7130b955b7c7b41214c528ca93d59cf8d6e6fa6df0301c2fb660384a63725a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2024071617070_2a7130b955b7c7b41214c528ca93d59cf8d6e6fa6df0301c2fb660384a63725a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1332" height="669" loading="lazy" alt="Arzu Deuba at Arun III hearing"> <figcaption>Newly appointed Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba (2nd from left) with Anil Chitrakar, water expert Ajaya Dixit, journalist Rajendra Dahal, hydropower expert Bikash Pandey, Rishi Shah. (Behind) Barbara Adams, Huta Ram Baidya and others during the first public hearing of the Arun III project at Kathmandu Hotel in 1992. Arzu Rana was then working for International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN).</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024071617070_0c8b83e82cf7b3b121caf5000f1108a795ce5a8ec718701773a939a69f4a8137.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2024071617070_0c8b83e82cf7b3b121caf5000f1108a795ce5a8ec718701773a939a69f4a8137" data-rendition-name="original" width="1498" height="897" loading="lazy" alt="Arzu Deba during a heritage walk"> <figcaption>Arzu Rana walking with Karna Shakya and others in Thimi during a heritage observation walk in 1995.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024071617074_cc3fbd1e66e8c4f1e9dd381f780f8797a074988acc6f0b56b3710e2057bfba9f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="2024071617074_cc3fbd1e66e8c4f1e9dd381f780f8797a074988acc6f0b56b3710e2057bfba9f" data-rendition-name="original" width="2468" height="1437" loading="lazy" alt="Prakash Man Singh and Ganesh Man Singh in 1994"> <figcaption>Prakash Man Singh with his father Ganesh Man Singh, Krishna P Bhattarai, Yog P Upadhyaya during a Nepali Congress rally at Khula Manch in 1994.</figcaption> </figure>  &nbsp;

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Those were the days

<h2>Gold Smuggling</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024032205038_6ff436f3ca5399751402ff6a360edee752b303b526320ae6e8b248f109194db2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024032205038_6ff436f3ca5399751402ff6a360edee752b303b526320ae6e8b248f109194db2" data-rendition-name="original" width="700" height="600" loading="lazy" alt="Gold smuggling NT"> </figure>  On orders of Home Minister Rabi Lamichhane, police on Monday <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-s-corruption-carousel">arrested Maoist vice-chair and former House Speaker Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a> in Bhairawa while he was trying to escape to India. He is accused of involvement in smuggling 60kg of gold concealed in motorcycle brake parts from Hong Kong last year, as well as 9kg of gold concealed inside vape devices in December 2022. Mahara’s son Rahul has been in custody since last August.&nbsp; Police arrested customs officials, Chinese and Indian nationals, and middlemen involved in smuggling the 60kg, while a Chinese trader was detained for gold hidden in e-cigarettes. Police uncovered phone records of Mahara and his son apparently pressuring customs officials to release the seized gold. Other Maoists, including Finance Minister Barsaman Pun, former Speaker Onsari Gharti Magar, son of former vice-president Nanda Bahadur Pun Dipesh Pun, are also implicated in the investigation report. &nbsp; Dipesh Pun was found to be directly linked to Dawa Tsering, the Belgian national thought to be the mastermind behind gold smuggling, who was arrested again last week after being released earlier. &nbsp; Finance Minister Barsaman Pun and his brother are alleged to have been in touch with one of the people said to be directly involved in the smuggling. They are so far not under investigation.&nbsp; <h2>Baluwatar Land Grab</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240322050312_a71c350eed753b8a19aec2925a051ed256b766167eabf6a9e7c13ecc93f289ea.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20240322050312_a71c350eed753b8a19aec2925a051ed256b766167eabf6a9e7c13ecc93f289ea" data-rendition-name="original" width="1300" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="Lalita Niwas NT"> </figure>  Almost 14.45 hectares of real estate in Baluwatar nationalised by the government was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/crime-and-or-punishment-in-nepal">parcelled out to private owners by brokers</a> since the 1990s under the guise of returning it to Subarna Sumsher’s family. Former prime ministers, ministers, party leaders, bureaucrats, and land revenue officials are all said to have their hands in the honey pot. &nbsp;&nbsp; In 2023, the CIB recommended that the government prosecute those implicated, including former prime ministers Babauram Bhattarai and Madhav Kumar Nepal whose Cabinets allowed ownership of the land to be transferred to private entities. Senior UML leader Bijay Gachhadar was named, as was Bishnu Poudel of the UML who later returned a part of the property.&nbsp; Middlemen Ramkumar Subedi and Shobhakant Dhakal, Bhatbhateni Supermarket owner Min Bahadur Gurung, as well as officials of the Land Revenue Office were arrested for alleged involvement last year. Baburam Bhattarai and Madhav Kumar Nepal have been spared, and Bishnu Paudel cleared. <h2>Fake Refugee scandal</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240322050312_aca19c77e73d7dc603a1bccad13565768e5facd09d2e53c1d17ede36ddb7ae57.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20240322050312_aca19c77e73d7dc603a1bccad13565768e5facd09d2e53c1d17ede36ddb7ae57" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="600" loading="lazy" alt="Fake Bhutanese refugee NT"> </figure>  Reporter Devendra Bhattarai for the Centre for Investigative Journalism Nepal <a href="https://ekantipur.com/news/2023/03/27/167988439341418193.html">broke the story in Kantipur </a>in March 2023 about top politicians and bureaucrats in cahoots with human traffickers to provide Nepalis with fake refugee papers so they could emigrate to the United States pretending to be from Bhutan. &nbsp; The masterminds were said to be Keshav Dulal, adviser to former Foreign Minister Sujata Koirala, and Sanu Bhandari who worked with former Home Minister Bal Krishna Khand with then home secretary Tek Narayan Pandey.&nbsp; <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top">In May</a>, police arrested Khand as well as UML leaders Top Bahadur Rayamajhi and his son, as well as the son of UML vice chair Ram Bahadur Thapa. Those arrested implicated Arzu Rana Deuba, wife of former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Manju Khand, wife of Bal Krishna Khand. Both have denied the accusations and the CIB did not investigate them despite leaked tapes purporting to prove they were paid millions. Bal Krishna Khand was released on bail in December, while Top Bahadur Rayamajhi remains in custody.&nbsp; <h2>Cooperatives fraud</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024032205030_e6ad30233ba5e8c2b399e069a927cd29e34843c363272424b25700af8fa9f69c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="2024032205030_e6ad30233ba5e8c2b399e069a927cd29e34843c363272424b25700af8fa9f69c" data-rendition-name="original" width="800" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="Cooperatives NT"> </figure>  Last year arrest warrants were issued for Galaxy TV co-founder and former chair of Suryadarshan Cooperative G B Rai for embezzling deposits to fund business ventures. Rai is also alleged to have misappropriated more than Rs1 billion from Supreme Cooperative in Butwal and other microfinance institutions in Chitwan, Birganj and Kathmandu. Rai is on the run.&nbsp; Home Minister Rabi Lamichhane was co-founder of Galaxy TV, and was also <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/skeletons-in-the-cabinet-k5x6py1v">accused of cheating cooperatives </a>to bankroll the media company he co-owned. Lamichhane has refuted all allegations and since becoming Home Minister again transferred Kiran Bajracharya, the CIB chief investigating the cooperative fraud case. Instead, he jailed Maoist vice-chair Krishna Bahadur Mahara for his reported involvement in multiple gold smuggling scams and appears to be going after big fish in the NC next.&nbsp; Dipesh Pun, son of former vice-president Nanda Bahadur Pun was arrested last week for his involvement in gold smuggling is also one of those named in the Supreme Cooperative fraud case. <h2>Bansbari Land Scam</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024032205034_887d724962f9e585ff9bec4cabf5c5b444a9f42d9723c8d95d7c2d8b4f03bac9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="2024032205034_887d724962f9e585ff9bec4cabf5c5b444a9f42d9723c8d95d7c2d8b4f03bac9" data-rendition-name="original" width="500" height="500" loading="lazy" alt="Land scam Bansbari NT"> </figure>  In February, the CIB arrested Arun Chaudhary of CG Holdings over alleged involvement in the illegal acquisition of 0.51 hectare of the government-owned Bansbari shoe factory. His brother, Nepal’s richest man and NC MP Binod Chaudhary, was also questioned on Thursday. The land was transferred without government approval in 1986 to the Chaudharys' Champion Footwear which is defunct, but the assets are owned by CG Chandbagh Residency, which also runs a school on the land. The CIAA was investigating, but the CIB took over after an <a href="https://www.ukaalo.com/ukaalo-vishesh/221022-cg-possession-in-bansbari/360">investigative report by Deepa Dahal in Ukaalo</a>. &nbsp;

Heads Roll

It seems like just yesterday that the momentous story broke. Police started investigating the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top">fake Bhutanese refugee scandal</a>, and Nepalis held their breath. At last it looked like justice would be done.&nbsp;
Police followed the digital trail from middlemen who hoodwinked hundreds of Nepalis to part with millions of rupees. Phone records and text messages led them to the highest people in the land. Former ministers and secretaries were tracked down and arrested.&nbsp;
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/losing-our-moral-compass">The story</a> was first broken in a piece commissioned by the Centre for Investigative Journalism Nepal, and written by Devendra Bhattarai for Kantipur daily in June. Despite state malfunction, it finally looked like press freedom, democracy and the rule of law were intact in Nepal after all.&nbsp;
Morale in the police and investigation agencies went up, journalists were encouraged that coverage had impact. After all, previous police inspectors and even the Commission on Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) had received the complaints about being swindled by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/in-a-federal-kleptocratic-republic-of-nepal">fake refugee middlemen and their political patrons</a>, but had filed them away.&nbsp;
But it was all too good to last. SSP Manoj KC and AIG Shyam Gyawali, the two police inspectors leading the team investigating the refugee scam, were transferred.&nbsp;
We have since learnt that the Maoist Home Minister was under pressure to do so from topmost Nepali Congress (NC) leaders and their consorts of whom police had evidence of collusion. Not surprisingly, KC was replaced by Basanta Kunwar, the same police inspector who had earlier buried the complaint.
More scandals then erupted, including those involving the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/crime-and-or-punishment-in-nepal">sale of Baluwatar real estate</a> and gold ornaments at Pashupati.&nbsp;
In none of these were Maoist officials involved.&nbsp;
Then, as if on cue, 100kg of gold was found being smuggled from Hong Kong concealed as motorcycle brake pads. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-gets-gold-medal-for-corruption">Investigations led to senior Maoists and their progeny</a>, and it emerged that the organised criminals has used brake pads and vapes numerous times before.&nbsp;
Now, with all three of Nepal’s main parties neck-deep in muck, the scandals cancelled each other out. Backroom deals ensured ‘I will not probe your scandal if you don’t probe mine’.
Fast forward two months: none of these monsoon scandals have come to anything. Some small fish have been netted, other bigger fish are out on bail, but the cases are not going anywhere. This week, the CIAA made a show of framing a sitting Commerce Secretary on an unrelated budget allocation. Its chief is clearly trying to distract us from his earlier cover-up of the Bhutan refugee case.
The media has moved on, social media is captivated by the viral video of the day, and the three main parties are glad Nepalis suffer collective amnesia. Mainstream politicians are back to impunity as usual, using the Constitution Day pardon list to get President Ram Chandra Poudel to release a notorious gangster serving a 20-year jail term for murder.&nbsp;
They are playing politics with rising <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/east-is-east">ethno-religious tensions in Kosi Province</a> and across the Tarai where social networking sites have been weaponised with <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/crimson-saffron-and-green">Hindutva hate speech</a>. Throughout all this, the prime minister disappeared for nearly three weeks on a round the world photo-op.
It does not look like the gerontocracy of the NC, the Maoists or the UML have seen the writing on the wall. They were up on the balcony of Gaddi Baithak on Indra Jatra on 28 September (pictured) and must have witnessed the frenzied welcome for Mayor Balen Shah. Still stuck in partisan power struggles, they underestimate the anti-establishment public mood.&nbsp;
Independents and alternative parties are riding a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-populist-party-balenist">populist anti-incumbent wave </a>among Nepali youth. The dinosaurs of Nepali politics are oblivious to the approaching asteroid.&nbsp;

State malfunction

On 18 July, the Department of Revenue raided the cargo terminal at Kathmandu airport and seized 61kg of gold being smuggled in from Hong Kong hidden inside brake shoes of two-wheelers. Although this was the biggest haul of contraband gold in the country’s sordid history, it emerged that the smugglers had already carried out similar jobs dozens of times before.
In the days following the raid, Nepal Police arrested 21 individuals involved, including customs officials, Chinese and Indian nationals, and middlemen. Top politicians and their cronies who were the alleged masterminds were not touched.
The names included former Maoist minister Barshaman Pun, former speaker Onsari Gharti Magar, the family of former vice-president Nanda Kishor Pun, and Maoist Centre vice-chair Krishna Bahadur Mahara and his son.
Mahara was also said to be involved in another gold smuggling operation in December 2022 in which a Chinese national was found to have brought in gold concealed inside e-cigarettes at the airport
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/crime-and-or-punishment-in-nepal">Crime and/or Punishment in Nepal</a>, Sonia Awale
Investigative journalists then uncovered Mahara &amp; Son trying to pressure officials to release the gold for auction. The Maoist leader has denied being involved, but police have phone records to prove otherwise. Meantime, the gold itself has vanished from storage.&nbsp;
The stench from scam after scam this year has become unbearable. If this was an international tournament, Nepal should get the Gold Medal for corruption. And these are just the scandals that we know about, away from the spotlight there is rampant extortion by politicians and bureaucrats of businesses throughout the land.
Interestingly, not a single politician from the Maoist party of Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Home Minister Narayan Kaji Shrestha is behind bars. Nepali Congress (NC), opposition UML and Maoist defectors are in jail for the fake Bhutanese refugee scandal. The Lalita Niwas real estate scam has implicated just about everyone, even those who bought the property. But no Maoists.&nbsp;
Since senior figures from all three main parties are now entangled in one scandal or the other, a devious effort is afoot to protect each other from prosecution. It seems Nepal’s feuding politicians can only agree to scratching each other’s backs during their three-party meetings to discuss the UML obstruction of the house over the gold smuggling case.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/in-a-federal-kleptocratic-republic-of-nepal">In a Federal Kleptocratic Republic of Nepal</a>, Shristi Karki
NC president Sher Bahadur Deuba has continuously and blatantly blocked attempts to investigate his wife Arzoo Rana in the refugee scam, and pressured Prime Minister Dahal this week to transfer Kathmandu Valley police chief AIG Shyam Gyawali, SSP Manoj KC of the Kathmandu Valley Crime Investigation Office, and Chief of Kathmandu Police SSP Dan Bahadur Karki. Dahal was only too happy to oblige since his comrades were also knee-deep in scandals.
The move has blindsided Home Minister Shrestha and brought into question his public commitment to rid the country of corruption.&nbsp;
As it stands, Nepal’s jumbo coalition government is held together only by mutual distrust. Deuba and other parties of the coalition are keeping close watch so Dahal does not direct ongoing investigations towards their own leadership in retaliation. And Dahal needs Deuba so he can remain in power to continue to loot in cahoots with cronies.
Nepal’s Supreme Court also ordered investigations into CPN (Unified Socialist) chair Madhav Kumar Nepal and Nepal Socialist Party head Baburam Bhattarai in the Lalita Niwas scam, but that has not gone anywhere. Both parties are in the coalition.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/losing-our-moral-compass">Losing our moral compass</a>, Editorial
Meanwhile, the government has concluded that the Gaur Massacre does not need an investigation. Dozens of Maoist cadres were brutally massacred in a 2007 confrontation. But since Upendra Yadav who was said to have masterminded it is now a key member of the ruling coalition, Dahal is willing to let bygones be bygones.
While scandals are erupting thick and fast, the Maoists are mum about their own embezzlement 15 years ago of billions meant for their former guerrillas in UN-supervised demobilisation camps whose numbers they have admitted to inflating.
Even as the Prime Minister and the Home Minister keep giving speeches saying the rule of law applies to all equally, it looks like some are more equal than others. With a few exceptions, none of the big fish have been netted, and even those who have could now be let go because investigating officers have been removed and replaced with yes men.&nbsp;
Early on, it really did look like Home Minister Shrestha, the CIB and the Police were going after the big crooks, and that this would deter thievery. Alas, that was wishful thinking. The politicisation of crime and criminalisation of politics is now complete.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/political-trash">Political trash</a>, Shristi Karki

Nepal gets Gold Medal for corruption

The first time I met <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/bhutan-s-refugees-between-hope-and-despair" target="_blank">Tek Nath Rizal</a> in Siliguri in 2000, it was inconceivable that he could one day be entangled in a scandal involving Nepalis trying to get <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top" target="_blank">fake refugee documents</a> to be resettled in the United States. Rizal was then just exiled after serving a decade long jail term, reduced from life sentence, but had not joined the other exiled leaders then. This was a man who advocated for the cause of genuine refugees, not creating fake ones. During my college days in Kathmandu I had read many accounts of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-tragedy-of-tek-nath-rizal-2g4dahmr" target="_blank">Rizal’s commitment to democracy</a>, identity and human rights against the oppressive Bhutan government. While in self-imposed exile in Nepal, the Panchayat regime deported him back to Bhutan in 1989 after which he was jailed and tortured for ten long years.&nbsp; I got to know Rizal personally while working with him on the initial draft of his book, निर्वासन. We spent countless evenings together, transcribing his dictations into text, and trying to give it structure and coherence.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230711150732_272acb29ed7f9018f8ef08a3c9f50f6094230fe3df9737ea8d236cefb33e6a2b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230711150732_272acb29ed7f9018f8ef08a3c9f50f6094230fe3df9737ea8d236cefb33e6a2b" data-rendition-name="original" width="2550" height="1700" loading="lazy" alt="tek nath rizal books"> </figure>  It was evident that Rizal suffered from post-traumatic stress from <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17869" target="_blank">physical and mental torture during his incarceration</a>, much of which was spent in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/political-prisoners-languish-in-bhutan-s-jails" target="_blank">solitary confinement</a>. He would interrupt his recollections to curse individuals who had betrayed him, and at other times he would turn despondent over the loss of trusted companions. Recalling the "dual-role" officials played in Thimphu would incite furious outbursts from him. Rizal was known for straightforwardness in conversation, he was blunt and to the point. What you saw was what he was: it seemed like he was incapable of subterfuge. &nbsp; Initially in Kathmandu, his primary supporter and benefactor was Hiranyalal Shrestha and Krishna Pahadi who actively backed the cause of refugees from Bhutan. Shrestha was later sent as Nepal’s ambassador to Moscow. I helped Rizal relocate to his office from Sanepa to the Pulchok area. Along the way, Rizal has been deceived numerous times by close friends and trusted government officials, both in Bhutan and Nepal. He felt specially betrayed by Om Pradhan, the former Bhutan Permanent Representative at the United Nations in New York and a former Minister for Trade and Industries. The latest betrayal is happening in Kathmandu, where at age 76 he has been jailed on charges of colluding with senior Nepali officials in a scam to get more than 800 Nepali citizens to pay for getting fake refugee papers, so they can be <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/who-stands-with-bhutanese-refugees-in-nepal" target="_blank">resettled in the United States</a>. Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top">Rot at the top</a>, Shristi Karki Indrajit Rai, who wrote the foreword to Rizal’s book <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17869" target="_blank">Torture: Killing Me Softly</a>, possibly turned out to be the person to drag him into this scandal. Rizal had placed immense faith in Nepal’s bureaucrats and politicians to resolve the refugee problem. In his early days in Kathmandu some 18 years ago, Rizal was treated like a VIP. He received special treatment in hospitals, the Human Rights Commission, media outlets, the Foreign Ministry, and some foreign embassies. Refugee advocacy groups used his contacts to gain access to offices that were otherwise off limits. Newspapers and radio stations often interviewed him about the refugee question. One national daily even found his visit to a barbershop in Lalitpur to be newsworthy enough to warrant coverage. Tek Nath Rizal's dedication to fighting corruption stemmed from his revolutionary background as a human rights activist in Bhutan. He fearlessly reported corrupt practices by district and sub-divisional heads in Bhutan to King Jigme IV when he served as a member of the royal audit team. His commitment to justice led him to play an active role in Parliament, particularly in the issuance of citizenship ID cards to people from southern and eastern Bhutan. From these early days to his position in the Royal Advisory Council, Rizal amplified the concerns of ordinary people of whatever ethnicity in Bhutan. &nbsp; Along the way, he must have made enemies. And it was this dedication and integrity that eventually landed him in the notorious prisons of Bhutan, after being extradited from Nepal in 1989. Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/in-a-federal-kleptocratic-republic-of-nepal">In a Federal Kleptocratic Republic of Nepal</a>, Shristi Karki I personally have witnessed first-hand the toll that the years of solitary confinement had taken on him. He would wake up in the middle of the night, pace the floor speaking aloud to himself. He would smoke a pack of cigarettes to calm his nerves, and I can only imagine the kind of mental distress he was going through. Once again, Rizal finds himself trapped within the walls of a prison cell. He has been betrayed again, this time as a scapegoat. Rizal did not have the means to create fake documents containing Nepal government seals on official letterheads.&nbsp; While listening to some audio recordings, it becomes clear that he may have unwittingly assisted the criminals under the misguided belief that it would benefit genuine refugees. I am mystified why Rizal was oblivious to the falsification of documents, and consented even to be associated with such criminals. Jogen Gazmer was deported to Bhutan with Rizal and Sushil Pokhrel in 1989 whom Amnesty International &nbsp;declared Prisoners of Conscience in Wangdi Phodrang prison. Gazmer was released in 1992, while Rizal continued to be locked up for another eight years. Gazmer now lives in Australia and is convinced that Rizal was framed. Rizal’s son, Vikram, lives in Canada and is convinced his father was a whistleblower. He is targetted by the very Nepali politicians whom he had repeatedly warned about the fake refugee scam. In his deposition after arrest in Kathmandu, Rizal explicitly mentioned that the Nepal government refugee allowance was withdrawn when he began reporting individuals impersonating officials from the Ministry of Home Affairs to make fake documents. Rizal went to the police a year ago to say that there were threats against him in Birtamod from those who had paid money to be refugee impostors. We do not know if the police acted on this complaint. &nbsp; Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/crime-and-or-punishment-in-nepal">Crime and/or Punishment in Nepal</a>, Sonia Awale Questions also remain about the fake Bhutan Human Rights Organisation and why Nepal’s Ministry of Home Affairs felt it necessary to obtain Rizal's signature on refugee resettlement documents, when he had never been asked to sign any such papers during previous phases of the program. This appears to be a deliberate move to make him culpable through unnecessary involvement. As the case unfolds, Tek Nath Rizal's character and lifelong dedication to justice and human rights must also be considered. The truth must prevail, and Rizal deserves a fair chance to prove his innocence without undue prejudice. Buddha Mani Dhakal lives in Kentucky, and is the former Chief Editor at <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhutan_News_Service" target="_blank">Bhutan News Service</a>.

Scapegoating a champion of democracy

A former deputy prime minister, an ex-home minister, an erstwhile election commissioner, a senior government secretary and dozens of others are behind bars in a sweeping government crackdown on corruption.&nbsp; <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/in-a-federal-kleptocratic-republic-of-nepal">Big heads have rolled</a>, but are bigger heads being deliberately spared? The<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top"> fake Bhutan refugee scandal</a> and the organised crime behind the Lalita Niwas real estate scam have shown that Nepal’s media, investigation agencies, law enforcement and court system are all playing their check and balance roles. However, there is a whiff of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rule-of-the-lawless">political vendetta</a> in some of the arrests, and concerns that even bigger fish are being let off the hook. There is also apprehension that loopholes in existing laws will be used for the guilty to get away, and some of the innocent who were duped by middlemen will be made scapegoats.&nbsp; “Politicians have made a mess of our legal and judicial system, they are strategically introducing and amending laws to suit their purpose,” says Padmini Pradhananga of the Nepal chapter of Transparency International.&nbsp; “The government has proposed a five-year time limit for prosecuting corruption,” she adds. “There can never be a statute of limitation in corruption cases, this is just unacceptable” Eyebrows are also being raised about why a coalition government in which both the prime minister and home minister are from the Maoist party has chosen to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/i-speak-nothing-but-the-truth-your-honour">prosecute</a> these two high profile corruption cases so doggedly. Not a single senior Maoist figure has been implicated in either scandal, and the first senior politicians to be named were Top Bahadur Raymajhi and Ram Bahadur Thapa, both former Maoists who defected to the UML in 2021. Independent observers say that although there is evidence against most of the accused so far in both cases of corruption in high places, there does not seem to be the same eagerness to probe <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/CIAA-under-threat,124">alleged embezzlement</a> by Maoist leaders of government allowances to the nearly 20,000 former guerrillas being demobilised in UN-supervised camps after the ceasefire.&nbsp; Hari Bahadur Thapa, author of the 2017 book Rajagj which examines <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-shortsighted-view-tower-craze">corruption</a> cases in Nepal’s recent history, says both the fake refugee scandal and the Lalita Niwas scam are manifestations of a corrupt bureaucracy that is rotten to the core and has contaminated the polity. The twin scandals rocking the highest levels of the Nepal government come at a time when the nine-party <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/the-reign-god">coalition of Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal </a>is looking increasingly fragile. Part of the reason is Parliamentary arithmetics, but it is also because of the prime minister’s proclivity to ad lib. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/political-trash">Political trash</a>, Shristi Karki Coalition members themselves have been critical of the<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-tax-system-widens-rich-poor-gap"> new budget</a>, but Dahal managed to pacify them by offering pork-barrel funds. And when news leaked of the opposition UML making overtures to dissidents within the Nepali Congress, the prime minister responded by bringing together five leftist parties (except the UML) to form a loose Socialist Front.&nbsp; Prime Minister Dahal is facing flak for an unscripted remark at a book launch this week in which he said a Sikh transport tycoon had gone to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/super-hit-or-super-flop">New Delhi </a>to try to make him prime minister. A video clip of the remark lit fireworks on social media that led to opposition parties disrupting Parliament and demanding Dahal’s resignation. &nbsp;&nbsp; All this brouhaha is distracting attention from the ongoing investigations into the two scandals. Most of those charged appear to have been involved in varying degrees of wrongdoing. After last year’s elections in which i<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rise-of-the-independents">ndependent and alternative candidates made a strong showing</a>, the Maoists may have read the writing on the wall and want to clean up their image to distinguish themselves from other established parties in the coalition and the opposition. It was the media that first exposed the fake refugee scam and has been uncovering some of the sordid details in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-oligarchy">Baluwatar land scam</a>. The Nepal Police and the Central Investigation Bureau (CIB) also appear to have been given a free hand in pursuing the cases. &nbsp;&nbsp; “Home Minister Narayan Kaji Shrestha has repeatedly reassured people that no one involved in the scam will be spared. Let’s give him the benefit of doubt, at least he is cracking down on the culprits,” says former government secretary Khem Raj Regmi. He adds: “This gives the public a real hope that other corruption cases like the wide body scandal will also be investigated. But we have to keep prosecuting corruption cases right till the end, we can’t be complacent.” However, this has not absolved Home Minister Shrestha from allegations that his party is pursuing political vendetta, and at the same time trying to limit the investigation to mid-level political figures. &nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-populist-party-balenist">Nepal Populist Party (Balenist)</a>, Editorial  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230706090748_c439bb466484b25194143c12022cc974a1eb1b5435dc0254c8f7f1548efd1389.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20230706090748_c439bb466484b25194143c12022cc974a1eb1b5435dc0254c8f7f1548efd1389" data-rendition-name="original" width="3600" height="2288" loading="lazy" alt="Page 4 RSS"> <figcaption>ALL SMILES: Prime Minister Dahal and Madhav Kumar Nepal of the CPN (US) at a function this week in Bhaktapur. Nepal has been implicated in the Baluwatar land grab scam. Photo: PRADEEP RAJ ONTA/RSS</figcaption> </figure>  When the police dragnet started to widen in May, the three top leaders of the Maoist Centre, Nepali Congress and the UML circled their wagons and held lengthy meetings in Baluwatar in what was seen as a damage control exercise to ensure that <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/losing-our-moral-compass">the investigation </a>did not reach the highest echelons.&nbsp; For example, Arzoo Deuba, the wife of NC president Sher Bahadur Deuba, has not been investigated despite being implicated, as others who were arrested were, in testimonies on the fake Bhutanese refugee scandal. Likewise, former prime ministers Babauram Bhattarai and Madhav Kumar Nepal have also been spared so far in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/kathmandu-s-unreal-real-estate-prices">Lalita Niwas scam</a> even though their Cabinets allowed ownership of government land to be transferred to private entities.&nbsp; ‘If they do not go after people like Arzoo Deuba, Baburam Bhattarai and Madhav Kumar Nepal, they cannot accuse those lower down who were just following orders,’ argued &nbsp;senior advocate Balkrishna Neupane in an interview with Everest News. ‘All this boils down to the involvement of politicians post multi-party democracy in organised crime.’ The two scandals have also bolstered the argument of monarchists who have been engaged in a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/now-and-then">heated debate in the public sphere</a> about whether Nepal was better governed during the Panchayat days. They say the fake refugee scandal is high treason, and the real estate scam is indication that the rot goes right to the top.&nbsp; However, it could also be argued that the scandals have been exposed and investigated precisely because Nepal has a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/monopoly-on-information">free media</a>, functioning rule of law and independent investigations.&nbsp; The concern now is the politicisation of the judiciary and the CIAA (Commission on the Investigation of the Abuse of Authority) and whether they are being restricted to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/ciaa-traps-small-fish-lets-big-ones-go">investigating only mid-level bureaucrats and selected politicians</a>. Indeed, the CIAA in 2020 had under political pressure quashed the investigation into the forgery of land titles of Lalita Niwas, and the CIB revived the case only after Shrestha became home minister.&nbsp; “In Nepal, we have national unity only in high level corruption cases where the top leadership are hand in glove with each other,” says Khem Raj Regmi former secretary who also served as president of Transparency International Nepal. “For example, in the Sudan APC scam, there was no paper trail to implicate politicians, and the police took the fall.” In 2017, three former police chiefs were jailed for misappropriating Rs288 million while purchasing armoured personnel carriers and other logistics for the Nepal Police peacekeeping mission in Sudan’s Darfur. The kickbacks would not have been possible without collusion at the highest levels of government.&nbsp; Unlike in the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2017/04/30/shadow-over-elections/">Sudan Scam</a>, the Lalita Niwas case has files with signed documents by ex-prime ministers Bhattarai and Nepal but the CIAA cited a legal provision that policy decisions by the Cabinet are out of bounds to shelve the probe. The anti-graft body was investigating the case after former secretary Sarada Prasad Trital led an investigation committee on the Lalita Niwas land scam at the behest of the UML government at the time. “We have now reached a point where corruption is taking a dangerous form of organised crime,” says investigative journalist and author Hari Bahadur Thapa. “There are also indications that political rivalry is driving some of the investigations.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-tragedy-of-tek-nath-rizal-2g4dahmr">The tragedy of Tek Nath Rizal</a>, Editorial The CIAA also spared those who returned Lalita Niwas property, including senior UML politician <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/let-them-eat-cake">Bishnu Poudel</a>. But others who also returned land they bought were not accorded the same concession and are in the CIB dragnet. Those who innocently bought property from real estate agents but were not otherwise involved are also being investigated.&nbsp; Explains Regmi: “Not all Cabinet decisions are policy decisions, the CIAA should have allowed the court to decide that. The fact that they did not means that there was political interference.”&nbsp; There have been many complaints over the years that the CIAA has been<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/commission-for-the-abuse-of-authority-karki-impeachment,3335"> used by politicians to go after rivals and for extortion</a>. Calls for it to be headed by independent and credible individuals have never been heeded.&nbsp; “It is clear for everyone to see that major players were being protected with the excuse that they made policy decisions in Cabinet. If only the CIAA had worked more honestly, we would not be in this mess,” adds author Thapa. Pradhananga of Transparency International agrees that politicians want to call everything a ‘policy decision’ so that no one can challenge them. She says: “This is the same as saying we are not allowed to question them once they are elected. In that case, what is the use of the CIAA? Policy decisions are supposed to be for the public good, not for personal gain.” Prime Minister Dahal has been using the anti-corruption crusade launched by Home Minister Shrestha as proof that his party is committed to root out corruption. He has vowed that senior political figures will not be spared.&nbsp; Even critics give Dahal and Shrestha credit for re-opening the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-has-to-curb-corruption-before-wooing-investors">corruption files</a>. The fake refugee scandal has further dented Nepal’s international standing and the Lalita Niwas land grab has shown that Nepal has been hollowed out by corruption.&nbsp; “Nepal has lost the goodwill and trust of the world,” says Pradhananga. “We have damaged our reputation for loyalty and bravery. It will have consequences for big projects in Nepal and our diaspora.”&nbsp; The investigations into the two scandals demonstrate that there is political will to set things right – but only if the probes are free from <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/chief-justice-suspension-linked-to-mcc-ratification">political interference</a>.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/real-refugees-want-to-go-back-to-bhutan">Real refugees want to go back to Bhutan</a>, Sujata Dhungana

Sonia Awale

Crime and/or Punishment in Nepal

There was silence in the chamber of the Kathmandu District Court as Bhutan’s refugee leader <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/bhutan-s-refugees-between-hope-and-despair" target="_blank">Tek Nath Rizal</a> started to speak. He began in a soft and measured voice, recounting his <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/bhutan-king-must-free-political-prisoners" target="_blank">struggle for freedom and citizenship</a> for which he was hounded, persecuted, tortured and imprisoned in Bhutan. His &nbsp;voice rose as he protested his arrest on complicity in recommending &nbsp;Nepalis to obtain fake refugee papers for resettlement in the United &nbsp;States. Looking behind him at over a dozen accused, including two former &nbsp;ministers, a government secretary, recruiters and their accomplices, he &nbsp;said: “These are the crooks who have insulted us Bhutanese refugees, &nbsp;these senior government officials are solely responsible for the crime &nbsp;that has brought them here.” Former minister and deputy prime &nbsp;minister Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, who defected from the Maoist-Centre to &nbsp;the UML, former NC home minister Bal Krishna Khand and secretary Tek &nbsp;Narayan Pandey and others listened expressionless. Rizal then &nbsp;turned to the judge, pounded the rostrum with his fist, and thundered: &nbsp;“I cannot take such humiliation anymore, how can these scoundrels extort &nbsp;Nepalis in the name of resolving the issue of 6,000 remaining refugees &nbsp;from Bhutan?” Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top">Rot at the top</a>, Shristi Karki A &nbsp;few days later on 20 June, the District Court ordered Rizal, Rayamajhi, &nbsp;Khand and 13 others into judicial custody. Twelve more accused are &nbsp;still at large in a scam that involved extorting up to Rs5 million each &nbsp;from 875 Nepalis to make fake refugee documents, and tricking them into &nbsp;thinking that the resettlement program had been reopened.&nbsp; Rizal &nbsp;was arrested after police found evidence that one of the accused &nbsp;recruiters had paid Rizal Rs700,000. And in a deposition before the &nbsp;government attorney, Rizal is said to have told Minister Rayamajhi in &nbsp;2019 that he was not concerned about fake Bhutan refugees being &nbsp;resettled as long as the welfare of genuine refugees was addressed. Tek &nbsp;Nath Rizal is a leading Bhutanese pro-democracy leader and was an &nbsp;Amnesty International Prisoner of Conscience who spent nearly 10 years &nbsp;in jail in Bhutan. Rizal used to be a royal counsel and head of Bhutan’s &nbsp;anti-corruption bureau, but was targeted by the regime for speaking out &nbsp;against persecution of the country’s Nepali-speaking Lhotsampa people. Fearing &nbsp;arrest, Rizal fled to Nepal in 1988 but was arrested kidnap-style by &nbsp;the Panchayat regime and deported to Bhutan after which he was mostly in &nbsp;solitary confinement in the notorious Chemgang Prison being physically &nbsp;and mentally tortured for 10 years. Rizal has documented much of this in &nbsp;his 2010 book, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17869" target="_blank">Torture: Killing Me Softly.</a> An investigative story by Devendra Bhattarai <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/political-prisoners-languish-in-bhutan-s-jails" target="_blank">published in this paper in 2021</a> &nbsp;listed other prisoners, many of whom had served decades in jail in &nbsp;Chemgang without visits by the ICRC. One of them, who had been released, &nbsp;brought out a photograph of the jail cell in which Rizal had etched &nbsp;into the cement wall the sacred Hindu Gayatri Mantra.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230620130628_74b87ea0f1a3d5bf1853c7632eff33cfe69f63daef2c50e95a0bfe56a634909c.png" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230620130628_74b87ea0f1a3d5bf1853c7632eff33cfe69f63daef2c50e95a0bfe56a634909c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1092" height="1356" loading="lazy" alt="Tek nath rizal gayatri mantra"> <figcaption>A photograph of the jail cell in which Rizal had etched into the cement wall the sacred Hindu Gayatri Mantra.</figcaption> </figure>  It was <a href="https://cijnepal.org.np/gang-extorts-millions-by-adding-fake-schedule-to-report-on-bhutanese-refugees/">Bhattarai’s story</a> &nbsp;in March that first exposed the story of hundreds of Nepalis who had &nbsp;been duped by recruiters into paying them large sums in return for fake &nbsp;refugee documents. The recruiters were arrested, and soon started &nbsp;singing to the police and implicating senior government officials who &nbsp;were given a cut from the extortion racket.&nbsp; It is hard to &nbsp;believe that someone with Rizal’s history of struggle would have been &nbsp;involved in helping Nepalis get fake citizenship papers. Rizal is said &nbsp;to have admitted to police that he did indeed borrow Rs700,000 from one &nbsp;of the recruiters, but for some other purpose and that he had returned &nbsp;the money.&nbsp; Another accused has told police he paid Rizal Rs1.1 &nbsp;million to sign off on the citizenship of 34 fake refugees. Rizal has &nbsp;admitted to signing some of the citizenship papers when Rayamajhi asked &nbsp;him to, and indeed, many of the fake Bhutan citizenship papers are said &nbsp;to be from Rizal’s constituency of Lamidanda.&nbsp; In a deposition to &nbsp;the police, Minister Rayamajhi is said to have taken Rizal to meet &nbsp;Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoists and Sher Bahadur Deuba of the NC when &nbsp;they were prime ministers. Rizal told the court his purpose in meeting &nbsp;them was to warn them of the fake refugee scam, and also to reinstate &nbsp;the Rs100,000 monthly allowance that had been suspended.&nbsp; Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/in-a-federal-kleptocratic-republic-of-nepal">In a Federal Kleptocratic Republic of Nepal,</a> Shristi Karki From &nbsp;what we have heard of the evidence presented to police so far, it looks &nbsp;like the kingpins used Rizal’s credibility and respect in the refugee &nbsp;community to convince fake refugees that the scheme had official &nbsp;sanction. It may also be that Rizal signed the papers in return for &nbsp;fulfilment of his demands for reunion of family members. There is &nbsp;also the question within Nepal of whether the really big fish have been &nbsp;caught. There is said to be evidence of the three top leaders of the &nbsp;parties instructing police to just investigate those caught so far, and &nbsp;not go further up the food chain.&nbsp; “I stayed behind in Nepal even &nbsp;though most refugees have been resettled because I wanted to either go &nbsp;back to my homeland, or be a refugee in the land of my ancestors,” Rizal &nbsp;told the court.&nbsp; Whatever the final verdict in Rizal’s case, it &nbsp;has done irreparable harm to the Nepali state, bureaucracy and the &nbsp;Bhutan refugee leadership. The only entity to gain from this sordid tale &nbsp;is the Bhutan regime that 30 years ago evicted one-sixth of its &nbsp;population.&nbsp; Rizal, who spent 10 years in prison in Bhutan, faces the tragic prospect of more jail time in Nepal.

The tragedy of Tek Nath Rizal

The fake refugee scandal that is rocking the government is only the latest outrage that Nepalis have witnessed. Indeed, they are so inured to corruption in high places that most have taken it as a given.&nbsp;
But even by the standards of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/in-a-federal-kleptocratic-republic-of-nepal">Nepal’s kleptocracy</a>, this one is blatant in its planning and execution, implicating the very ministries entrusted with internal security, and one that has tainted Nepal’s global standing. It is proof that Nepal’s ruling class has lost its moral compass.
For the moment we can only take some comfort from the fact that Nepal’s independent media is taking its check and balance role seriously at a time when the three other pillars of our democracy are tottering. The Police has also so far been conducting their investigations diligently.
Because of the intense scrutiny by the media, civil society and individual Nepalis on social media platforms, any attempt to prevent the prosecution of the culprits will now be seen as an even bigger crime than the scam itself.
In so many ways, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top">fake Bhutanese refugee scam</a> is a reflection of everything that is wrong with the people who have ruled Nepal since 1991, and they tend to be the same people and parties.
Read on: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top">Rot at the top</a>, Shristi Karki
The attempt to trick desperate Nepalis to pay up hefty sums to go to America when third country resettlement of Bhutanese was closed seven years ago itself speaks to the brazenness of the crime.
As Nepal’s newest MP, Swarmin Wagle of the RSP, put it during a discussion in Kathmandu this week: this is fraud, corruption, human trafficking, transnational organised crime, and sedition, all rolled into one.
“There has been a meticulous legalisation of corruption through amendments in Parliament. So we seem to be creating a corruption-friendly regime,” said Wagle. “Our legal system needs to be able to catch up with those who are corrupt.”
The scam was possible in the first place because Nepal’s legal system allows it. Our Parliament is a farce, the judiciary is guilty of abetting the guilty, and impunity prevails upon the land.&nbsp;
Despite widespread concern, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/nepal-s-transitional-justice-and-the-west-s-recalibration">Transitional Justice Bill</a> which allows war criminals to literally get away with murder was rushed through Parliament. It gave a clean chit to Maoists and state-side perpetrators of conflict-era atrocities. The Bill even made the disingenuous distinction between ‘murder’ and ‘extreme murder’.
In 2020, then communication minister <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/alpha-males">Gokul Baskota</a> was caught on tape soliciting a Rs700 million bribe for a security printing press. Less than two years later in the 2022 November federal elections, Baskota was voted to Parliament from Kavre-2.
There are scandals involving Maoist leaders pocketing compensation money meant for their guerrillas, kickbacks on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/aborted-landing-in-nijgad">international airport deals</a>, payoffs for hydropower licenses. The list is so long it will exceed the word length for this Editorial.
Despite all these elephants in the room, Nepal’s conservative male politicians are obsessed about what RSP MP Sumana Shrestha wears in Parliament. The fact that her t-shirt and Chino was even a topic for discussion exposes not just blatant misogyny, but also a collective inability to discern our priorities and address the real issues affecting Nepalis. The contrast to a male MP who dared disrobe on the floor of the House not being an issue could not have been more stark.
Read on: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/in-a-federal-kleptocratic-republic-of-nepal">In a Federal Kleptocratic Republic of Nepal</a>, Shristi Karki
When impunity is rife and morals become elastic, we cannot fault desperate Nepalis attempting to break the law by trying to make fake refugee documents. 
 The scandals are coming thick and fast. A respected 75-year-old agriculture expert in Khotang is caught in a Setopati exposé abusing girls in a school he founded.&nbsp;
Elsewhere, rapper Balen Shah who campaigned as the voice of the impoverished has since started upsetting the apple cart of street vendors in the name of cleaning up the streets. What happened to his election promise of segregating <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/multimedia/nepal-still-mixing-garbage-with-politics">Kathmandu’s garbage</a> at source?
The media also <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/investigation-introspection-and-investment-in-media">needs to self-reflect</a>. Although it was the relentless pursuit of the story <a href="https://ekantipur.com/news/2023/03/27/167988439341418193.html">by Kantipur</a> and other media that the fake refugee scam is throwing up more high profile guilty, the proof of the pudding will be in the persecution of the guilty.
The media cannot be an island of integrity when society has been hollowed out by corruption and wrongdoing. Journalists need to be even more careful to be objective, and not become mouthpieces for the highest bidders. This is even more crucial at a time when populism and ultranationalist sentiments have permeated all sectors of the state.
Sonia Awale

Losing our moral compass

Former Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Top Bahadur Rayamajhi had been on the run ever since he was named as one of high ranking officials involved in a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top">fake refugee scandal</a>. After being MIA for 10 days, he was finally arrested on Sunday evening. Rayamajhi is a former Maoist guerrilla commander who defected to the UML, and served in the K P Oli government after 2018. Warrants for his and his son’s arrest were issued on 3 May. His son was detained the same day, but Rayamajhi reportedly fled to India and was finally arrested in Kathmandu.&nbsp; He is the highest ranking former government official to go down in a scandal that has so far snared another former home minister from the Nepali Congress (NC), Bal Krishna Khand, government secretaries, middlemen and masterminds of a scheme to send hundreds of Nepalis pretending to be Bhutanese refugees to the United States. The story came out after <a href="https://ekantipur.com/news/2023/03/27/167988439341418193.html">an expose in Kantipur</a> in March in which Nepalis who had paid up to Rs5 million to recruiters to take them to the US as refugees from Bhutan lodged complaints against them. They had paid to have falsified documents to be on a list of Bhutanese refugees who were supposed to be resettled in the US, even though the relocation scheme had been closed since 2016. On 10 May, former Home Minister Bal Krishna Khand was arrested from Kathmandu after being implicated in the scam. Bal Krishna Khand’s wife Manju, who is also an MP, has also been incriminated, and is said to be on the run.&nbsp; MP Arzu Rana Deuba, the wife of NC leader and five-time prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba has also been accused of accepting a kickback from the fake refugees on the basis of an audio recording made by one of the recruiters. Rana for her part strongly denied the accusations on the floor of Parliament, calling for an investigation into the audio, which she maintains is fake.&nbsp; As the police investigation continues, top leaders from the NC, UML, and Maoist Center have met to discuss developments amid growing demands from within their own parties for an unhindered inquiry into the scam, and for the perpetrators to be brought to justice. Social media is rife with accusations that the three main parties are trying to brush the dirt under the carpet.&nbsp; The leaders of the three parties have publicly called for an objective and thorough investigation, even though Deuba is said to be the most worried -- keeping tabs on the police inquiry over his concerns that his wife will be embroiled in the investigation. The snowballing scandal and its international repercusiions appears to have spooked the government, and Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal summooned Kathmandu-based diplomats to Singha Darbar on Monday to put forth his government's commitment to pursue the guilty. &nbsp; Earlier on Monday, former minister and Nepal’s ambassador to India Nilamber Acharya, former head of the CIAA (the anti-corruption watchdog) Surya Nath Upadhyay, as well as independent lawmaker Amaresh Kumar Singh and RSP MP Swarnim Wagle spoke about the scandal and its implications for Nepali politics and the country's standing on the global stage during a program organised by the Tanka Prasad Acharya Foundation in Patan (pictured, below).  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023051509050_d49c69d980f713d03af4c535a32e53afc620ac54c042be101dd1a1790c4f32b0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2023051509050_d49c69d980f713d03af4c535a32e53afc620ac54c042be101dd1a1790c4f32b0" data-rendition-name="original" width="3072" height="2048" loading="lazy" alt="Corruption panel"> <figcaption>Photos: GOPEN RAI</figcaption> </figure>  Speaking at the event, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/india-nepal-ties-must-move-beyond-1950-treaty">Nilamber Acharya</a> said the scandal has put the spotlight on Nepal’s governance failure and a decline of its political mechanisms, adding that corruption, not ideology, unites leaders making it easier for parties with fundamentally opposing principles to come together in governments. He stressed that crime is on the rise because powerful figures commit them, and even more powerful figures shield criminals. “The world is watching Nepal,” warned Acharya. “And it is up to us which side we choose to stand on: whether we establish Nepal as a country of corruption, or emerge from this as a nation that holds the corrupt to account.” Meanwhile, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=10283">Surya Nath Upadhyay</a> praised Nepal Police for their independent investigation so far without giving in to pressure, adding that there have been attempts to whitewash it by people in power even as they publicly call for a thorough inquiry. Upadhyay was chief commissioner of the CIAA from 2001 to 2006, and during his tenure cracked down on many corrupt government officials. In 2002, the CIAA under his leadership busted 22 high-ranking officials of the revenue department for corruption. In 2006, the CIAA charged five former ministers as well as secretaries of the government, and police personnel for amassing illegal wealth and property. What is needed now, Upadhyay added, is for the public to be the watchdogs and see the investigation through. “If the media, civil society, and law enforcement lose steam, all of the progress we have already made will evaporate, and people will eventually forget,” said Upadhyay. “We need to make an example out of every perpetrator involved in this crime.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023051509054_3d6f09aab22c983819927a83dbd04bf3378f523eacc69215df8aa15890d1f167.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="2023051509054_3d6f09aab22c983819927a83dbd04bf3378f523eacc69215df8aa15890d1f167" data-rendition-name="original" width="3072" height="2048" loading="lazy" alt="Nilamber Acharya"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023051509058_71bb5e740023e2d793be2dcad01e49769b7e5b0e21fc5464628f914cee52e7f6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="2023051509058_71bb5e740023e2d793be2dcad01e49769b7e5b0e21fc5464628f914cee52e7f6" data-rendition-name="original" width="3073" height="2048" loading="lazy" alt="Surya Nath Upadhyay"> </figure>  Swarnim Wagle, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/in-with-the-new-out-with-the-old">the newest RSP lawmaker in Parliament</a> after he won the by-election from Tanahu in April, spoke about the size and severity of the scandal, the changing nature of corruption, and the need for institutional reform: “This has been a simultaneous overlapping of crimes: fraud, corruption, human trafficking, transnational organised crime, and sedition.”&nbsp; Wagle also noted how corruption has evolved with the sophistication of the economy, moving from cash transactions to shares, gold and jewels and to the point that even public figures known for being corrupt could openly challenge the authorities to prove their crimes in an absence of traceable corruption. Wagle added that impunity has aided and abetted many corrupt officials.&nbsp; “There has been a meticulous legalisation of corruption through amendments in Parliament. So we seem to be creating a corruption-friendly regime,” said Wagle. “Our legal system needs to be able to catch up to those who are corrupt.” The fact that officials from all major parties were involved in the refugee fraud meant that there was “all-party corruption” in Nepal, lawmaker <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=13098">Amresh Kumar Singh </a>who was formerly with the NC and ran as an independent during federal elections last November. Most recently, Singh disrobed in Parliament last week in protest over being denied time on the floor to speak about the scandal.&nbsp; Singh warned that the police have so far only caught the “small fish” of the refugee scam, cautioning that it would be foolish to believe otherwise even as former home ministers are arrested. “This scandal is merely a mirror that has reflected how Nepal is run on patronage by political brokers, reaching the most influential of ministries,” continued Singh. “Nepal is not a democracy, it is a particracy. And corruption supersedes even political parties.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023051509058_1b3a30577fd72a2fea627df2e667593a5a0a5e324796ba3cd229afaba4515eaf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="2023051509058_1b3a30577fd72a2fea627df2e667593a5a0a5e324796ba3cd229afaba4515eaf" data-rendition-name="original" width="3071" height="2048" loading="lazy" alt="Swarnim Wagle"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023051509058_597f098672a1d9ad83974ff68d78aa21d83473e9f7c63189edac995cd20fe0f0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="2023051509058_597f098672a1d9ad83974ff68d78aa21d83473e9f7c63189edac995cd20fe0f0" data-rendition-name="original" width="3113" height="2048" loading="lazy" alt="Amresh Kumar Singh"> </figure>  Singh added that this scandal marked a political turning point in Nepal and that the future and leadership of the three major political parties are at stake.&nbsp; The four speakers also discussed what the scandal meant for Nepal’s position on the global stage. “Not only political parties, Nepal’s credibility globally, and the people’s faith in the country are at stake,” said Singh.&nbsp; Wagle also spoke to the implications that the scandal could have for the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/migration-not-a-wish-but-necessity-for-nepalis">Nepali diaspora across the world</a>. “Nepal is not isolated anymore, and this scandal will impact the dignity and self-respect of the millions of Nepalis who have either temporarily or permanently migrated outside Nepal,” he said. Globally, geopolitically, and diplomatically, Nepal has historically been on the receiving end, as such the country’s development, economy and global standing is likely to suffer irreparable damage, Upadhyay explained.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Nilamber Acharya noted that there was no reason for Nepal and Nepalis to be embarrassed as long as investigation is moving along in the right direction. The media was also effectively playing a check and balance role in exposing wrongdoing. Said Acharya: “It is not yet time for us to hang our heads in shame on the global stage, as long as we ensure that the corrupt are held to account and justice is served.”

Shristi Karki

In a Federal Kleptocratic Republic of Nepal

Background Following the 1989 census in Bhutan, the Druk regime began a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/gross-national-reconciliation-in-bhutan">systematic crackdown</a> on its Nepali-speaking Lhotsampa people, who made up one-sixth of the country’s original population. By 1992, some 100,000 Bhutan nationals had been driven across India to UNHCR-run camps in eastern Nepal. Starting 2007, about 90,000 were resettled in the United States, with smaller numbers going to <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Bhutanese-refugees-in-united-kingdom-find-stability,1585" target="_blank">the UK</a>, Canada, Norway, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15045#.W2gmdmaB1TY" target="_blank">the Netherlands</a>, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17868#.Wk3SKlWWbIU" target="_blank">New Zealand</a> and Australia. The process was supervised by the International Organisation of Migration (<a href="https://www.iom.int/" target="_blank">IOM</a>). Some <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/family-separation-bhutan-style" target="_blank">6,000 refugees, mostly elderly, remain</a> in Nepal. Breaking the News&nbsp; On 27 March, investigative reporter Devendra Bhattarai of Kantipur <a href="https://ekantipur.com/news/2023/03/27/167988439341418193.html">broke the story </a>that linked Nepal’s bureaucrats and politicians in a scam to provide false papers to Nepalis pretending to be Bhutanese so they could migrate to the United States. The US is a much sought-after destination for economic migrants, and many Nepalis in the past have also applied for political asylum in the West, faking persecution by the Maoists or the state during the conflict. Cast of Characters More stories came out of fake refugees who had paid up to Rs 5million each to middlemen from Jhapa to take them to the United States. Two of the agents were caught by police, and spilled the beans, implicating Top Bahadur Rayamajhi and Ram Bahadur Thapa (Badal), both Maoist leaders who had defected to the UML. Thapa was Home Minister in the K P Oli government in 2018, and set up a task force led by his security adviser to get the paperwork done for the refugees.&nbsp; One of the middlemen threatened to self-immolate if his deposition implicating other top political figures was not recorded. Police Chief Dan Bahadur Karki’s investigation of the mobile phone data of the recruiters pointed the finger at the wives of former NC Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and Home Minister Bal Krishna Khand.&nbsp; The middlemen had already paid “higher-ups” to facilitate necessary documentation for nearly 900 fake refugees. Khand had by then become home minister in the Deuba government in 2021, and the recording of an audio leak pointed at the involvement of NC leaders Arzu Deuba and Manju Khand.&nbsp; The task force was formed in 2020 by the KP Oli government headed by Bal Krishna Panthi, then joint secretary of the Ministry of Home Affairs, to gather information on refugees from Bhutan who were left out of the refugee registration process for various reasons. Keshav Dulal, personal adviser to former Foreign Minister Sujata Koirala, and Sanu Bhandari, both thought to be the original masterminds, are said to have got access to a proposal written by Panthi in 2021 that included a list of refugees, during the tenure of Khand as home minister with the help of then home secretary Tek Narayan Pandey.&nbsp; The group is then believed to have added bona fide Nepalis to the list as well, creating false Bhutanese identities and documents after demanding money from their victims multiple times, and promising to settle them in the US.&nbsp; More than 100 Nepalis who were defrauded have filed complaints with Nepal Police since 2022 after their complaints were not heard in 2021 due to political pressure. But the fake refugees themselves broke the law by illegally impersonating refugees.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230511080540_49f58d3347c5b92b161206a7bc9d61bc2aaf0e96383c599be5aa9e7680801b85.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20230511080540_49f58d3347c5b92b161206a7bc9d61bc2aaf0e96383c599be5aa9e7680801b85" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Fake Bhutanese refugees"> </figure>  The Story So Far Nepal Police on Wednesday arrested Khand, and were said to be on the lookout for his wife, as well as Rayamajhi and Thapa. Later on Wednesday, Rayamajhi sent a sick note to Parliament to explain his abscence.&nbsp; Keshav Dulal and Sanu Bhandari have also been detained. Sagar Rai, former ward chair in a village in Jhapa’s Pathani village, is also being investigated for facilitating the payment to the bureaucrats.&nbsp; Indrajit Rai, the security adviser to former Home Minister Thapa has been arrested, but his son Neeraj Rai is on the run. Rayamajhi’s son, Sandeep, however, has been arrested. Former Home Secretary Tek Narayan Pandey, who served under Khand, has also been arrested while another former secretary Prem Kumar Rai, who is also said to be involved, currently heads the Centre for the Investigation for the Abuse of Authority (CIAA).&nbsp; Now What? Although top leaders across party lines have called for “thorough and objective” investigation into the scandal, it has not stopped them from desperately meeting one another. KP Oli of the opposition UML has met his arch enemies in the governing coalition, Deuba and Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoists. He has also met Home Minister Narayan Kaji Shrestha. The UML only suspended Rayamajhi as party secretary after news of Khand's arrest on Wednesday. There is widespread concern that the three top men will try to sacrifice some scapegoats in order to protect their spouses or close comrades. There is also speculation that Home Minister Shrestha has not interfered with the investigation because NC, UML and Maoist leaders who defected from his party have so far been implicated.&nbsp; Nepalis will have to wait if this scam goes further up the chain of command, and what role Deuba will play to protect his wife.&nbsp; Arzu Deuba herself has forcefully denied involvement in the floor of the House and lodged a complaint at the cyber bureau, calling the leaked audio a smear.&nbsp; &nbsp;Nepal’s Image The media exposé and subsequent police investigation have shown that their check and balance role and independence are intact. However, the scandal has confirmed what most Nepalis already knew, that their government is rotten to the core. The federal legislature, controlled by the three main parties, has tried to obstruct debate on the scandal, leading an independent MP to disrobe on the floor of the House in protest this week.&nbsp; Nepal’s international image has been seriously dented. Its moral high ground on the Bhutan refugee question has been undermined. Nepal’s model historical role to let in persecuted peoples from Tibet, Bhutan, the Rohingya, Somalia, or Afghanistan has now been besmirched. The Nepali passport will now be scrutinised even more minutely. But more than anything else, the scandal exposes the desperation of Nepalis to vote with their feet, and offers devastating proof that Nepal has been run by the same crooks for the past 35 years.&nbsp; In the near future, it will be worth noting how this controversy will affect the Bhutanese refugees who remain in Nepal, along with the lives of those who have been resettled across the world. It also remains to be seen how this will affect Nepal's global standing, diplomacy, and its bilateral relationship with the US.

Rot at the top

One smoggy winter morning in February 2019, Ekta regretted coming to her sculpture class. It was the first day of her period, and the 19-year-old wished she was home, curled up in bed with a hot water bag to soothe her cramps.
Her class was at Kalapremi Ceramic Studio, a dark room on the ground floor of a house in Maharajganj, and Ekta’s teacher was the artist Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’, a noted sculptor.
Two other students were already there, using all their muscle strength to knead the sculpting clay. Ekta, now 24, recalls how Kalapremi asked her if she was feeling all right. She avoided him, as she did not want everyone to know she was menstruating.
Kalapremi repeatedly asked Ekta what was wrong. She finally muttered that she was having her period, after which he grabbed her hand and led her to a partitioned corner of the studio and sat her on a chair. Before she could stop him, he slid his hand under her dress, and started massaging her abdomen.
“I was horrified,” Ekta recalls. “I told him to stop, but he didn’t listen, asking me not to be shy, saying he knew how to relieve my pain. He stopped only after I protested furiously.”&nbsp;
The art tutor then said, “You’re like my daughter. I’m doing it out of love to make you feel better, but you’re so stubborn.”&nbsp;
“Instead of saying sorry he acted like I was the one having crazy thoughts,” remembers Ekta, adding that from April 2016 to August 2020 beginning the time she was 16, the artist sexually abused and harassed her on several occasions. &nbsp;
Now, Ekta and the artist’s other former students are finally sharing their experiences and some are pressing legal charges against him, hoping that others do not have to endure what they did.&nbsp;
Award-winning artist and teacher Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’ (the name means ‘Art Lover’) is known for his ceramic art, sculpture, and contemporary pottery. He was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-house-of-kalapremi">profiled in Nepali Times after a collaborative exhibition</a>, ‘Where the Wild Things Are’ at the Siddhartha Art Gallery three years ago.&nbsp;
His pieces, titled Gaalis, featured sculpted female figures with the heads of dogs, sheep, and donkeys (pictured) to depict derogatory terms for women. Some critics said the collection was a satire on feminists.
Kalapremi started his artistic and teaching career in 1983 and over the years taught at Bhanubhakta School, Kathmandu University School of Arts, Lalitkala Campus and at his private Kalapremi Ceramic Studio. He has also lectured at Jeonju University in South Korea and recently at Tabor Academy in the United States.
Seven of Kalapremi’s former students were interviewed for this story. Five female students said he touched them inappropriately in his studio or at Kathmandu University. Two male students said they witnessed him abuse and harass the women. In all cases, the students struggled to recognise the abuse when it occurred, and the lack of reporting systems left them to cope on their own for years.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, students shared a social media post hinting at Kalapremi’s history of abusive behaviour following which more students of the artist reached out sharing similar experiences. Some students spoke of abuse that happened as long as 20 years ago.
Kalapremi, 60, has denied the allegations. He told Nepali Times: “Some years ago, there was a movement encouraging people to hug and kiss. I used to do it purely out of friendship and love. But after seeing posts on social media last year calling out my behaviour, I realised my actions may have hurt some people. I understand now that I should have been more mindful.”
He added: “I am also an auxiliary health worker, so I know the exact points to massage to relieve menstrual pain. It’s not just menstruation, I take anyone who is ill to the hospital.”
Sexual abuse is much more rampant than reported given how difficult it is to prove it in court. The law defines sexual abuse as occuring when someone touches another’s private parts, coerces them into touching theirs, uses vulgar language, shows degrading images, or behaves indecently towards them without consent.&nbsp;
Ekta and her fellow students are consulting lawyer Suneeta Regmi Pokhrel, who says they know that even if the court decides in their favour, it is difficult to survive after speaking up, and influential men defend themselves saying they are being framed.&nbsp;
“They are in a lot of pain and weep when recalling how he abused them,” Regmi Pokhrel told us. “They are angry and have filed a case against him, but they are also terrified. They know he is a powerful man and they have seen how our society treats women who speak up against abusers. Unless people speak up, perpetrators will be emboldened.”
Art and academia in Nepal simply reflect the power imbalances in society where people with intersecting identities experience worse forms of abuse. Theatre actors Raj Kumar Pudasaini, Rajan Khatiwada, and Sunil Pokhrel were called out during the #MeToo movement in the Nepali theatre scene in 2019. Even after the allegations Pokhrel went on to receive national awards, while others continued to work without repercussions.
“If you speak up against abusers, you gradually get sidelined from projects,” explained a theatre artist who wished anonymity fearing professional setbacks. “The theatre scene in Nepal is quite small, you just have to make peace with the perpetrators and work with them if you want to sustain yourself.”&nbsp;
In academia there is a history of faculty members sexually harassing students and getting away with it. After Tribhuvan University (TU) lecturer Krishna Bhattachan was accused of harassing women students, the university said it would follow Nepal’s sexual harassment law and set up a reporting mechanism. But nothing happened to the professor, who had already retired. Instead, he counter-accused the students of 'attacking the indigenous people’s movement with baseless allegations' as <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/letters/2019/01/29/bhattachan-responds">he told the Kathmandu Post in 2019</a>. He continues to be featured as a prominent speaker including at TU.
Other faculty members previously accused of sexual harassment include Jagadish Murti Koirala from TU, Bishnu Prasad Acharya from Ratna Rajya Campus, and Bodha Raj Tripathee from Lalitpur Madhyamik Vidhyalaya. A woman staff member from TU also filed a sexual abuse complaint against Dambar Chemjong from TU.
Prominent figures like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">mountaineer Nims Purja</a> have been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/31/sports/mountaineering-sexual-harassment-abuse-nims-purja.html">accused of sexual assault</a>, and cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane, actor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/celebrity-rape-case-spotlights-nepal-laws">Paul Shah</a>, and former speaker of Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mahara-arrested">Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a> have been accused of rape, but society-at-large has let off the alleged perpetrators amdist a larger debate about justice for survivors and punishment of perpetrators.&nbsp;
‘Gaushala-26’ is the court name given to the 18-year-old who accused Sandeep Lamichhane, former captain of Nepal’s national cricket team and skipper of Biratnagar Kings in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/here-comes-the-nepal-premier-league">ongoing Nepal Premier League</a>, of rape. She left the country citing society questioning her character affecting her mental health while Lamichhane got an outpouring of support. In May, the Patan High Court overturned a prior verdict that found Lamichhane guilty of rape and had sentenced him to eight years in prison. During the 23-month legal battle to pursue justice, Gaushala-26 faced threats of gang rape and acid attacks.&nbsp;
Exhausted by the struggle, Gaushala-26 sought to “move to a new world” where she could live free without hiding her identity.
Actress Samragyee Rajya Laxmi Shah in an Instagram video now deleted detailed the harassment she faced from a filmmaker during a movie shoot. She did not name any name but veteran actor Bhuwan KC filed a defamation case against Rana, but the court ruled that the charge lacked sufficient evidence.&nbsp;
Former Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo">Keshav Sthapit also mocked the #MeToo movement</a>, calling accusations against him by journalists Rashmila Prajapati and Ujjwala Maharjan “a rape of men’s rights”.
Serial Abuse
Back at the Kalapremi Ceramics studio, another former student, 24-year-old Rajiv, says he felt the need to speak out after seeing his female classmates being abused.&nbsp;
“He frequently kissed them on their cheeks,” he told Nepali Times. “Whenever they walked into the studio he flailed his arms like a child asking for a hug. They awkwardly hugged him from the side, but he pulled them closer, held their chin, and kissed their cheeks.”&nbsp;
Rajiv says he also saw Kalapremi pull the women’s bra straps, touch their breasts, and slap their buttocks. The young students would freeze, not knowing how to react, and if they protested, he would say it was “normal in art”. Rajiv, 19 at the time like his classmates, remembers thinking perhaps the well-respected artist was right after all.
Another student, Luna, who took lessons at Kalapremi’s studio from 2020 to 2022 did try to confront the tutor after he made an obscene proposal to her. She recalls: “One day when the other students had left the studio and it was just the two of us, he told me that God had given him special artistic talent and he could transfer those powers to me. But to do that both of us will have to be naked, inside a dark room, and have sex.”
Luna, who was 18 then, was livid and told him she did not want any of his powers, but she says he laughed at her as if he was joking. She did not tell her family about the incident because she thought no one would believe her.&nbsp;
“They were all in awe of this famous artist and felt I should be grateful that to be learning sculpting from him,” she says. “I was scared to be alone with him in case he talked about sex again. My coping mechanism was to be rude so he wouldn’t try to come close to me.”
Seeing how some classmates were standing up to Kalapremi, Ekta too tried to push back against his advances, but she said he found ways to coerce her. Since Ekta, Rajiv, and Luna could not afford Kalapremi’s Rs30,000 monthly fee for lessons, he had offered them all a stipend to assist him in the studio.
“He had spondylosis and took me to his therapy sessions to learn massage techniques, then he often made me and other students massage him,” says Ekta. Whenever she refused, he would feign pain to make her feel sorry for him. “He would insist that I put my hands under his shirt so that I could massage him better,” she adds.
The art tutor often tried to “seduce sympathy” from Ekta by sharing how he had never been loved as a child and was “sexually frustrated” as an adult.&nbsp;
“At 7PM, he would pour himself Signature whiskey and immediately go off again about how he was sex-starved. I didn’t know how to respond. It took me time to realise alcohol was just an excuse to talk about sex,” Ekta says.
If convicted, Kalapremi could face financial penalty and/or a prison sentence of up to three years according to Section 224 of National Penal (Code) Act 2017.&nbsp;
Data suggests that victims of child sexual abuse on average take nearly 24 years to tell someone about their trauma, and some may never disclose it at all.&nbsp;
“In our culture, children are rarely taught about boundaries. They often react, show anger when adults pinch their cheeks. But adults insist they did it out of love, and force the children to accept it,” says Sita Lama, a psychotherapist at Manka Kura. “And even when someone touches them inappropriately they struggle to identify and verbalise it.”
When perpetrators claim to be “acting out of love”, Lama says survivors are likely to perceive it as something safe, rather than recognising it as abuse.&nbsp;
“It may take years for them to realise they were abused,” she explains. "And even when they become aware, the power imbalance with the abuser and the associated shame often prevents survivors from speaking up."
Other former students from the School of Art at Kathmandu University have also come forward years later, saying Kalapremi sexually abused them. As young adults, they felt his behaviour was off but were uncertain if it was inappropriate, illegal, or they did not know how to respond. After having understood that it was indeed abuse, they say they are speaking out now to protect others.&nbsp;
Amina Singh, a visiting faculty member at Kathmandu University, says there is no clause against sexual abuse in contracts of teachers, and there is no formal grievance handling mechanism for the students.&nbsp;
“So the only way students can to deal with sexual abuse is approach someone they trust,” she says.
Eight other former art students of Lalit Kala Campus and Srijana College of Fine Arts of Tribhuvan University and other private art studios in Kathmandu say they were also sexually abused by their art teachers. Three faculty members interviewed from these institutions said they saw the abuse, but felt it was futile to report it given how powerful the teachers were.
In the absence of a formal system, some longtime women artists warned each other about “problematic” artists. They shared &nbsp;a “heads-up” to be more cautious when collaborating with them, and avoided responding to their calls and texts after work hours.
To ensure art institutions are safe for all, galleries, museums, artist studios, and smaller art spaces need to develop policies on sexual harassment. This would include a code of conduct or studio policies that hold the leadership accountable and outline the principles of professional ethics.&nbsp;
Students and employees should inquire about accountability mechanisms for raising concerns, both formally and informally, advocates say.
Three years after Ekta left the ceramics studio, she learnt that Kalapremi had harassed many other women. Still trying to get a footing in the art industry, she attended a workshop in Kathmandu where women artists discussed ways to stay safe in the art sector.&nbsp;
Since it was a close-knit group Ekta opened up about how she felt violated and realised she was not alone, he had been abusing underprivileged students for years, and this was common knowledge among artists in Nepal.
Ekta says that even after she quit, Kalapremi continued sending her text messages like ‘I am thinking of you’, ‘Why have you stopped speaking with me’, or ‘I am waiting for your call’.&nbsp;
But what really forced her to act was when Ekta found out that he was sending similar texts to her younger sister.&nbsp;
“I’ve had enough,” she told us. “He abused me all these years but I won’t let him abuse my sister.” &nbsp;
Ekta, Rajiv and Luna are not the real names of the students.&nbsp;

‘Art Lover’ accused of sexual abuse

It was 8:15 in the evening of 25 March 1968 when everyone in the village of Batulechaur near Pokhara heard a deafening sound like thunder as a bright flashing object hurtled down to land in a field.&nbsp; That field belonged to Kul Timilsina, and the next morning he retrieved a sheet of metal about 2m by 1m and carried it home with the help of a few others, thinking it would be useful for his buffalo shed.&nbsp; Before he died at age 83 three years ago, Timilsina had told photo archivist Sunil Ulak that the black metal sheet was not rectangular and had rounded corners. There are a few witnesses still alive who have a clear recollection of the object that fell from the sky that night.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="601" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>The field in Batulechaur belonging to Kul Timilsina where fragments of a flying object fell from the sky in 1968.</figcaption> </figure>  One of them is Timilsina’s wife Gyanu, who was 22 at the time. She had been at home, and remembers hearing the big bang and the sky becoming very bright. “We saw the thing in the field in the morning,” she told us. “It looked like a lid, a covering of some sort. The way it was stuck in the ground, it must have fallen from the sky. We thought we could use it to dry clothes on, and took it home.”&nbsp; Another witness is Kul Narayan Paudel. “I was only eight then. We ran to the field to see what had fallen. It was a four-sided metal sheet. The elders took it away, and I don't know what happened to it.” &nbsp; Ram Bahadur Baniya, a teacher at the local school, says he had heard the sheet had been brought to the school, and later handed over to the Zonal Commissioner at the time, Nanda Prasad Malla. “But that is all hearsay,” he says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="610" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Gyanu Timilsina, wife of Kul Timilsina.</figcaption> </figure>  There are two versions of what happened to Kul Timilsina’s metal sheet. One is that an American Peace Corp Volunteer teaching at the nearby Bindyabasini School took it, and another is that it was handed over to the government. Recently declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and US State Department documents from the time say that the US Embassy in Kathmandu tracked down the object two years later and had it shipped back to the US. A telegram from the Department of State and Department of Defense tagged as ‘MOON DUST / Space Fragments’ dated 1 March 1972 stated: ‘1. Restored space fragment will be on board Embassy support flight 115 arriving Kathmandu on or about March 10. Fragment is packed in shipping crate (cargo no. 72-33365) marked in care of DAO.&nbsp; 2. State and Defense representatives examined fragments prior to shipment finding restoration acceptable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df" data-rendition-name="original" width="856" height="568" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Declassified CIA documents about the investigation into the object sighted in Pokhara. </figcaption> </figure>  The documents show that the US government, military and intelligence agencies investigated this incident thoroughly when it occurred, and have continued to revisit it ever since, as recently as five years ago. What is even more intriguing is that the object that fell in Pokhara was not the only unidentified space object that fell to earth that year. There were similar sightings of objects falling from the sky in Ladakh, Sikkim and Bhutan between 19 February and 25 March 1968.&nbsp; These mysteries were the subject of a CIA investigation in 1968 titled ‘<a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP81R00560R000100070007-8.pdf">Sighting of Unidentified Flying Objects in Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan</a>’, and the report is part of the recent online declassification of 800,000 top-secret documents from the period.&nbsp; &nbsp;Although unidentified flying objects (UFOs) have a connotation now of being alien craft, it could be pieces of satellite, missile, rocket or even aircraft. The CIA report documents six sightings in 1968 and quotes local sources as describing all of them having similar characteristics: bright blue or red streaks in the sky accompanied by loud sounds like lightning and thunder and objects falling to the ground. Aside from the metallic object that was found in Batlechaur, there were other items also found nearby in Tallakot, Tureypasal, Armalakot and Maidan. Whatever the object was, it seems to have disintegrated even before it hit the ground.&nbsp; The CIA report records the first sighting on 19 February 1968 in various parts of Sikkim and Olangchung Gola and Ghunsa in eastern Nepal. The light was said to be ‘long and thin’ and giving out ‘green and red light’. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb" data-rendition-name="original" width="892" height="596" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara "> </figure>  Two days later on 21 February, a soundless blue object was seen traveling fast across the sky above Thimphu in Bhutan. Then on 4 March there were multiple daytime sightings or white streaks in the sky at Chang La Pass, Fukche and Koyul in Ladakh. There were more sightings in Ladakh on the very day fragments fell near Pokhara on 25 March 1968.&nbsp; After the sightings in Pokhara, rumours started flying in Kathmandu that these were aliens trying to land on Earth, it could be Russian or Chinese spy planes or satellites, and some even say it as a sign from heaven that the end of the world was near. This was at the height of the Cold War. The Russians and Americans were testing their thermonuclear devices as well as intercontinental ballistic missile delivery systems. The Washington-Beijing rapprochement had not yet happened, and China was making quick progress testing atomic bombs. Within two years after its first atomic test, in 1966 China exploded its first hydrogen bomb at the Lop Nur site in Xinjiang, 3,000km to the north from Nepal. After neary six decades, what is still intriguing is that all the sightings within a few months of each other in 1968 were along the Himalayan arc bordering Tibet: from Bhutan, Sikkim Nepal, to Ladakh. The US military intelligence seems to have concluded that this was not a coincidence and there were frequent research trips to the site in Pokhara by American officials in the months after the incident. With the help of the Royal Nepal Army, the region north of Pokhara was thoroughly searched.&nbsp; A confidential memo dated 25 June 1968 by Jerry C Trippy to a ‘Mr Farley’ mentions that the US Air Force’s Foreign Technology Division had decided that the debris could be important because it may be related to a Chinese missile test or a Soviet ‘Vehicle Venik’ rocket.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  On 28 August 1968 the US Embassy in Kathmandu sent a letter to Washington DC saying that the object could be of Soviet origin, possibly from when the rocket carrying the ‘Kosmos 208’ satellite re-entered the atmosphere. But why were the fragments falling to earth several weeks apart, and in the same region? No one knows where the metal sheet that Kul Timilsina recovered is now. It was definitely packed in a crate and taken to the US, and although it is rumoured that it was returned that is not very likely. Archivist Sunil Ulak heard from the Timilsina family that CIA officials had returned to the site five years ago. &nbsp; Interest in UFOs peaked in the US in the 1950s, with the Cold War space race and tests of atomic weapons and delivery rockets. CIA and scientists were being sent to investigate sightings, both publicly and privately. Could the Pokhara fragments as well as the sightings in Ladakh and Bhutan actually be alien craft falling to earth? The renewal in interest in space travel in large part due to Elon Musk’s SpaceX, UFOs and sightings are again subjects of public interest.&nbsp; Even 57 years later, even if there was definitive proof about whether the Batlechaur fragment was from a Chinese missile or a soviet rocket, it has not been made public in documents declassified so far. We may never know.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598" data-rendition-name="original" width="642" height="320" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  Sunil Ulak speculates if the debris actually came from an American aircraft, perhaps on an intel mission upon China. “Which could explain why they were so thorough in collecting the fragments in Pokhara,” he says. But that still does not explain the multiple sightings weeks apart in 1968.&nbsp; Indeed, US military aircraft were at that time flying frequent night-time missions from air force bases in India to supply weapons to Khampa guerrilla camps in Nepal located north of Pokhara in Mustang. It could very well be that the Chinese shot down one such aircraft. The other sightings could have been contrails of US spy planes, or Chinese anti-aircraft missiles.&nbsp; There were quite a few developments regarding UFOs in 2024. In a US congressional hearing in July, former intelligence officer David Grusch claimed that the government had long been involved in a program to investigate and retrieve non-human craft crashes, and then try to reverse engineer them. However Grusch did not show any evidence.&nbsp; The UAP Disclosure Act of 2024 was signed into law by Joe Biden in December 2023. It plans to oversee the public disclosure of UFO information. However, there is a clause in it that prevents disclosure if it would cause threats to military defense, intelligence operations or foreign relations.&nbsp; It is unlikely that the declassified documents about sightings in the Himalayan will cause any real surprise about definite evidence of alien life even if it was found. It seems humanity will continue, at least for now, to wonder about curious lights in the sky and whether there is anybody out there.&nbsp;

UFO over Pokhara

When Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) president Rabi Lamichhane was arrested in October on charges of defrauding depositors of cooperatives, the party’s vice president Swarnim Wagle gifted him Fareed Zakaria’s book, Age of Revolutions.
Since then, Lamichhane has been shunted around from Kathmandu to Pokhara to Chitwan and back to Pokhara to attend police investigations and court proceedings. He was being flown to Birganj via Kathmandu on Buddha Air on Monday. There is another pending case in Janakpur.
Human rights groups and civil society have criticised the government for hounding Lamichhane with inhumane treatment that borders on physical torture. The two parties in the coalition, Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML, see Lamichhane’s RSP as a potentially formidable challenge to their power.
Even if the fraud charges against Lamichhane are true, the Nepali public is increasingly looking at the government’s actions through the police and courts as political vendetta.
Despite all the travelling, sometimes by plane and often by road at night, Lamichhane appears to be in high spirits, waving to supporters who often gather if they know he is going to be driven around. A social media video shows him giving high fives to fellow passengers on a recent flight to Pokhara.&nbsp;
In the past weeks, streets in Pokhara have erupted with parallel protests by Lamichhane’s supporters as well as depositors of cooperatives who lost their savings to the scam.&nbsp;
Although family visits are allowed, prison officials in Pokhara told Nepali Times that not many people visit Lamichhane these days. He added, “When he does get visitors, he asks them to bring him books.”
Lamichhane is currently Nepal’s most high-profile public figure in custody, and highlights the stark difference between how influential prisoners are treated compared to ordinary inmates.
There are six prison cells at Kaski District Police Office’s two-story detention centre, three on each floor. And while authorities pack prisoners into already overcrowded cells, Lamichhane has an entire room on the second floor to himself.&nbsp;
He has also been allowed to call his family every few days. Other prisoners are not permitted phone calls except for emergencies.
Meanwhile, Lamichhane’s former business partner Chhabilal Joshi, an ex-Deputy Inspector General of Police with whom he established his Gorkha Media Network, is in custody under the same charges in the prison cell next to him.
Lamichhane is accused of siphoning off depositors' money to the tv network in which he was part-owner and anchor. &nbsp;
Both Lamichhane and Joshi are able to buy food from the police canteen instead of being served the regular meal like other prisoners. Joshi has also given his statement to authorities in Rupandehi and Kathmandu for his alleged role in the scam. Lamichhane is yet to be presented in Kathmandu for questioning.
While he was in custody at the Kathmandu District Police Complex, Joshi expressed his desire to sleep in a police officer’s office, reportedly assuring authorities that he would not run away and he was entitled to certain facilities as a former officer of the law.
“He seemed to be under the impression that he is still a police officer,” says a source at the Kathmandu District Police. “We made it clear to him that as someone accused of a crime, he was not entitled to special treatment.”
Former ministers Balkrishna Khand and Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, and ex-home secretary Tek Narayan Pandey, who were arrested in connection with the fake refugee scam last year, were similarly housed in the offices of law enforcement officials instead of prison cells. Khand has since been released after six months in jail.
While there is no legal provision to keep high-ranking officials in separate detention centres when they are arrested, authorities granting them special facilities is not uncommon. Law enforcement officials say VIP detainees expect preferential treatment while in police custody.
Among those is former Kosi Province minister Lila Ballav Adhikari, who was arrested from Biratnagar on 10 November over his alleged involvement in human trafficking and brought to Kathmandu. Adhikari had flown to Japan without government approval with three individuals on 29 October to attend a cultural conference, but had been sent back to Nepal from Narita.&nbsp;
His three companions were arrested at Kathmandu airport upon their arrival, but Adhikari was able to exit unscathed from the VIP lounge. Adhikari had resigned as the Kosi Province Minister for Internal Affairs and Law when it became public that his companions had been taken into custody, and was himself arrested shortly after. He has since been cleared by the courts.
Throughout his detention, Adhikari was kept separately from other inmates. Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Basant Rajouri, head of the Bhadrakali complex, says that while there is no separate detention area for VIPs, some detainees are kept separately depending on the nature of their crime.
However, sources say that arrangements were made for retired judges and others to visit Adhikari frequently worked at the office of a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) during his time in custody.&nbsp;
“He used to constantly pester the authorities to let him sit outside in the sun, and to be able to use the police officer’s shower area,” added an officer.
Adhikari was released on 25 November after the government prosecutor’s office decided not to charge him in a move that was seen to expose the government’s double standards.
Over at Kathmandu’s Dilli Bazar Prison, former Kist Bank CEO Kamal Gyawali emerges from his prison cell into the courtyard of the prison’s ‘Ka (क)’ block every morning with a thick book in his hands, ready to give his daily sermon.
With his long beard, Gyawali, who is serving a prison sentence for banking fraud, looks the part of a religious guru as he implores his rapt listeners to “walk the right path, abandon bad thoughts and turn to scripture and spirituality”.&nbsp;
Afterward, the attendees gather to discuss politics and current affairs. Inmates at his daily sermons at the prison include other high-profile detainees, including former MP Ichchha Raj Tamang, who is in jail for money laundering and cooperatives fraud, former joint secretary Chudamani Sharma, who was convicted of corruption, as well as NC leader Chandra Bahadur Lama and Krishna Bahadur Upreti of the UML both of whom are on trial for embezzling billions of rupees.
Victims of the cooperatives scam that former lawmaker Tamang was involved in have made trips to the prison and requested visits, but he has refused to meet with any of them.
“Tamang often complains that the state has prevented him from returning the money to the victims by locking him up,” says a police officer at the Dili Bazar jail.
“All you hear every day from the VIP prisoners is that they have been framed,” adds the officer. “No one admits that they were involved in misdeeds.”
But while most high-profile prisoners complain about prison conditions, one exception is former provincial lawmaker Deepak Manange, who is serving a sentence at Dilli Bazar Jail for attempted murder.
“He is the happiest prisoner here,” says a warden. “Unlike the others, he doesn’t claim to have been framed, in fact he doesn’t seem to care that he is in prison.”
Manange is detained in the ‘Kha (ख)’ block of the prison complex, which he renovated at his own expense. The block previously housed female prisoners, but Manange used his influence to transfer them elsewhere. He faces no shortage of visitors, who range from political leaders to people from the underworld.
Along with Manange, other well-known prisoners in this block include Nepal Telecom Managing Director Sunil Poudel, and former executive director of the Surakshan Printing Centre Bikal Poudel, who are serving time for corruption.
Former prisoners at Dilli Bazar prison include ex-ministers Khum Bahadur Khadka and Shyam Sundar Gupta, NC leader Ganesh Lama, Maoist MP Balkrishna Dhungel, Nagarik Unmukti Party leader Resham Chaudhary, as well as former IGs Ramesh Chand Thakuri, Om Bikram Rana, and Hem Bahadur Gurung.
Section 54 of Nepal’s Prison Act assigns each prison’s internal administration the
responsibility of governing its prisoners, which means the more favourable the jail management is, the more comfortable it is for prisoners.
Dilli Bazar prison has been the prison of choice for many high-ranking prisoners, especially those convicted of white collar crimes, due to its more accommodating administrators. The prison, which has the capacity to house 700 inmates, is also less crowded than other jails.
Anuj Bhattarai, spokesperson of the Department of Prison Management, says that there is no legal classification in Nepal for felons to be assigned prisons based on the nature of their crimes.
“That Dilli Bazar Jail has a higher number of prisoners convicted of crimes like corruption is most likely a coincidence,” says Bhattarai. “There is no provision for influential people to be able to choose where they will be incarcerated.”&nbsp;
Translated by Shristi Karki from the Nepali original published in himalkhabar.com

What Nepal’s VIP prisoners do in jail

The Nepal Premier League T20 men’s cricket tournament is a culmination of much progress in the sport in Nepal over the past decade, and a thrilling first step into higher level sports events in the country. Adding to the excitement is the international talent taking part. The tournament features eight teams made up of Nepali and international cricketers, including Shikhar Dhawan, one of India’s greatest ODI batsmen over the 2010s, and an IPL stalwart for the Delhi and Mumbai franchises. Dhawan is playing for the Karnali Yaks at the NPL. Other eminent imports include Kiwi batsman Martin Guptill, Indian-American Unmukt Chand, and Trinidadian fast bowler Anderson Philip. The NPL franchises are named for Nepal’s provinces and cities. Beside the Yaks, there are the Biratnagar Kings, the Chitwan Rhinos, the Janakpur Bolts, the Kathmandu Gurkhas, the Lumbini Lions, the Pokhara Avengers, and the Sudurpaschim Royals. The franchises have a wide variety of backers, including Kantipur Publications behind the Gurkhas, Chitwan Medical College behind the Rhinos, and Himalayan Builders for the Yaks. These entities are paying the international stars salaries rumoured to be in the Rs5 million range ($37,000) for the 21-day contest.&nbsp; The teams will play each other first in a round-robin league, after which the best performers will progress to playoffs. There will be 32 games in total, all to be held at the Tribhuvan University International Cricket Ground in Kirtipur which is being spruced up, including additions of an expanded boundary, digital scoreboard, new sight screens, and practice pitches.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241129041152_9236da646959b888a8635b10bd46b9f9e08f0068ab031a4b8ad736a185288164.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241129041152_9236da646959b888a8635b10bd46b9f9e08f0068ab031a4b8ad736a185288164" data-rendition-name="original" width="1080" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="NPL"> </figure>  “Holding all the games at the same stadium makes sense logistically for this inaugural season,” says Chhumbi Lama of the Cricket Association of Nepal (CAN). “Future editions will see matches happen across Nepal.”&nbsp; Another benefit of the tournament in future is that it may expedite the completion and upgrades of stadiums across the country, such as Mulpani Cricket Stadium in Kathmandu, the Gautam Buddha International Stadium in Bharatpur, and the Fapla Cricket Ground in Kailali. The main benefit of the tournament is said to be the development of Nepali cricket talent. The rules are also made up to favour this with each 16-player squad having no more than four foreign players. One Nepali ‘marquee’ player was selected by lottery, and others were signed through auctions for as high as Rs1.5 million. “Each team will have the marquee player from the province they represent,” says Lama, although this does not seem to be the case in practice. The 24-year-old leg spinner Sandeep Lamichhane, for example, is captaining the Biratnagar Kings, although he comes from Syangja district in Gandaki Province. “NPL’s goal is to support the development of cricket and our players,” says ex-captain and CAN secretary Paras Khadka. Players who are not usually selected for the national team will have the chance to show their cricketing skills. This has proved very beneficial in similar domestic leagues around the world. The Indian Premier League, for instance, led to the discovery and improvement of players like fast-bowler Jasprit Bumrah and batsman Suryakumar Yadav, who not only have become regular starters for the Indian national team, but also are now some of the top-ranked cricketers in the world, contributing to India being the best team in both T20s and ODIs. Nepal’s excellent run in the T20 World Cup this summer, with stellar performances against The Netherlands, South Africa and Bangladesh showed the world that the country could compete at the highest level in cricket. This has added to the legitimacy of the NPL and also promises longevity through future editions: the titular sponsor of the tournament, Siddhartha Bank, has committed to this role until 2029. Ncell is also involved, as the ‘Powered by’ sponsor, continuing the telecom company’s support for cricket, football, volleyball, golf and paralympic athletes. Another sponsor for the Kathmandu Gurkhas, is Chinese electric vehicle giant BYD. Adding weight to the NPL is that it is being broadcast live on Star Sports, giving it a global audience. Perhaps the eyes on the tournament that will have the added benefit of discouraging match fixing which has been a problem in past attempts to organise cricket leagues in Nepal.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024112905110_d1817c8e82f476c20081dae3ba820c7f7305b8cfb095a97264915c6af50f3d60.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024112905110_d1817c8e82f476c20081dae3ba820c7f7305b8cfb095a97264915c6af50f3d60" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal Premier League NT 3"> </figure>  The 2022-23 Nepal T20 league, sold to Indian sports management company Seven3Sports by CAN, saw individual cricketers approached by sports bettors to ‘spot-fix’ by getting out quickly or conceding a lot of runs when bowling. The large sums of money offered to the athletes by fixers is tempting, especially considering that salaries are not only low but sometimes unpaid. This led to an investigation from officials from the International Cricket Council, and cases filed against cricketers by the District Attorney’s Office in Kathmandu. The much wider coverage of this tournament should do better at discouraging corruption. Ticketing partner Khalti reports that tickets for the opening game are quickly selling out. The winning trophy was revealed at a ceremony at Dharara on Saturday. Marquee Players including Lamichhane, Rohit Paudel, Dipendra Singh Airee and Sompal Kami flanked Prime Minister KP Oli as he presented the cup: a large silver piece with an engraving of Mt Everest, topped by a stone from Kala Pattar (pictured).&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241129041152_f37ca66b9e68f28ad9bf1ab6f7dc74314e71345b8b3a02794c62be9357fb08be.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241129041152_f37ca66b9e68f28ad9bf1ab6f7dc74314e71345b8b3a02794c62be9357fb08be" data-rendition-name="original" width="1080" height="720" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal Premier League NPL NT 1"> </figure>  The tournament kicks off at 12:15PM on Saturday 30 November, with a game between the Biratnagar Kings and the Janakpur Bolts. Two games are scheduled almost every day until 16 December, with the first starting at 9:15AM and the second at 1:15PM. Playoffs start on 18 December with teams that end up third and fourth playing first, with the loser eliminated. The first and second play next, with the winner advancing to the final. The loser then plays the winner of the first match for a place in the final. This format, compared to a straight semifinal-final approach, rewards teams for having done better in the group stages, as teams 1 and 2 have multiple chances at reaching the grand finale on 21 December. A team to look out for is the Sudurpaschim Royals which is well-backed, with the most Facebook followers. Captained by popular national team all-rounder Dipendra Singh Airee, the Royals also have batsman Aarif Sheikh, bowler Abinash Bohara and Scottish all-rounder Brandon McMullen in their ranks.

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