<img width="973" height="646" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109171152/636bdb309c7e80680e0802adjpeg.jpg" alt=""/>After the 2015 Indian blockade, the Nepal government tried to diversify trade and access to the sea through China. But five years later, inertia and disinterest in Kathmandu have stalled a raft of bilateral agreements signed with the northern neighbour.It has been exactly one year since President Xi Jinping’s state visit to Kathmandu, the first by a Chinese leader to Nepal in 23 years. But there has been no discernible movement on agreements to expedite projects under the Belt Road Initiative (BRI) and previous agreements.In fact, the poor state of the Rasuwagadi-Kathmandu highway today is a glaring example of the inability of the Nepal government to get its act together to improve Nepal’s only functioning highway link to China. The other damning example of Nepal’s foot-dragging is the flagship Trans-Himalayan Multidimensional Connectivity Network that was signed last year during President Xi’s visit. On paper, the project aims to connect Nepal to lucrative trade routes through land, railway, sea port and airway routes. But so far, not even preliminary planning has taken place despite much lip-service paid by politicians in Kathmandu to diversifying Nepal’s trade and transit. In a post-agreement meeting on 13 October 2019, China agreed to conduct on-site evaluation while Nepal took on environmental and legal clearances. Nothing has happened since then. With Covid-19 closing the border with China for the past months, and delays in the arrival of Chinese technicians, there are sure to be more delays. In fact, the pandemic is being used by Nepal’s politicians and bureaucrats as an excuse for their pre-Covid failures to get the agreements off the ground.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-china-now-micro-managing-nepal-politics/">Is China now micro-managing Nepal politics?</a>, Dipesh Shahi“Planning and feasibility studies have been delayed as Chinese expertise have not been able to travel to Nepal,” says Gopal Prasad Sigdel, at the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transportation. There was nothing to stop Nepal from using the lockdown period this year to improve the condition of the road link from Kathmandu to Kerung in Tibet, which remains nearly impassable after the monsoon. Little attention has been paid to the crumbling infrastructure needed to support trade with China. Similarly, the north-south Gandaki, Kosi and Karnali corridors have remained mostly confined to paper. The Kodari highway upgrade is also in limbo, and the checkpoint has remained closed after the 2015 earthquake. Prime Minister KP Oli himself assured China the commencement of Kathmandu’s Ring Road Expansion project, which is now delayed by land compensation, tree-cutting permits and electrical cable management issues.  <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-india-nepal-china-geopolitical-tri-junction/">The India-Nepal-China geopolitics tri-junction</a>, Kunda Dixit <img width="1946" height="872" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109171152/636bdb329c7e80680e0802aejpeg.jpg" alt="">Nepal has not gone beyond the planning stage on the protocols signed for the Trade and Transit Treaty that was to come into effect on 1 January 2020, allowing Nepal to use the Tibet railway for export and import with third countries using sea ports on China’s east coast. There has been no movement on that corridor, although China has sent several trains to Xigatse with Nepal-bound goods.Customs barriers and hold-ups still exist while <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/new-china-nepal-rail-corridor/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/new-china-nepal-rail-corridor/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1603171390201000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFruOQ5-tToUr6STq7xbASaJGWz5Q">China has already begun cargo</a> services. Proposed infrastructure, such as the Kathmandu-Lumbini-Pokhara railway, remain a distant mirage. The plan to survey a new railway alignment via Tokha to Rasuwagadi also remain stuck.Easing trade and business with China has also been limited to rhetoric. The investment task force of Nepal-China secretaries has only met once. An ambitious plan to open Bank of China branches in Nepal has also failed to materialise. Only Rasuwagadi and Tatopani checkpoints have any trade activity with China, where export is currently nil and imports are sporadic and limited. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-also-has-boundary-issues-with-china/">Nepal also has boundary issues with China</a>, Surendra PhuyalElsewhere, plans to open a Confucius Institute at Tribhuvan University has stalled over a lack of funds and manpower. Covid-19 has prevented Chinese technicians from surveying Kathmandu Valley’s drinking water supply system. Plans to cooperate on tans-boundary disaster risk management have also remained in the backburder.Signing up to China’s multi-trillion dollar BRI in 2017 was expected to result in improvements in Nepal’s infrastructure, commerce and agriculture. Instead, the lack of progress has exposed glaring weaknesses in Nepal’s state mechanisms.Only 9 out of 36 Nepali projects have been approved under the BRI, and even the projects that got the go-ahead were found to lack proper planning, investment models and review mechanisms. “The Nepali tendency is to sign agreements with no prior research and planning. Only after the signatures are studies done to see if they are feasible, slowing implementation,” Foreign Minister Pradeep Kumar Gyawali admitted candidly to Nepali Times. While there is no shortage of agreements and, there has never been the political will to have them implemented. Plagued by years of interference, corruption and mismanagement, government agencies are simply unable to make progress on bilateral agreements.  <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/what-nepal-can-learn-from-china-about-covid-19/">What Nepal can learn from China about COVID-19</a>, Raunab Singh Khatri“India-centric orientation of state mechanisms is holding Nepal back, even as diplomatic circumstances push it towards China, says Rupak Sapkota of the Institute for the Study of Foreign Affairs. “China has always been perceived as a backup or alternative, when things do not work out with India.” The relationship with China becomes relevant only when there is tension with the southern neighbour, as was seen when Nepal sought Chinese assistance after the 2015 Indian blockade and recent border disputes. “Nepal may also be restricted by external pressure, especially as China’s relations with America and India sour,” explains Nepal’s former ambassador to China, Tanka Karki. “But it is Nepal’s own inability to act in its own national interest that is worrying.”The chronic lack of coordination between government agencies has also undermined effort to implement joint projects with China. There are indications that the Chinese side is getting impatient with the lack of movement in Nepal, especially when contrasted with its own rapid progress in development.When he went to China on a state visit in 2015, Prime Minister Oli got the Chinese to agree to sell petroleum products to Nepal, and for construction of a storage facility. He returned, and nothing happened. Then he went to China again in 2018, and made exactly the same agreement. Again, there has been no progress in importing fuel from China and setting up a depot.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/new-china-nepal-rail-corridor/">New China-Nepal rail corridor</a>, Ramesh KumarThe surprising thing is that this lack of progress is happening at a time when the communist parties of the two countries have close fraternal relations, and senior party functionaries from both sides attend ‘training’ sessions. The Chinese Community Party (CCP) has no such close ties with Nepal’s other political parties.While the two ruling Communist parties may appear to be allies, China is not exactly hopeful of a stable and reliable partnership in the long-term, says expert on Chinese affairs Bhaskar Koirala.“Nepal’s lack of investment and attention towards BRI-related infrastructure is undermining the entire gamut of Sino-Nepal relations.” he says. While Nepal may be subject to geopolitical polarisations globally and in the region, there are structural issues within the country that, if not properly addressed, could render any trans-national agreement ineffective. Foreign affairs expert Nischal Nath Pandey says the lack of progress in following up on agreement with China is nothing new. There are similar delays in project implementation with India as well. He says: “The lack of cooperation between Nepal’s ministries makes implementation weak.”

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Nepal-China agreements are stuck

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109121112/636b8b6c9c7e80680e06b29ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1934" height="1358"/><figcaption>Illustration: DIWAKAR CHHETRI</figcaption></figure>Alternative politics (वैकल्पिक राजनीति) in Nepal so far has just been limited to creating new political parties. Each time this happens, a party is newly registered after a merger, it claims to be an ‘alternative’.So, from the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/interview/Advantage,277" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Rastriya Prajatantra Party </a>and the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/naming-new-provinces/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Rastriya Janata Party</a> to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/review/dreams-and-nightmares-of-the-nepal-conflict/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Naya Shakti</a> (now the Samajbadi Party), <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Between-the-lines/Bibeksheel-Nepali-work-post-earthquake-nepal,490" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bibeksheel Nepali</a> and the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Connecting-dots/Nepali-needs-alternative-politics,966" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Sajha Party</a>, all have sought to be an alternative force.Why have all these alternatives have been unsuccessful in getting off the ground? First, the so-called alternative parties tend to be old wine in new bottles. One sees the same faces, same working style, same ideas. You cannot expect mangoes from a lemon tree. Second, the parties are personality-driven by egocentric figures. Nepal’s patriarchy is in full display in the party leadership. Without accommodating the country’s diversity, including gender, no party in the 21st century can implement  progressive changes.<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/editorial-alternative-current,3860">Alternative current</a>, EditorialThird, the main agenda of the new parties seem to be criticising other parties so as to put themselves in a favourable light. Of course, the existing parties deserve to be critiqued. But the parties claiming to be alternatives have to walk the talk. The general public is not interested in whether the party is left, right or centrist. What counts is how politics can make their lives better. The success of Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal and his AAP party shows that performance is more important than ideology.Fourth, they mistake fame for politics. A politician or a political party has to be bold enough to take decisions that might be unpopular now but will have long lasting positive impacts. A popular person does not necessarily make a good politician, nor  must an outstanding politician be seen on TV all the time. It took Imran Khan 22 years to get to lead the government. Maturity comes with experience and overnight success is a myth – this is also true in politics.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/which-way-nepali-politics-in-2020/">Which way Nepali politics in 2020?</a>, Saindra RaiLast but not least, integrity and accountability are virtues lacking in politicians. This generalisation might be unfair to some individuals, but Nepali citizens have painfully felt the consequences of nepotism, extortion, cronyism, parochialism and patronage practised by the current leaders. To succeed, an alternative force would need to regain the trust of the citizens in politics and politicians.Nepali citizens do want an alternative force. In fact, they have always given a chance to newcomers, be it the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=5630" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepali Congress</a>, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/one-body-two-heads/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">UML or Maoists</a>. But in order to be a respectable adversary, an alternative force would have to address shortcomings as well as be large and strong in terms of resources.Existing small parties will not be able to break systematic corruption alone in the absence of adequate resources (capital and competent candidates), a wider network and an overarching strategy. Only a Greater Alliance of Alternative Forces could loosen the current parties’ grip on power. Such an alliance would allow the alternative forces to keep their working style (party management) and party positions (ego management) but still collaborate for the greater good of the country.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-business-of-politics-undermines-nepals-democracy/">The business of politics undermines Nepal’s democracy</a>, Ramesh KumarThe common goal must be to eradicate systemic corruption, and the agenda must be to truly be committed to serve the Nepali people. The public must trust that the Alliance will work for the basic needs of the people, such as clean water, electricity, education, health care, infrastructure and a clean environment.Put concretely, the Alliance’s agenda could start with the following activities:<ul><li>Property investigations of the politicians dating back to the year BS 2010</li> 	<li>Universal health care</li> 	<li>Free quality education up to grade 12, and a limited number and type of schools allowed per area</li> 	<li>Decentralised education system with nationwide benchmarks to maintain quality</li> 	<li>Voting rights to all Nepali citizens, including those living outside Nepal</li> 	<li>Zero tolerance for corruption, rigorous checks and balances, including punishment</li> 	<li>Public funding of political parties (with a threshold)</li> 	<li>Prudent use of technology</li> 	<li>Controlled ‘observed’ border with India, only IDs necessary but data is maintained</li> 	<li>Proper recycling and waste management</li> 	<li>Bring the peace process to a proper end, including court hearings for the accused</li> 	<li>Reverse Nepal’s brain drain, policies to attract specialists</li> 	<li>Secure freedom of speech</li></ul>The challenge is not to be taken lightly. If a new Alliance could implement at least some of the above points, it would be a major step forward towards true democracy. However, Nepal’s elites and interest groups would also have to support this Alliance. The <a href="http://Enlisting female health volunteers to fight COVID-19" target="_blank" rel="noopener">coronavirus</a> crisis should have opened the eyes of everyone to understand that our future challenges will know no boundaries and will not differentiate between rich and poor.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/karmas-karma/">Karma Lama Tamang</a> is currently pursuing a PhD in Political Science at the University of Birmingham. She returned to Nepal from Germany to join the Bibeksheel Nepali Party

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An alternative to alternative politics in Nepal

<figure><img width="1400" height="1011" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101144/636a252a9c7e80680e0439b3jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: DIWAKAR CHETTRI</figcaption></figure>Venezuela is in the news worldwide for US-backed attempts to bring down the Nicolas Maduro government, but it is making headlines in Nepal because of conflicting statements by the ruling party and the government on a country on the other side of the world. NCP co-Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal issued a harshly-worded statement condemning US ‘imperialism’, and he did it while Prime Minister K P Oli was in Davos trying to make the West forget that Nepal has a Communist government. Asked for a clarification by the US Embassy, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs fell back on more diplomatic language. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=20774&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A yam between 3 boulders</a>, Editorial<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=20802&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal now has to balance not just India and China, but also the West</a>, Bhairaja Pandey<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=20801&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Eminently beneficial for India and Nepal</a>, Ajit BaralThe Venezuela controversy exposed a fault-line between ex-UML and ex-Maoist elements within the NCP. It also brought into sharp focus Nepal’s need now to balance not just its northern and southern neighbours, but also the West. The pre-1990 bipolar world has turned into a multi-polar Cold War, and analysts say Nepal needs to be more careful about not being dragged into any of the alliances. Nepal’s location makes this new geopolitics much more sensitive than ever before. China is a rising global power, India is aspiring to be the same, and America is trying to rope New Delhi into its geostrategic alliance. Nepal has to take advantage of the economic powerhouses to the north and south by hitching its wagons to the Indian and Chinese locomotives, and try to get them to pull it in the same direction. For this it needs a new coherent foreign policy strategy that does not allow outside powers to back proxies in Kathmandu.

Hitching our wagon

Nepal has shut down dozens of social media platforms in a move that is widely seen as an effort to tax the revenue they generate in the country, and to control content critical of government. The sites were blocked as of midnight on Thursday, 4 September and affects all Meta products including WhatsApp and Messenger, Threads, and others. Although YouTube, Google and X are also on the government’s list, they were still working as of Friday midday.&nbsp; The government says it took the action after repeated warnings to the platforms to open offices in Nepal, a Cabinet decision last month setting a deadline, as well as a 17 August Supreme Court ruling also requiring them to register and pay requisite taxes. However, the Bill cited in the ban, ‘The Operation, Use, and Regulation of Social Media in Nepal’ has not yet been passed by Parliament. Some social media platforms which were already paying taxes in Nepal even though they are not officially registered, have also been blocked. The move is the latest in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/big-beautiful-bills" target="_blank">a slew of draft legislations</a> designed to undermine Nepal’s open society. A Bill amending the Print and Publications Act would allow district bureaucrats to shut down media. Another draft Bill would allow political appointees to head a new Media Council with the power to revoke the licenses of journalists.&nbsp; A counter-intelligence Bill would let just about anyone in government to arbitrarily tap phones, read emails and trail citizens. On Wednesday the government announced new immigration requirements that would allow it to track the movement of all foreigners in the country. Yet another draft Bill has been set to Parliament to dissolve the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=10675" target="_blank">Social Welfare Council (SWC)</a> and move registration and monitoring of non-governmental organisations, nonprofits and charities to the Ministry of Social Welfare. Seen in this light, the blockage of social media platforms this week is seen as the latest government attempt to constrict freedom of press. Nepal is one of the few remaining open societies in Asia, and now appears to be drifting towards authoritarianism. The government’s sudden shutdown of social media has been greeted with howls of protest on platforms that still remain open, like Viber and TikTok, as well as in Nepal’s mainstream press. Even senior members of the ruling UML-NC coalition have sharply criticised the move, asking if the government is trying to “turn Nepal into North Korea”.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090508098_a2ab330e403e8418a7006cd5e915607382628dd6984524332bf7b99c74743656.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2025090508098_a2ab330e403e8418a7006cd5e915607382628dd6984524332bf7b99c74743656" data-rendition-name="original" width="4280" height="5187" loading="lazy" alt="social media ban in Nepal"> </figure>  The Regional Director of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) Beh Lih Yi said in a statement: ‘Nepal’s sweeping ban on social media sets a dangerous precedent for press freedom. Blocking online news platforms vital to journalists will undermine reporting and the public’s right to information. The government must immediately rescind this order and restore access to social media platforms, which are essential tools for exercising press freedom.’ Besides undermining press freedom, blocking social media platforms will also hurt commerce and the economy since so many small and medium business trade through Instagram, Facebook and other platforms. Nepal’s vibrant social media has also been a boost or citizens to assert identity, build solidarity against injustice and play an adversarial role when the mainstream media does not do it. Social media platforms have also become the tenuous link for Nepali families scattered across the world to keep in touch with each other — its importance growing with the increasing size of the diaspora. The government wants social media platforms to register, pay taxes and remove posts on their sites that ‘undermine the national interest and Nepal’s territorial integrity, disturb social and religious harmony’.&nbsp; In response, rights activists have said while there is need for the government to regulate extreme content and hate speech, officials appear to be more intent on clamping down on free speech and trying to force platforms to share the revenue. On Friday, the government had allowed WhatsApp back online, but there were reports that it had instructed the Nepal Telecommunication Authority (NTA) to instruct mobile and internet service providers to block by Friday night all platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, Messenger, WhatsApp, X (Twitter), YouTube, LinkedIn, Reddit, Threads, Snapchat, Pinterest, Signal, Clubhouse, Rumble.&nbsp; Platforms that have registered and are allowed include TikTok, Viber, Nimbuzz, Popo Live, WeTalk, Global Diary and the Nepali portal Hamro Patro. TikTok was banned last year for ‘disturbing social harmony’ and it was lifted after the platform registered its office in Nepal. But even while it was banned, many users simply switched to VPN. Telegram was also banned for ‘financial crimes’ and it has since also been allowed back. NTA officials confirmed that some Asia-Pacific regional offices of platforms, including Meta had been in touch overnight inquiring about the registration process.&nbsp; Nepal is not alone in regulating social media. China bans most Western platforms, Russia and Turkey regulate their and require platforms to locate their data servers in the country. Gulf countries allow social media but keep a tight control on dissent.&nbsp; Experts have said even the government will not dare close down YouTube since so many Nepali individuals and companies make money with posts on that platform, and closing it would also impact on Google and Gmail. Facebook had also just launched a monetisation scheme for videos and reels, and Nepalis uploading content would lose revenue.&nbsp; Blocking the platforms has already hit content creators, influencers and cut small businesses from reaching customers. A survey of social media use in Nepal by Sharecast Initiative showed that 94% of those with smart phones used YouTube, followed by Facebook (92%) while TikTok was in the 50-60% range. X and Instagram were in the single digits. A YouTube ban will also hurt the mainstream media since up to 20% of the revenue of Nepal’s main tv channels came through YouTube. Some 11.1 million Nepalis watch YouTube content every day, the survey showed. ‘For global giants like Meta or Google, Nepal is a small market, and they may not even flinch — but for millions of Nepalis, these platforms are central to daily life, livelihoods, and connections across the world,’ wrote AI consultant Naresh Newar in a LinkedIn post. Some experts said the government’s sweeping ban on social media networks was untenable and the government would be forced to rollback sooner or later. Said editor Shiva Gaunle: “The platforms had given citizens a voice and broken the monopoly of the government, legislators, the courts and journalists over public opinion. This is an effort to reassert that monopoly, but Nepal can never be turned into a North Korea.”

Protest grows against Nepal’s social media ban

<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x2fZXyjsE28" target="_blank">Yog Narendra Malla</a> became king at age 18, and ruled Patan from 1684-1705 — his reign marked by a cultural and architectural renaissance of the city state. He put up a statue of himself in the palace square with a little bronze bird sitting on the guardian serpent above his head. It is said he told his subjects that he would look after their welfare till the day the bird flew off. During<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lessons-not-learned-from-2015-o2etq6zu"> the 2015 earthquake</a>, the pedestal collapsed and the statue was damaged. The bird was lost, only to be located in a pile of debris and reinstated when the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/piece-by-piece-patan-darbar-square-reconstruction,3782" target="_blank">statue was consecrated</a> two years later. <div class="embed-block"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/x2fZXyjsE28?si=jYfIb4p6zCLXYQ1T" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen></iframe></div> History remembers Yog Narendra Malla as a wise king, but like most<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/preserving-king-birendra-s-family-home"> royalty of the day</a>, he had a weakness for women. He is supposed to have consorted with 30 queens and numerous concubines. At least 33 of them self-immolated themselves on the king's funeral pyre when he died, adhering to the prevailing <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/review/Jhola,947">practice of sati</a>. When Yog Narendra Malla’s favourite queen found out that he was carrying on with yet another woman, she got the local community of the Kwelachhi neighbourhood to stage a shadow sex play to quite literally expose his unfaithfulness. Actors enacted the explicit exploits of the king and his mistress, a bright butter lamp projecting the moving shadows of their lovemaking on a thin white drape to entertain those gathered in the square below. The queen made sure that the show was designed to face the home of the king’s paramour to shame them both. She also paid for a group to chant a bhajan with lyrics that ridiculed the king’s extramarital affair. The Jhyalcha Guthi community trust that the queen set up three-and-half century ago is still active to this day, and performs the annual shadow play in the same building in Kwelachhi the day before <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-legend-behind-the-myth-of-indra-jatra">Indra Jatra </a>every year. This year’s show is on Friday evening, 5 September. The opening lines of the chants that accompany the play are the same words approved by the queen all those years ago: “Raja Yog Narendra ya aparadh…” (King Yog Narendra’s crime…) The community leader of the Kwelachhi neighbourhood, 62-year-old Baburaja Awale, explains the importance of the event: “This Jhyalcha is our<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/saving-the-intangible,3303"> intangible heritage</a> and oral history. We do not have a written format, it has been passed down from generation to generation. Every word of the bhajan is the story of King Yog Narendra Malla.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250904070952_249e85b32cbd99bb8515151557e0ec1a65d44a34ef1aacabaaeb469622d12664.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250904070952_249e85b32cbd99bb8515151557e0ec1a65d44a34ef1aacabaaeb469622d12664" data-rendition-name="original" width="1750" height="1167" loading="lazy" alt="Sex and the city of Patan"> <figcaption>The statue of Yog Narendra Malla being reinstated after it toppled in the 2015 earthquake. Photo: GOPEN RAI/ NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE</figcaption> </figure>  Jhyalcha Pyankha, as the ceremony is called, starts with a puja for the Bhimsen — the god of wealth and prosperity, a popular <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-homecoming-of-nepal-s-gods">deity in Patan</a> who has a temple dedicated just to him in the palace square. This is immediately followed by a bhajan of Bhairab performed with <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Buzz-house,670">traditional Newa musical instruments</a>. Community members serve snacks consisting of samay baji beaten rice, water buffalo chunks, soybean, green veggies, lentils, ginger, garlic and aila liquor. “In the first act of the shadow play, the man initiates the lovemaking, and in the third it is the woman,” says Laxmi Lal Awale, also a member of the trust that organises the show. The shadow action is all uncensored, but interspersed with <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/between-the-sacred-and-everyday">scenes of everyday life</a>: the woman is spinning a thread, the king is going about his royal chores, and the two sit down to share sanacha fermented pickle that is popular this time of year. <div class="embed-block"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/qZ3twuG1wNQ?si=yRfkoC3A-X9cIl8r" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen></iframe></div> “Back then, there was no tv, films or YouTube, and yet we managed to stage the shadow play using our own resourcefulness,” says Baburaja Awale. “It is important to continue the tradition.” The challenge now is to ensure that the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-reign-of-the-god-of-rain"> younger generation takes over</a>, learning the lyrics of the ancient bhajan. The dafa khala group that performs all over Patan during festivals and religious events is now training teenagers to play the musical instruments and act in the shadow play. The Jhyalcha was staged even after the 2015 earthquake when the falcha where the bhajan is performed collapsed and they made-do in a tin shed. The structure was later rebuilt with a grant from the group, Photo Circle. Lalitpur Metropolitan City sets aside a budget of Rs50,000 to organise the Jhyalcha Pyankha every year, but this is not enough and is supplemented by individual donations. The performers including musicians and actors are all volunteers, and take part in it because it is their community duty. The erotic shadow play was way ahead of its time, not just in its graphic content but the use of contemporary local technology as well as improvisation and pure imagination. Says Laxmi Lal: “Whatever its origin in the legend of King Yog Narendra Malla and his queen, Jhyalcha also served as a medium of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lets-talk-about-it">sex education</a>. In the past, women were discouraged from watching the shadow play, but today everyone is welcome, we all watch it together.” Jhyalcha Pyankha Kwelachhi, Chyasal, Patan 7PM onwards Friday, 5 September

Sex and the city of Patan

Unlike many countries, there is not much incentive in Nepal for the private sector to fund charities and non-profits. Donations and grants are not tax-deductible.
Yet there are corporate entities that have Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in their portfolio of activities through foundations that they have set up. Some do it loudly to gain public relations mileage, while others are quiet about their <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/norway-supports-himalayan-climate-research?mdrv=www.nepalitimes.com&amp;=1">generous support</a>.
The CSR outlay of factories and manufacturing companies is regulated by Industrial Enterprise Act (IEA), while the Nepal Rastra Bank oversees grants banks and financial institutions contribute and requires them to set aside 1% of their net profit for CSR activities.
The guideline requires banks and financial institutions to donate to activities covering education, health, environment and financial literacy, among others. Recently, the Supreme Court directed the government to formulate a Bill in the parliament to standardise and regulate the private sector’s CSR activities.
“We receive guidelines from Nepal Rastra Bank and follow them,” says Pranisha Shrestha who heads the CSR Department at NMB Bank. “We have got a notice about updates on those guidelines, and we will adapt accordingly.”
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/greening-nepal-s-tourism">Environmental sustainability </a>is one of the important components of CSR for Nepali companies, and there have been many initiatives aimed at urban renewal. One of the most visible is of the telecommunication company Ncell, which is among Nepal’s largest taxpayers.
Five years ago, Ncell adopted a 6km stretch of the Ring Road from Ekantakuna to Koteswor-Kalanki, planting 12,000 saplings. They have now grown into<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/seeing-the-forest-and-trees-in-nepal"> a thick forest</a> along the embankment of the road.
Not only is the lush greenery in an overbuilt part of Lalitpur soothing to the eye, it also helps in reducing temperature within <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/in-the-heat-of-the-moment-5xcycyot">the urban heat bubble</a>, and also contributes to reducing air pollution and traffic noise.
“We started a pilot project along 600m of the Ekantakuna section of the Ring Road during the pandemic,” recalls Bishakha Lakshmi Khadka, Director of Corporate Communications and Sustainability at Ncell. “It went really well, and after that we extended the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/saving-cities-with-trees"> tree planting</a> and upkeep to Kalanki.”
Sustainability also means making younger Nepalis aware of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/natures-fragile-gift-to-nepal">the value of nature </a>and environmental sustainability, which is why Ncell has also undertaken a Green School initiative in and around Kathmandu Valley. Besides its One-Tree-One-Youth and 1 Million Trees campaigns, the initiative also aims at behavior change about littering with its waste hackathon in schools.
“The young students can be catalysts with a multiplier effect beyond their schools to society at large, and it has inter-generational impact into the future,” explains Khadka.
Indeed, while <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/tree-mendous">Nepal has doubled its forest cover </a>in the past 30 years to 46% of the country’s area, urban centres like Kathmandu do not have much open spaces and greenery left. And that is where companies like Ncell, Jawalakhel Group of Industries, and others have focused on CSRs.
NMB Bank also runs financial literacy programs for youth where they can learn more about social media safeguards, digital payment systems, with a focus on safety and security. Such training not only helps build skills for the future but also protects young Nepalis from online crime.
“<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/protecting-children-from-anti-social-media">Threats to young minds through social media</a> use are growing as platforms feed algorithm-driven content,” says Shrestha. “We felt media and digital literacy are important in all seven provinces not just to protect young people, but also give them the confidence to use digital financial systems.”
The bank has a special focus on women in leadership programs, and provides scholarships provided in schools across Nepal on environment and sustainability in higher education. Health is another sector where private companies have worked with donating medical equipment, sponsoring health camps and conducting blood donation drives.
CSR or PR?
Other companies heavily involved in CSR include NIMB Bank which contributes to heritage conservation and education, Buddha Air helps farmers in Morang to increase productivity, VOITH with its motto ‘Little things We Do’ provides scholarships to students and has gifted &nbsp;vehicles to hospitals and nature conservation groups, Dwarika’s Hotel promotes organic farming and zero waste initiatives, heritage conservation and helps revive traditional handicrafts.
Although some CSR activities have been criticised for masquerading as PR and for greenwashing, many Nepali companies are actually contributing to improve the situation for individuals in need and underserved communities.
It also brings a sense of accountability to the corporate sector so they look beyond shareholder profit with greater involvement in the public good. In Nepal, where government delivery mechanisms are not up to speed in the social sector and environmental sustainability, CSR is a vehicle for public-private partnerships.
Collaboration with the government is an important aspect of these initiatives since that allows localised campaigns to be scaled up by showing what is possible. For example, the three Metropolitan Cities of the Valley and other private companies are trying to emulate what Ncell has achieved on the Ring Road.
“The Ring Road plantation project has been massively successful,” says Khadka “We were recognised by the Lalitpur Metropolitan City and the Forestry Department for adding greenery to what would have been just an asphalt strip.”

Corporates responsible to society

This is the 72nd episode of Diaspora Diaries, a Nepali Times series in collaboration with Migration Lab providing a platform to share experiences of living, working and studying abroad. My father ran a store and that is where I spent all my time till Grade 6. Doing my homework. Serving customers. I then moved to my maternal grandparents’ house because I used to get along with my cousin who was a year older than me. We did everything together, and were best friends. We took turns studying: I was a night owl, and he was an early riser. Before I went to bed after studying all night, I woke him up. My mother was 44 when I was born, the same year my eldest brother got married. My sister-in-law becoming a part of our family was how my mother referenced my age. I liked making money, and was always a hustler. In Grade 7, I learnt to handle a tractor and helped my brother-in-law to plough, earning Rs10 a day. As I got better, he paid me more. By Grade 9, I was already making Rs500 per day, but had to slow down to prepare for my exams. From an early age I knew I did not want a 9-5 job. There just wasn’t enough money in it. I wanted to get into business, and compared my brother who worked in the post office and what businessmen made. It did not help that my brother was honest, and never took bribes. A friend and I made money selling cheap Chinese phones at a premium to our friends. We blasted music on the phones and pretended that we were giving them a discount. After SLC, I started teaching math and other subjects. I was soon a shareholder in the same school and in the evening I was involved in our family’s floriculture business, growing amaranth and marigold for garlands.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250831020844_1b54b999d67122a50c4c7e6204cc737bcc99bf2a68db6499a4566a7f61a880b4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250831020844_1b54b999d67122a50c4c7e6204cc737bcc99bf2a68db6499a4566a7f61a880b4" data-rendition-name="original" width="955" height="1314" loading="lazy" alt="Diaspora Diaries 72"> </figure>  It was then that a friend suggested we learn the Korean language. We could be earning significantly higher in Korea for similar efforts. I had no plans to go abroad but he convinced me. I did not know anything about Korea, and was scolded at the language institute when I asked someone to point Korea on the map.&nbsp; It was only there that I learnt you had to pass an exam for the Korean Employment Permit System (EPS), and pay for language classes. After a week, I decided it was not for me and dropped out. But my friend convinced me to give it one more try. I did not prepare much for the exam, and it was no surprise that I failed. But it was just by one mark, and people would pity me for failing “just by one mark”. It was a brand of failure. It hurt my ego. I had to turn things around by taking the exams seriously, and locked myself up to study hard.&nbsp; Even when we had visitors, my wife told them I was not home. If I was not in my room learning Korean, I would be with a group of ten of us test-takers comparing notes and practicing late into the night. The exam was difficult, but this time I passed, the only one in my group who did.&nbsp; As someone who never liked the idea of doing a job, I still had my doubts about going to Korea. It did not help that one of my acquaintances had returned a month after he had left, and he discouraged me from migrating given that I was already making good money in Nepal.&nbsp; But my wife suggested that I give it a shot since I had worked so hard for it. And if it really turned out not to be my cup of tea, I could always return. What did I have to lose, I thought, at least I would get to visit Korea. My job there was in an electrical company that made circuit boards. I worked all day, earned good money. In the evenings, I kept myself busy with my real estate business back in Nepal. I had learnt the tricks of the trade from fellow real estate agents back home, but at the time did not have the capital to invest.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250831020848_941e961e2045058f255ad89884b51faa7d2365c68236e5cbe573d63d769ac6c5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250831020848_941e961e2045058f255ad89884b51faa7d2365c68236e5cbe573d63d769ac6c5" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Diaspora Diaries 72"> </figure>  In Korea, it helped that I had salary records that allowed me to get loans from financial institutions both in Korea and in Nepal. Ultimately, I started earning more from my real estate deals in Nepal than from my job in Korea. This was all thanks to my ability to take loans because of the EPS scheme. My wife has been managing the flower business while I was away. My finances grew stronger over the eight years I was in Korea. I paid off the loans that I had borrowed to buy land. But real estate did not satisfy me entirely. I wondered: what is my brand? What will I be known for? What is my contribution to society? Real estate is for wealth, but that is about it. I needed to sell one piece of land and use the revenue to start a venture. I took classes in business, and returned to Nepal six months ago and got back to my family’s ancestral roots in floriculture. In Nepal too, I am continuing the entrepreneurship training I had started in Korea with the Bridge International. Such exposure helps us reflect on our business such as our branding, vision, and proactive aspects like the importance of strong recordkeeping.&nbsp; I am now working to upgrade and expand my floriculture business. With a friend who is still in Korea I am building a cooling room to increase the shelf-life of flowers and other produce and set up a market in my village where others can sell their produce. Floriculture is our primary business, but it is seasonal and earns good money only during festivals like Tihar.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250831020848_a008ffeba13896e6918f68ff6e687c8fe11140d86a96f1ec11690547f2bcd415.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20250831020848_a008ffeba13896e6918f68ff6e687c8fe11140d86a96f1ec11690547f2bcd415" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="720" loading="lazy" alt="Diaspora Diaries 72"> </figure>  So, I grow tomatoes to ensure year-round earnings. I also am engaged in other businesses like real estate and online shopping. I work round the clock in Nepal — a strong work ethic is something I picked up in Korea.&nbsp; My Korean bosses would work alongside us, that motivated us. I work just as hard in Nepal as I did in Korea. People here often ask me why I am pushing myself so hard. But making garlands comes easy to me, it is work my forebears were involved in. My childhood memories are about plucking flowers with my sister. I have a comparative advantage in this work. It comes naturally to me, it is easy and I enjoy it. And sometimes, if there are too many garlands to make, I can multitask while holding meetings. My fingers just fly. I am good at this job, but my wife is even better and faster.&nbsp; When there is too much load, we can also outsource the work. To be known as the flower guy would be great personal branding. The मखमली guy. Or the सयपत्री guy. I decided to come home for just this with a one-way ticket. “अब पासा: जाँदैन ल्हासा!” &nbsp;