https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PVs9hoIwFUc&amp;feature=youtu.beAt a donor conference after the 2015 earthquake, more than $4 billion was pledged to Nepal by the international community, multilateral banks and aid agencies. Germany was prompt in signing a reconstruction agreement with the Finance Ministry in December 2015, for €30 million.Three years and three agreements later, a part of the negotiations suddenly broke down last month, as the German government decided to withdraw from a project to restore monuments, schools and streets in Bhaktapur <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/tourists-trickle-back-to-Bhaktapur" target="_blank" rel="noopener">destroyed by the earthquake</a>. This was surprising since Germany, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19496#.WxElhu6FPIV" target="_blank" rel="noopener">involved in Bhaktapur’s restoration since 1970s,</a> had allocated a third of its total outlay for earthquake reconstruction to Bhaktapur.At a time when only 75% of the aid pledged in 2015 has actually materialised, and only 16% of the money has been disbursed, the cancellation of a €10million restoration initiative for Bhaktapur was a big loss for the country. Nepali Times has tried to piece together what went wrong.This was the first time that the German Embassy in Kathmandu contracted German Development bank (KfW) as an implementing partner in heritage conservation. The bank has been active in Nepal’s hydropower, health and sustainable development projects. Being a bank, KfW had different and stricter operating procedures than the German aid agency GIZ and other non-profits.Previously, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19495#.WxElh-6FPIW" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bhaktapur had rebuilt monuments</a> like the historic 55 Window Palace with local means and expertise. But KfW’s rules required international bidding, and its inability to alter this procedure as demanded by fiercely independent-minded Bhaktapur leadership after last year’s local elections, led to a deadlock.“<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/bhaktapur-shows-the-way-by-rebuilding-itself/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Locally-led construction</a> gives better quality at lower cost,” says Mayor Sunil Prajapati, pointing out that Bhaktapur is already working with local user committees to rebuild damaged monuments, and 27 have been restored by the municipality and the Department of Archaeology.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e2299c7e80680e033313jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4000" height="2707"/><figcaption>Vatsala mandir was damaged in 1934 and again in 2015 earthquake. Rejecting modern materials even in such a fragile temple, Bhaktapur is adding traditional style wooden pillars to this formerly stone structure. Pics: Monika Deupala</figcaption></figure>However, these are smaller monuments with budgets up to Rs15 million each, and larger complexes like the Pujari Math, Phasi Dega, National Art Museum (formerly a Rana palace) still await restoration.Piecing together accounts of the negotiations from both sides, what appears to have led to the deadlock was a clash of cultures. The Germans, used to lack of transparency in other projects in Nepal, wanted to ensure full compliance with the rules of its banks on the tendering process.Bhaktapur’s leaders, on the other hand, didn’t want to be told what to do when they felt perfectly capable of carrying out their own restoration.The main point of dispute appears to have been KfW’s insistence that the reconstruction contracts be open to a global tender process, international consultants, and the possible use of modern construction materials as has been done in previous German restoration here, including the octagonal Chasin Dega.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e22d9c7e80680e033314jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="761"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e2319c7e80680e033315jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">Bhaktapur has finished rebuilding 27 monuments, including the gate to Bhaktapur Durbar Square. Bhaktapur has always aspired for independence, not just from foreign donors, but Kathmandu. Its political landscape has been dominated by the Nepal Worker’s Peasants Party (NWPP) under <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Bhaktapur-dear-leader,3010" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Narayan Man Bijukche</a> who is not shy about his open admiration of the North Korean ideology of self-reliance called ‘Juche Idea’.Mayor Prajapati is from the NMKP and won a landslide in last year’s municipal elections. In an interview with Nepali Times last week he sounded defiant: “We will not tolerate foreign interference in the name of aid. We will not let our sovereignty be compromised.” (See full interview online.)Bijukchhe has now retired from politics, but is still the driving force behind the party. He has urged the government to take reconstruction upon itself and not depend on foreign aid. In the absence of elected officials before last year’s local elections, NWPP members had been present at negotiations with KfW at every stage. The party is confident it has public opinion in Bhaktapur on its side in the dispute.German Ambassador to Nepal, Roland Schäfer, admits that after two years of negotiations, "One had to come to the conclusion that KfW had to defend modalities for a reconstruction grant because of its general mandate, not related to Bhaktapur, and that this could not be adapted to where Bhaktapur's leadership saw the city moving between 2015 and 2017."  (Full interview below.)<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e2359c7e80680e033316jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="5472" height="3648"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The city’s pride and self-reliance are all well and good, but we asked Mayor Prajapati if a compromise could not have been reached, especially because Bhaktapur stood to lose so much promised aid at a time when cash crunch is the main reason for delayed reconstruction. Prajapati was adamant: “Without foreign aid, it may take us longer to rebuild these monuments, but we have now decided that it is the best way.”Some experts are not convinced that losing the KfW aid was good for Bhaktapur. “That amount would have been enough to reconstruct all of Bhaktapur’s monuments, and more,” said Rabindra Puri, Bhaktapur’s noted heritage conservationist. “It is a great loss for Bhaktapur that the two parties could not come to an agreement.”For others, this is a lesson in how not to negotiate in Nepal’s new federal state structure, where local elected leaders are much more vocal about what they want. Bhaktapur’s politicians may have blocked the agreement when they found out architects and engineers at Khwopa College would lose out in the bidding system. Meanwhile, KfW could have predicted the fiercely-independent spirit of Bhaktapur’s leaders, and fielded locals who spoke Newari for the negotiations.With inputs from Monika Deupala in Bhaktapur<h2>"Sovereignty is foremost"</h2>Bhaktapur mayor Sunil Prajapati explains why independence is so important to Bhaktapur, and how it plans to rebuild monuments on its own.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e2399c7e80680e033317jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1840" height="1564">Nepali Times: How is the reconstruction of monuments in Bhaktapur going?The reconstruction is forging ahead in good speed, according to the economic means of the municipality. We are building monuments like pati, pauwa, sattal, temples and ponds of each ward though user committees. When we work through user committees, people feel ownership of the monuments, and they also contribute voluntary labor. We get more value out of it than the money we spend on it. That is why we choose to work with user committees. 27 out of 35 infrastructures, 27 out of 47 monuments, and 24 out of 28 roads that were approved for reconstruction have been completed, the rest are under construction.The municipality is using its own funds and collecting donations from local residents, at a time when the German government has withdrawn its grant of 10 million Euro. Is that a loss for Bhaktapur?Not everything is about money. Our independence is important, and we should never forget our sovereignty. Though we are prepared to tolerate everything, we should not let our independence, sovereignty, and self respect be compromised. We say this to everyone. After the 2015 earthquake, the German government had signed an agreement with Nepal government, to give €10 million to Bhaktapur to rebuild its monuments. There were many points of the agreement that we did not agree with.What was the disagreement about?For example, the audits would have to be done according to German regulations. If there are any disputes, they would have to be taken t German courts. Many monuments here are very sensitive, but the agreement required an international bidding process to restore them. We said that we have skilled experts right in Nepal who can complete the restoration, and the people here are willing to help. We have repaired Nyatapola, 55 window, Bhairabnath on our own. We want to go through user committees. But maybe they don't know what are user committees, they just did not agree to it. Plus, 20 percent of the cost would be ours, so we are already putting so much money in it ourselves.In Bhaktapur we have two engineering colleges, and many people who are very skilled in traditional craft and techniques. We said we will do it on our own, and will accept your help when we need. Bu they said we would have to do exactly as they said: use materials and techniques they specified. They would call for bidding, they would appoint the technicians, and they would specify the building materials. If that happened, we would look like mere eyewitnesses.We don't always need to take from the world, we can also give to the world. The 315-year old Nyatapola temple, the valley's tallest temple, is an example. It was not destroyed even in 1934, nor in 2015. Our technologies last 315 years! We are very rich in technology.Does that mean that the local government here is powerful?The law has made us powerful. We adhere to the law. The constitution has given us the right to make rules, working procedures, etc. We have prepared our own regulations regarding education, cooperatives, and sports. We make rules convenient to us in a way that they do not clash with federal laws.In Bhaktapur we don't easily give permission to anyone to work in the town. We take our own decisions.  That is what independence means. If we do as foreigners say, that is not independence.How do you plan to take the restoration forward, since money is still a problem?We have prepared our own designs for restorations, with a committee of 9 architects, 2 civil engineers and 2 senior advisors. Yes, we have some economic needs, and we have thanked those who come to our aid. But we do not agree to their conditions. In fact we agreed that the operating procedures of KfW are not appropriate for this project. We should not forget our identity. We also want to convey this to all Nepalis. If you have self respect, you will not bow to money or power, and you should not do so either. We should always think about what interests the other party has. It is wrong to be a slave for money.We are so independent, and so were our ancestors. If we cannot even restore the monuments that our ancestors left for us, how can we claim to be citizens of the 21st century? Though our ancestors were not as educated as us, they were advanced in arts and crafts. And we want to do justice to their art by restoring them to their glory. If we work with this spirit, then it probably won't be difficult to bring change to the country.<h2>“History with a capital H”</h2>German Ambassador Roland Schäfer talks to Nepali Times about Germany’s ties with Bhaktapur, and the latest controversy over a restoration project.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e23d9c7e80680e033318jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1512" height="1430">Nepali Times: Why does Bhaktapur hold such fascination for you?  As a young student, I trained as a historian. We have a shared history with Bhaktapur, and I often talk to those who remember. I was fascinated to see that the relationship between Bhaktapur and Germany is History with a capital H. This relationship is interwoven with Nepal's decade-long struggle for democracy and local autonomy, and it changed both Bhaktapur and Germany.It changed Germany. German development cooperation came in the late seventies to reconstruct or preserve some of the world heritage treasures Bhaktapur harbours. What many people don't know: the encounter with Nepali politics in Bhaktapur had a deep influence on how the Germans thought and acted. The German development cooperation changed their original ideas, the methods, and even the staff.I also believe that it also changed Bhaktapur. The city’s political leadership adapted to those "foreigners" who stubbornly wanted to help, and they kept this relationship alive over the decades. Over the decades, Bhaktapur's success was a shared success story.Today, if you walk through Bhaktapur, the people of the city point not just to the buildings which still stand or function because of this relationship. They also tell you the stories about those who spent parts of their lives talking, negotiation, building and restoring in the city, and they reminisce that also the water supply ion the city was improved, architects were trained and schools flourished, because of this relationship.I believe our relationship is strong because it was able to incorporate big political change. Change over decades is the most important ingredient in the success story which German development cooperation shares with Bhaktapur.I am therefore confident that this relationship is there to last, and that it will be able to adapt again. To new capacities in the city, new challenges and to citizens which enjoy more rights than ever before.  I think we will again be able to see the city as a whole. Not just the havoc which the 2015 earthquake wrought over the city, but a living political entity with manifold and amazing capacities.Why did the German government pull out of the agreement to restore Bhaktapur monuments? "Pulled out" does not describe what happened, if you allow me to say sp. KfW cannot just "pull out". KfW, the German Development Bank, is an instrument of German Development Cooperation, a very valuable one, but it does not take those kind of decisions.What happened is that after two years of negotiations, one had to come to the conclusion that KfW had to defend modalities for a reconstruction grant because of its general mandate (not related to Bhaktapur), and that this could not be adapted to where Bhaktapur's leadership saw the city moving between 2015 and 2017.The conclusion was reached by the German Government and communicated to the Nepali Government before I reached Nepal. The recently elected mayor and myself, the new German ambassador, we have now the task to take stock and do what predecessors have done in the past: adapt to the realities and keep the relationship moving. For that is certainly what we want to do.I do not wish to discuss whether this disappointment could have avoided, because I was not there when all this happened. I prefer to think that those involved did actually try their best and that they still wish to help those who have to pick up the pieces where they lie and move on. If one modality of cooperation does not work, for a short period of time, that is not the end of the world, is it?Will the budget set aside for Bhaktapur be used elsewhere? By the end of the year, I expect the Nepal and German governments to take decisions on the current earthquake recovery funds in their entirety -- that is an immediate administrative necessity. That has to be awaited. But we have been transparent with the leadership of Bhaktapur during the preparation of this decision.What is at stake now is to listen very carefully to the political needs which Bhaktapur's leadership seen in a new, federal environment. We need to do this in a really holistic way. My hunch is that it will be very interesting to listen to Bhaktapur, not just for the Germans, but for many mayors and reconstruction experts in Nepal. That is what we think is a way forward.Bhaktapur, today, is not the Bhaktapur of the 1970s. But also the Government of Nepal is not the Government of that period of a king's rule. In this environment, Bhaktapur must be listened to, and I call on Bhaktapur to talk, teach, demonstrate and help analyse all things related to municipal development. How does it relate to tourism, local economy, religious heritage, infrastructure and buildings? That is at stake for so many more cities in Nepal, and we Germans want to use our contacts in order to be able to join the learning process.If in this process, good ideas emerge and people come together who have the courage to make them happen, the Germans will be part of it. I am sure we will find the best modality for cooperation in this new context. KfW was a possible instrument, but not the only one.Readers write<a id="js_blp" dir="ltr" href="https://www.facebook.com/devendra.basnet?fref=ufi&amp;rc=p" target="_self" data-ft="{" data-hovercard="/ajax/hovercard/hovercard.php?id=100000012551306&amp;extragetparams=%7B%22is_public%22%3Atrue%2C%22hc_location%22%3A%22ufi_admin%22%7D" aria-describedby="js_blo" aria-owns="">Devendra Basnet</a> As the saying goes 'there's no free lunch.' Specially when it comes to the world of foreign aid.<a href="https://twitter.com/KtmAktivist" data-user-id="2449702855">Amit Aryal‏ </a>This is inspiring on so many levels. Thank you for being a visionary leader! This is not only a learning moment for our cultural preservation but for Finance Ministers and Nepali bureaucrats that are often too eager to accept foreign assistance without realising its pitfalls.

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Clash of cultures in Bhaktapur

Sixty years ago Nepal established diplomatic relations with Germany when both countries were emerging from dark and difficult times, and both were trying to establish a new identity. They wanted to open up to the world and define a new place for themselves within it.Look at Nepal today: it has overcome decades of profiteering by a rent seeking elite, it has overcome a decade of civil strife, it has given itself a new, democratic, republican and federal constitution, and the Nepali people have validated all this by voting massively last year, installing the most <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/government-to-governance-editorial,4200" target="_blank" rel="noopener">powerful government</a> in Nepal’s modern history.This government, carried by a united party, knows it has to fulfill the promises which got it elected. It has the power and the wisdom to reconcile the country with its past and help it look boldly to the future. Building the future on the foundation of a well understood past shared by all will be a process.It cannot be achieved by the stroke of a pen or the handing out of some money from state coffers. But if this process gets to a credible start now in the coming two to five years, it will be empowering Nepali women and men like never before in history.From many conversations in the last nine months here, I am confident to say: It seems to feel good to be a Nepali today. And I can tell you myself: it feels good to be a German today.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107101156/6368d6cb9c7e80680e0314a6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1372" height="1832"/><figcaption>Foreign Minister Pradeep Gyawali and German Ambassador Roland Schafer unveil the logo for the 60th anniversary of Nepali-German diplomatic relations on Monday. Pic: German Embassy</figcaption></figure>We have been holding joint consultations on the next two years cycle of development cooperation between Germany and Nepal. Germany will continue to engage in the health and energy sectors, and will continue to work on enabling Nepali small and medium sized enterprises for a competitive world market.Our cooperation builds on decades of common work. <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19496#.Wwb1vzSFN0x" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bhaktapur</a> may have the longest story to tell about successes in our cooperation, about trust built, even after initial failures were overcome. This learning process never ends. I am happy to further engage with this proud, able city and its citizens on a cooperation that makes best use of what Bhaktapur can give to the nation and of what a modern Germany can contribute to this long standing partnership.Not all is government to government cooperation. We want to make Nepal a place for German and European industry to invest in. Employment will be created durably and reliably in this competitive world through private sector engagement.I thank Nepal for extending support to Germany in the upcoming election to non-permanent membership of the United Nations. We count on the support, so that we can work for multilateral peace-making, something to which Nepal’s army is contributing so much.And look at Germany today. The country is reunited, its 80 million people are part of a European Union of 500 million citizens who freely trade, travel, work and transfer assets among themselves. The European Union ensures the rule of law for all and organizes the outside protection of the Union territory.Germany has established its own particular brand of foreign and security policy – not so much by talking, but by how we behaved. We have taken on responsibility such as intervening militarily against dictatorship and ethnic cleansing in the Balkans, offering the parties to the conflict the option to become members of the European Union. But we refused to participate in the invasion of Iraq at the beginning of the century. The most important point for us today: the European Union as a whole is establishing its own Foreign and Security policy of which Germany is fully a part.Excerpt of a speech by Roland Schäfer, Ambassador of Germany to Nepal, on 20 May to mark the 60th anniversary of Nepal-Germany diplomatic relations.Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/Memory-and-forgiveness-internation-holocaust-day,1109" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Memory and forgiveness</a>, Roland Schäfer

Six decades of cooperation

After a week of violent and destructive protests, Nepal’s President Ram Chandra Poudel on Friday appointed <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Legalese/justice-in-chief,804">former Chief Justice Sushila Karki</a> as a caretaker Prime Minister to lead an interim citizens' government.&nbsp; Poudel had been in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/what-next-nepal">closed-door discussions since Thursday</a> with youth members who spearheaded the protests, constitutional experts, the House Speaker, and the Army Chief. There was a consensus on the choice of Karki as candidate for interim prime minister, but her swearing-in was stalled due to a disagreement about Constitutional processes for her appointment.&nbsp; Youth delegates and Karki demanded that Parliament be dissolved before the appointment of the caretaker prime minister, while President Poudel had been arguing that Parliament would be automatically dissolved once the new council of ministers announced elections. Representing the GenZ movement, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/who-or-what-is-hami-nepal">Sudan Gurung</a> (pictured, below) is said to have insisted that dissolution of Parliament first was non-negotiable because he did not trust the political parties. He is said to have added that he would call his supporters out into the streets, and the President relented. The military’s warning earlier that an emergency would be declared if there was no agreement tonight clinched it.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025091216098_cdd409c5824b578a04f05a43280e3f475d92bf7123d3a4565b4d720768fcc1b3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2025091216098_cdd409c5824b578a04f05a43280e3f475d92bf7123d3a4565b4d720768fcc1b3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1080" height="600" loading="lazy" alt="Sudan Gurung"> <figcaption>Sudan Gurung of Hami Nepali during negotiations.</figcaption> </figure>  With this, Karki becomes Nepal’s first female prime minister, exactly a decade after she became the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/interview/a-woman-is-as-capable-sushila-karki,3375">country’s first female chief justice in 2016</a>.&nbsp; Nepalis, still shocked by the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">death and destruction of the past week</a>, heaved a sigh of relief at the announcement, which was greeted as a victory of youth power for political reform led by the GenZ movement. Its initial anti-corruption protest on 8-9 September <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-burns-despite-pm-resignation">spiralled out of control into violence and arson</a> nationwide that claimed at least 51 lives. Several other candidates were floated for the caretaker prime minister’s post. Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah and former head of the electricity utility Kulman Ghising were being considered, but both declined possibly because they want to contest the next national elections. Given her experience in the judiciary and zero tolerance for corruption, Karki was the favourite of various groups within the GenZ campaign.&nbsp; The site of the negotiations moved to the official residence of the president in Shital Niwas from the Nepal Army Headquarters on Thursday. The Army had come under criticism on social media and from civil society for detaining the President and not letting him speak or be a part of the negotiation.&nbsp; This fuelled public perception that the military had a soft spot for a return of the monarchy. There were widespread rumours on Thursday that king Gyanendra, who was ousted after the abolition of the monarchy in 2008, was trying to stage a comeback by piggybacking on the agitation. Writing on X, senior journalist Kishore Nepal revealed that the Chief of Army Staff Ashokraj Sigdel had allegedly asked Poudel to step aside and pave the way for the military to negotiate, to which the President is said to have replied: “I will not resign. Kill me instead and blame it on the protesters. Then you can do whatever you like.” Live broadcast of swearing in of Sushila Karki:&nbsp; <div class="embed-block"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/53go4OxuOa0?si=Zd89QGIAX8-7Bm75" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen></iframe></div>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025091219094_41b0f97a5925ab6969e1413636bf073ae43262893a55d9c177cb1312dea52f0d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="2025091219094_41b0f97a5925ab6969e1413636bf073ae43262893a55d9c177cb1312dea52f0d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="851" loading="lazy" alt="Sushila Karki swearing in"> <figcaption>President ram Chandra Poudel swearing in Sushila Karki as the 42nd Prime Minister of Nepal.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025091303098_8f2b6f98898c4cd73c271caa51b8e29d679a7385c249380aeb96d7cc2c3f6dba.png" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="2025091303098_8f2b6f98898c4cd73c271caa51b8e29d679a7385c249380aeb96d7cc2c3f6dba" data-rendition-name="original" width="1480" height="924" loading="lazy" alt="Sushila Karki PM"> <figcaption>GenZ representatives with new Prime Minister Sushila Karki after her swearing in.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025091301098_470dbca4f4d34ca4533ce4d160045ffe8e525e98380f6f1e20eb24a6236c6029.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="2025091301098_470dbca4f4d34ca4533ce4d160045ffe8e525e98380f6f1e20eb24a6236c6029" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Sushila Karki PM"> <figcaption>Sushila Karki with supporters including Genz representative Sudan Gurung of Hami Nepal and Sumana Shrestha of Rastriya Swatantra Party.</figcaption> </figure>  COURAGE AND INTEGRITY Sushila Karki served as the chief justice between 11 July 2016 to 6 June 2017, and has been known for her frugal ways. She was a firebrand judge unafraid to ruffle powerful feathers, and as chief justice was behind ruling to impeach for abuse of office a powerful head of Nepal’s anti-graft body in 2016. She wrote that he had ‘<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Legalese/the-end-of-karkistocracy,827">neither the moral character nor qualifications for the post</a>’. Even before she became Chief Justice, Karki was one of the two judges on the bench that convicted the sitting Minister for Information and Communication, Jaya Prakash Gupta, of corruption in 2012. Then in 2016, a bench including Karki ruled against granting amnesty to former Maoist lawmaker and convicted murderer Bal Krishna Dhungel. Karki was born on 7 June 1952 in Biratnagar. She completed her undergraduate studies at Mahendra Morang College in 1972 before obtaining a postgraduate degree in political science from Banaras Hindu University in India three years later. This was followed by a Bachelor's in Law in 1978 from Tribhuvan University, and she started her law career as an advocate a year later. In 1985, Karki worked as a teacher at Mahendra Multiple Campus in Dharan, and was jailed for participating in the 1990 People’s Movement to overthrow the Panchayat absolute monarchy. She became a senior Advocate at the Nepal Bar Association in 2008 and was appointed an Ad-Hoc Justice at the Supreme Court in January 2009.&nbsp; On Thursday, there were supporters for other candidates for the post sloganeering against Karki’s nomination outside the Army Headquarters. Some on social media were also skeptical of her connection to the Nepali Congress (NC) party. Growing up in Biratnagar Karki was close to the family of B P Koirala, Nepal’s first elected prime minister in 1960. Her husband Durga Subedi was part of a group of underground Congress activists who hijacked a Royal Nepal Airlines plane in 1973, flying it to India to snatch cash belonging to Nepal Rastra Bank in the cargo hold.&nbsp; The money was used for the party’s pro-democracy campaign. Karki has no love lost for the political establishment. In April 2017, the governing coalition under Maoist Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/lady-justice-sushila-karki,3693">submitted an impeachment motion against her</a> after the Supreme Court overturned his decision to install a favoured police chief, violating succession based on seniority. It was a political move backed by Dahal’s coalition partner Sher Bahadur Deuba of the NC who was waiting to become prime minister for the 4th time. CHALLENGES AHEAD With Karki now in charge of the interim government, she has the daunting task of forming a council of ministers made up of amorphous and disparate groups from the GenZ, technocrats, and current politicians. Karki has said she will not prevent members of her cabinet from contesting elections, which means those with electoral aspirations like Kulman Ghising, Balen Shah and Sumana Shrestha could be asked to join. Karki has her work cut out as she has to get her team members to pull in the same direction to hold free and fair elections. She also has to make sure she has the support of the military without giving the generals too much say, while also smartly maneuvering Nepal’s precarious geopolitical ties with its giant neighbours, China and India. But most of all, the new prime minister must lay the foundations to not just physically rebuild the judiciary, executive and legislature but also ensure that elections will produce a more accountable and efficient government. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trial-by-fire">Trial By Fire</a>, Editorial

Madam Prime Minister of Nepal

One Friday night last month, we were swapping stories about Vipassana, a rigorous <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/practicing-mindfulness-in-schools?fbclid=IwAR2X1T9SNG1tWe61UPqMUgHjOWNZ4U1foJyURLJMrjYAsUdr4u_mz1rmC1U">meditation</a> technique of silent observation, over dinner. We spoke of its ten days of noble silence, of respiration, observation, and sensation.&nbsp; I told them about my first retreat in Lumbini last year when my mind kept getting distracted: ‘What is happening in the outside world? Is <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/those-were-the-days-knea0341">K P Oli still prime minister</a>? When I emerged ten days later, he was still PM. During my second Vipassana in February this year, I reassured my mind that nothing dramatic could unfold in ten days. Still, my gut knew this country was always one headline away from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trial-by-fire">revolution</a>. By my third retreat, I was confident, even cocky.&nbsp; At that dinner, I joked: “What could possibly change? If Oli survived my first two meditation retreats, the world can hold steady for a third.” I should’ve known better. On 1 September, I was back at Shivapuri for the second time, my third retreat, with no expectations — only hope that ten days of noble silence would peel yet another layer from my mind.&nbsp; Vipassana is a paradox: brutally difficult, yet infinitely generous. It is the tool needed to tame and know your unconscious mind, and to know yourself even a little through it is a profound achievement. My room at Z House had the best view of the Kathmandu Valley. I developed a ritual: press my hands against my cheeks and stare down at the city. The city below looks chaotic, but somehow beautiful in its stubbornness, where pollution and pride coexist. From up there, it looked like no one was free, trapped in their egos, pettiness and misery.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250913090920_9e77930ed911289c05a731605157f402c06249347e33964dc59c58d32dc2a6d6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250913090920_9e77930ed911289c05a731605157f402c06249347e33964dc59c58d32dc2a6d6" data-rendition-name="original" width="3000" height="1300" loading="lazy" alt="Vipassana during Nepal revolution"> <figcaption>Those undergoing Vipassana in Sundarijal had no idea of the chaos and mayhem the country was undergoing. Photos: AARSALA ADHIKARI(Photo: Sonia Awale)</figcaption> </figure>  Then, softer thoughts of Metta and compassion would emerge. If only every single person could sit in silence and know their breath, just once. Blessed with ten days of Dhamma teachings on universal law, I imagined our 334 patriarchal parliamentarians and the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/house-of-cards?%2F">Oli, Deuba, Prachanda trinity</a>. UNSEEN CHAOS On the seventh and the eighth days of Vipassana (8–9 September) there was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-burns-despite-pm-resignation">black smoke rising from the Valley </a>below. Why were people burning all that garbage? There was no traffic on the straight road down from Budanilkantha. There were gunshots, and I assumed locals were shooting at marauding monkeys. I mistook the sound of helicopters at night for flights circling after takeoff.&nbsp; On the ninth day and in the morning of the tenth, it rained heavily. I tried to spot Dharara like I did every day, but the city was shrouded in a blanket of thick black smog. Even after two days of heavy rain, the smoke had not been washed down. This did not make sense, but my mind had returned to the safe harbour of my meditation. Nothing to see here. On the morning of 9/11, the tenth day, as we emerged from silence, the hall outside filled with chatter. Many people left, weeping, overwhelmed by the experience of the past ten days. We joked about our hardships and dreamt of delicious food, feeling a wave of accomplishment after a documentary about how Vipassana had transformed Tihar Jail in New Delhi.&nbsp; The hall radiated with inspiration and hope. Then, as the film ended an assistant teacher made an announcement: “There are serious protests going on in the Valley. K P Oli has resigned as prime minister. There are no cabinet ministers. The military has taken over, and a curfew has been imposed.”&nbsp; The news hit like a lightning bolt. Mental tranquility gave way to gasps of “What the f**k?” In the main Dhamma Hall, some women erupted in applause. We had spent ten days cultivating Metta, only to step out and realise the world had erupted into chaos. We huddled, trying to piece together fragments of what was happening. The Valley was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-turmoil-will-hit-tourism">still covered in black smoke</a>, the main road was still quiet. A neighbour turned up the radio, reporting deaths, destruction and curfew.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250913050944_ce09e04207ef5eb72ea55800b76df0c16a9d46a3eea957a4ecb0d67e978c2595.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20250913050944_ce09e04207ef5eb72ea55800b76df0c16a9d46a3eea957a4ecb0d67e978c2595" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Meme doing the rounds on social media"> <figcaption>Meme doing the rounds on social media. </figcaption> </figure>  A first-time meditator, Shivani Karn, overheard a neighbour from wall cross telling his son that people had been shot and that he should not go to school any more. She had wanted to flee the Centre, but stayed on. Stranded foreigners from Argentina to China were bewildered and terrified. Volunteers debriefed us, recounting the shocking details: buildings burning, ministers’ houses ransacked, Oli fleeing, Deuba and his wife beaten up. The leaders were all in the Shivapuri barracks up the mountain. Over 15,000 inmates had broken out of prison. It was a catastrophe unfolding in real time. The city felt ripped out from a nightmare. In the common space, people complained about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-gen-z-protest-turns-deadly">corruption and the ban on social media</a>. But an understanding emerged: both those in power and those who grant it are bound by the law of cause and effect. Driving down from Shivapuri on the morning of 12 September, my heart sank. The smog I had seen was smoke from still smouldering buildings. It was not garbage burning, but the rage of the people. Those were not people scaring away monkeys, but guns that killed innocent lives. The sound of aircraft were actually helicopters rescuing politicians.&nbsp; We drove past Singha Darbar, a charred ruin. Another Vipassana meditator, Anjali Baidya, shared a chilling memory. She recalled being 12 years old in 1973, watching from her home in Makhan Tole as Singha Durbar first caught fire. History had repeated itself 52 years later.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250910140912_e6bf05bfe95f519e05ab8d9016587211b241340fd23a0f9ae728e74747fc5f29.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20250910140912_e6bf05bfe95f519e05ab8d9016587211b241340fd23a0f9ae728e74747fc5f29" data-rendition-name="original" width="8064" height="6048" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal in ashes"> <figcaption>Singha Darba, the seat of the government, set ablaze on 9th September. Photo: KAMAL PRASAI</figcaption> </figure>  One Bhatbhateni supermarket after another were scorched, police stations, government offices, once symbols of everyday life. There were soldiers everywhere, not police. &nbsp;Amidst the devastation, a deeper truth settled in. This, too, was Anicca — impermanence. Anicca teaches us that all things are constantly changing, including our thoughts, emotions, and physical sensations. Political systems, power structures, national crises are all transitory. This understanding is crucial for healing. When we cling to the idea that a leader, political system or ourselves are permanent, we set ourselves up for disappointment and anger when it inevitably changes. The Dhamma teaches that responsibility is shared. The anger and fear on the streets are similar to feelings many carry inside. We Nepalis have intergenerational trauma. What I saw was not an abstraction: the gunshots and chaos echoed the terrifying nights of 1 February 2005 in Panauti, a grim replay of the fear I knew as a child at Malpi school, huddling with friends for safety.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/what-next-nepal">What next, Nepal?</a>, Shristi Karki Our national history is a series of ruptures that become personal landmarks. I was nine years old at my aunt’s birthday party on 1 June 2001, when the celebration was abruptly called off and we were sent home into the silent shock of a royal massacre.&nbsp; This pattern must be broken, and it starts now. The path to national healing must begin with individual healing. We can learn from the story of Angulimala, a violent figure who was transformed by the Buddha’s compassion. The Buddha walked steadily toward him and said, “I have stopped, Angulimala. You must stop too.” Angulimala realised the truth, renounced violence, and was enlightened. Cycles of anger and conflict can be softened and transformed. Nepal’s long-term well-being depends on our ability to approach the Dhamma as a pragmatic tool. Inner calm can help us process collective trauma. By cultivating forgiveness and compassion, we can create a stability that begins within. True healing begins when we stop externalising our pain or intellectualising our emotions, and start nurturing our own inner peace. As the dust settles, the true noise begins: the roar within. We are left with a stark choice: remain trapped in this endless loop of rage, or we can deliberately choose to stop. The Dhamma is not some philosophy for a meditation centre; it is the raw truth of our applied wisdom. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/madam-prime-minister-of-nepal">Sushila Karki, Nepal’s first female prime minister</a>, may have emerged as a new ‘messiah’ but we must begin to take responsibility and accountability. Change cannot come from chaos, it is a conscious effort we must make precisely when it feels most impossible.&nbsp; The path forward is not through the streets, but inward — into the ruins of our own self-righteousness. The disparity and deep-seated grudges are the quiet kindling that have brought this new revolution. The rage on the streets is about suppressed dignity, and a burning hunger for justice.&nbsp; It is time to check the recesses of our minds and hearts, sit down, breathe, and to ask: “When do we stop running, and when do we start healing?”&nbsp; Alisha Sijapati is a writer specialising in cultural heritage, and a former Nepali Times correspondent.

Vipassana during a revolution

Violent protests on Monday and Tuesday in Nepal got unprecedented worldwide publicity for Nepal — but not of the kind it would have wanted at the peak of the autumn tourism season which sees more than a third of annual arrivals. Videos on tv and online about the death, destruction and mayhem in Kathmandu have led to some cancellations, especially with scenes of burning internationally branded hotel chains. Thousands of passengers have been stranded in Kathmandu and in destination cities with the 24 hour closure of Nepal’s only international airport. The Nepali diaspora coming home early for the Dasain-Tihar holidays were also impacted.&nbsp; However, despite the unprecedented nature of events this week and the continuing political uncertainty, tourism officials are confident that Nepal will make it through like it did after past crises. Even during the height of the Maoist war, tourists and trekkers were not harmed. “The tourism industry has been through a lot in recent years, such as conflict, pandemic and earthquake. We have always managed to recover, and have learned a lot about how to bounce back,” says Deepak Raj Joshi, CEO of the Nepal Tourism Board. “However, having such situations again and again really hurts our credibility as a destination.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250912130952_31a707c5bec9f2ce4968bcec95a3a1e9beb25d6f20772cb7d081d0d1fd4d0dd4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250912130952_31a707c5bec9f2ce4968bcec95a3a1e9beb25d6f20772cb7d081d0d1fd4d0dd4" data-rendition-name="original" width="4160" height="2773" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal turmoil will hit tourism"> </figure>  Nepal was just bouncing back from the slump brought on by a series of upheavals starting with the earthquake and the Covid-19 lockdowns. The number of international visitors had finally reached pre-pandemic levels, recording 736,562 arrivals from January to August 2025. A series of new hotels including international brands such as Hilton, Marriott and Holiday Inns came up across the country. With the Nepal Army stepping in to stabilise the situation starting Tuesday night and through Wednesday and Thursday, the streets are calmer. Kathmandu airport is back in operation, but arriving passengers have to drive past the charred hulks of government buildings and torched cars. At present there are up to 35,000 foreign tourists in Nepal, many already trekking in the Everest and Annapurna regions. Some of them are in Pokhara, Chitwan and Lumbini.&nbsp; “Many are carrying on with what they came to Nepal to do,” says Joshi, adding that since the airport is open their current situation will steadily resolve itself as the backlog of passengers are handled in the coming week. NTB has organised shuttle services between the airport and hotels for tourists, and these buses had passes to ply even during the 10AM-5PM and 7PM-6AM curfew hours on Thursday. Once a more normal state has been reached, NTB plans to work with the private sector to put out the message that Nepal is back in business and has always been safe for tourists. Indeed, no tourists have been harmed during the protests, and they have not been targeted in past conflicts either. At a hotel in Pokhara protestors backed off when they were told that there were foreign guests, and any disturbance would hurt Nepal internationally. The mob left after breaking a few glasses and some vases and torching swimming pool towels. Foreign Investment However, the negative impact of the protests in the short and long term are undeniable. Visuals of a burning Hilton Hotel has been a powerful deterrent, not just for tourism but also for foreign investors thinking of setting up in a country already infamous for corruption and an unfriendly investment climate. “This will likely deter investors who are interested in building an environment for high-end tourists,” cautions Joshi. The last available Doing Business report by the World Bank that included Nepal was in 2020 where Nepal ranked 94th out of 190 countries, a significant jump from its previous position.Pokhara also saw several governmental buildings including a ward office being vandalised and set on fire. Four hotels and establishments linked to politicians -- Mantra Thakali, Hotel Sarowar, Hotel Pokhara Goodwill, and the recently opened Bagaincha Resort were all attacked. According to Mani Raj Lamichhane, NTB’s Gandaki Province head, most of the violence happened around Pokhara’s New Road area, with a few incidents in Lakeside popular with tourists. “Tourists had already been evacuated when the hotels were attacked, and they are now at Lakeside, waiting for buses to ferry them to the airport,” he adds. A Himalaya Airlines flight from Lhasa that could not land in Kathmandu after the airport was closed on Tuesday afternoon was diverted to Pokhara with 65 passengers. The plane flew back to Kathmandu last night. Lamichhane is not so pessimistic about the future. He says, “Nepal has these situations periodically. We lost the tourists that would have come yesterday, and as we were just going into the season we might lose 10-15% of our business. But we are telling tourists to keep their bookings on hold instead of cancelling them.”He adds: “We really have to put the message out there that despite the violence, tourists are safe and they are left alone to enjoy Nepal’s sights.”

Nepal turmoil will hit tourism

After prolonged negotiations over the weekend, Nepal’s new <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/madam-prime-minister-of-nepal">Prime Minister Sushila Karki</a> on Monday appointed three members to her Council of Ministers, but the youth group that put her in power does not like her choice. The GenZ group that initiated the movement that toppled Nepal’s government accused Karki of not being consulted about the choice of Om Prakash Aryal, a lawyer who was helping with negotiating with the Army, as the Home and Law Minister.&nbsp; GenZ’s purported leader <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/who-or-what-is-hami-nepal">Sudan Gurung</a> led a group of his supporters and families of youth killed in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/raising-nepal-from-the-ashes">last week’s demonstration</a> at a midnight protest outside the prime minister’s residence, demanding Karki’s resignation unless she listened to them. Aryal is also a legal adviser to Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah, who has supported the GenZ movement but refused their offer to lead the interim government.&nbsp; The other two ministers include former Finance Secretary Rameshore Khanal as Finance Minister, and the popular former chief of the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) Kulman Ghising as the Energy Minister, Urban Development Minister, and Minister of Physical Infrastructure and Transport. They were sworn in on Monday. While Prime Minister Karki has said she wants competent and honest technocrats in the Council of Ministers, GenZ has been pushing for candidates that do not seem to meet her criteria — including a military officer and Mayor Balen Shah’s candidate.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025091511090_f7db633bbf56c5e2a43b6cd248e522365f56cd34578d65cdeca243c65d807f6d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2025091511090_f7db633bbf56c5e2a43b6cd248e522365f56cd34578d65cdeca243c65d807f6d" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="new ministers being sworn in"> </figure>  Karki’s list is said to include retired Lt Gen Balananda Sharma, &nbsp;Magsaysay Award winner Mahabir Pun of the National Innovation Centre, former Education Minister Sumana Shrestha who quit RSP on Sunday and Dharan Mayor Harka Sampang. Karki met the government machinery on Sunday at her Singha Darbar office. Speaking without a prepared text, she admitted that there had been a “huge loss” not just to government buildings but also to official and court records during the 9 September arson attacks. “I am ashamed to say that there has been a systematic targeting of sensitive and essential government institutions, we will track down the perpetrators and investigate them,” she said. Karki also assured officials that she had no intention of staying on as prime minister beyond 5 March, the date she has set for early elections. She added: “The destruction by criminal elements has added to our challenges, but we have to choose but to unite and rebuild. This movement was about ending corruption, improving governance and equality. Help me achieve those goals.” <h2>KNOW YOUR MINISTERS</h2> Om Prakash Aryal Home Minister, Minister of Law  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250915110916_6bbaa39c523979ea1a3e85bd496232fa0dcb6152718ede106078bb5f3d069c3c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250915110916_6bbaa39c523979ea1a3e85bd496232fa0dcb6152718ede106078bb5f3d069c3c" data-rendition-name="original" width="960" height="955" loading="lazy" alt="Om Prakash Aryal"> <figcaption>Om Prakash Aryal</figcaption> </figure>  Back in 2016, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/do-gooders-to-watch-out-for,3435">Om Prakash Aryal</a> filed a writ petition against the appointment of all powerful Lokman Singh Karki to the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA), paving way for the impeachment of the head of the anti-graft body together with Prime Minister Sushila Karki, who was then Chief Justice. An advocate at the Supreme Court, Aryal gained widespread fame for his work in Public Interest Litigation. Most recently, earlier this year he filed a petition against then Prime Minister K P Oli and Minister for Land Management Bala Ram Adhikari, among others, for their alleged role in the non-implementation of Supreme Court order in the Giribandhu tea estate land scam in eastern Nepal. Aryal came from Gulmi to Kathmandu to be a singer, but ended up pursuing a career in law instead. Aryal also served four years in the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), and was based in Geneva with the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ). Rameshore Khanal Finance Minister  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250915110916_1655aeec3a17a048663b95c0dec3ab302300c51d61f6aed682b17fe5c1532c58.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250915110916_1655aeec3a17a048663b95c0dec3ab302300c51d61f6aed682b17fe5c1532c58" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="666" loading="lazy" alt="Finance Minister"> <figcaption>Rameshore Khanal</figcaption> </figure>  Former Finance Secretary Rameshore Khanal has over 30 years of experience in the civil service, and led reforms in government accounting and reporting, public procurements, tax policy and administration. He also served as Chair of the Board in Agricultural Development Bank and was Board Director in Nepal Rastra Bank, Rastriya Banijya Bank, Nepal Telecom Company, and Nepal Airlines. He also served as an economic adviser to Baburam Bhattarai when he was prime minister in 2013. In October last year, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-in-the-red">he led the government formed</a> the High Level Economic Reforms Recommendation Commission. The 440-page recommendation released last month included review of the fixed exchange rate with India and the provision for national political parties to receive grants so candidates did not have to depend on business donors at election time. He has announced that he is not going to take a salary, official residence, body guard or official car for himself. Kulman Ghising Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation Minister, Urban Development Minister, and Minister of Physical Infrastructure and Transport  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250915110920_7704ba4dd27f06d423852bc9792610cc89acdbee6ff0b380904479c095d328ab.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250915110920_7704ba4dd27f06d423852bc9792610cc89acdbee6ff0b380904479c095d328ab" data-rendition-name="original" width="1057" height="769" loading="lazy" alt="Kulman Ghising"> <figcaption>Kulman Ghising</figcaption> </figure>  The man credited for ending 18-hour-a-day loadshedding in Nepal was also considered for the post of Prime Minister before Sushila Karki was chosen by the GenZ movement on Friday. Ghising is a two-time CEO of Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) before <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/sacking-of-nea-chief-exposes-cronyism">his tenure was cut short</a> by the Oli-led governing coalition earlier this year and replaced by Hitendra Dev Shakya. Ghising’s removal was seen as being politically motivated, and outraged the public and commentators. Many expected Ghising to open his own party ahead of the 2027 elections two years later, but is seen to be close to the Maoist-Centre party. After being appointed NEA chief in 2016, Ghising cut off the dedicated electricity feeds to industries, and redistributed the saved power to the public — ending long power cuts. But he also imported electricity from India to ensure 24-hour supply during the winter dry season to meet demand. Several new hydropower plants came into operation during his tenure, and today Nepal had an electricity surplus.&nbsp; OTHER APPOINTMENTS Elsewhere, Sabita Bhandari Baral has been appointed Nepal’s first female Attorney General.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250915110920_4d60704a1e69309fdfb49a195f538c32159f27748fd2be88693c609ddb98d380.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20250915110920_4d60704a1e69309fdfb49a195f538c32159f27748fd2be88693c609ddb98d380" data-rendition-name="original" width="730" height="506" loading="lazy" alt="Female attorney general"> <figcaption>Sabita Bhandari Baral</figcaption> </figure>  By Sunday, total casualties of the nationwide GenZ protests has reached 72. Prime Minister Karki has declared that bereaved families of those killed in the protests will be compensated while hundreds of those still receiving treatment in hospitals will be treated for free. &nbsp;

german-embassy

Clash of cultures in Bhaktapur

Six decades of cooperation

Madam Prime Minister of Nepal

Vipassana during a revolution

Nepal turmoil will hit tourism

Nepal interim government faces first hiccups