https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PVs9hoIwFUc&amp;feature=youtu.beAt a donor conference after the 2015 earthquake, more than $4 billion was pledged to Nepal by the international community, multilateral banks and aid agencies. Germany was prompt in signing a reconstruction agreement with the Finance Ministry in December 2015, for €30 million.Three years and three agreements later, a part of the negotiations suddenly broke down last month, as the German government decided to withdraw from a project to restore monuments, schools and streets in Bhaktapur <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/tourists-trickle-back-to-Bhaktapur" target="_blank" rel="noopener">destroyed by the earthquake</a>. This was surprising since Germany, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19496#.WxElhu6FPIV" target="_blank" rel="noopener">involved in Bhaktapur’s restoration since 1970s,</a> had allocated a third of its total outlay for earthquake reconstruction to Bhaktapur.At a time when only 75% of the aid pledged in 2015 has actually materialised, and only 16% of the money has been disbursed, the cancellation of a €10million restoration initiative for Bhaktapur was a big loss for the country. Nepali Times has tried to piece together what went wrong.This was the first time that the German Embassy in Kathmandu contracted German Development bank (KfW) as an implementing partner in heritage conservation. The bank has been active in Nepal’s hydropower, health and sustainable development projects. Being a bank, KfW had different and stricter operating procedures than the German aid agency GIZ and other non-profits.Previously, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19495#.WxElh-6FPIW" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bhaktapur had rebuilt monuments</a> like the historic 55 Window Palace with local means and expertise. But KfW’s rules required international bidding, and its inability to alter this procedure as demanded by fiercely independent-minded Bhaktapur leadership after last year’s local elections, led to a deadlock.“<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/bhaktapur-shows-the-way-by-rebuilding-itself/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Locally-led construction</a> gives better quality at lower cost,” says Mayor Sunil Prajapati, pointing out that Bhaktapur is already working with local user committees to rebuild damaged monuments, and 27 have been restored by the municipality and the Department of Archaeology.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e2299c7e80680e033313jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4000" height="2707"/><figcaption>Vatsala mandir was damaged in 1934 and again in 2015 earthquake. Rejecting modern materials even in such a fragile temple, Bhaktapur is adding traditional style wooden pillars to this formerly stone structure. Pics: Monika Deupala</figcaption></figure>However, these are smaller monuments with budgets up to Rs15 million each, and larger complexes like the Pujari Math, Phasi Dega, National Art Museum (formerly a Rana palace) still await restoration.Piecing together accounts of the negotiations from both sides, what appears to have led to the deadlock was a clash of cultures. The Germans, used to lack of transparency in other projects in Nepal, wanted to ensure full compliance with the rules of its banks on the tendering process.Bhaktapur’s leaders, on the other hand, didn’t want to be told what to do when they felt perfectly capable of carrying out their own restoration.The main point of dispute appears to have been KfW’s insistence that the reconstruction contracts be open to a global tender process, international consultants, and the possible use of modern construction materials as has been done in previous German restoration here, including the octagonal Chasin Dega.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e22d9c7e80680e033314jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="761"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e2319c7e80680e033315jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">Bhaktapur has finished rebuilding 27 monuments, including the gate to Bhaktapur Durbar Square. Bhaktapur has always aspired for independence, not just from foreign donors, but Kathmandu. Its political landscape has been dominated by the Nepal Worker’s Peasants Party (NWPP) under <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Bhaktapur-dear-leader,3010" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Narayan Man Bijukche</a> who is not shy about his open admiration of the North Korean ideology of self-reliance called ‘Juche Idea’.Mayor Prajapati is from the NMKP and won a landslide in last year’s municipal elections. In an interview with Nepali Times last week he sounded defiant: “We will not tolerate foreign interference in the name of aid. We will not let our sovereignty be compromised.” (See full interview online.)Bijukchhe has now retired from politics, but is still the driving force behind the party. He has urged the government to take reconstruction upon itself and not depend on foreign aid. In the absence of elected officials before last year’s local elections, NWPP members had been present at negotiations with KfW at every stage. The party is confident it has public opinion in Bhaktapur on its side in the dispute.German Ambassador to Nepal, Roland Schäfer, admits that after two years of negotiations, "One had to come to the conclusion that KfW had to defend modalities for a reconstruction grant because of its general mandate, not related to Bhaktapur, and that this could not be adapted to where Bhaktapur's leadership saw the city moving between 2015 and 2017."  (Full interview below.)<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e2359c7e80680e033316jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="5472" height="3648"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The city’s pride and self-reliance are all well and good, but we asked Mayor Prajapati if a compromise could not have been reached, especially because Bhaktapur stood to lose so much promised aid at a time when cash crunch is the main reason for delayed reconstruction. Prajapati was adamant: “Without foreign aid, it may take us longer to rebuild these monuments, but we have now decided that it is the best way.”Some experts are not convinced that losing the KfW aid was good for Bhaktapur. “That amount would have been enough to reconstruct all of Bhaktapur’s monuments, and more,” said Rabindra Puri, Bhaktapur’s noted heritage conservationist. “It is a great loss for Bhaktapur that the two parties could not come to an agreement.”For others, this is a lesson in how not to negotiate in Nepal’s new federal state structure, where local elected leaders are much more vocal about what they want. Bhaktapur’s politicians may have blocked the agreement when they found out architects and engineers at Khwopa College would lose out in the bidding system. Meanwhile, KfW could have predicted the fiercely-independent spirit of Bhaktapur’s leaders, and fielded locals who spoke Newari for the negotiations.With inputs from Monika Deupala in Bhaktapur<h2>"Sovereignty is foremost"</h2>Bhaktapur mayor Sunil Prajapati explains why independence is so important to Bhaktapur, and how it plans to rebuild monuments on its own.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e2399c7e80680e033317jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1840" height="1564">Nepali Times: How is the reconstruction of monuments in Bhaktapur going?The reconstruction is forging ahead in good speed, according to the economic means of the municipality. We are building monuments like pati, pauwa, sattal, temples and ponds of each ward though user committees. When we work through user committees, people feel ownership of the monuments, and they also contribute voluntary labor. We get more value out of it than the money we spend on it. That is why we choose to work with user committees. 27 out of 35 infrastructures, 27 out of 47 monuments, and 24 out of 28 roads that were approved for reconstruction have been completed, the rest are under construction.The municipality is using its own funds and collecting donations from local residents, at a time when the German government has withdrawn its grant of 10 million Euro. Is that a loss for Bhaktapur?Not everything is about money. Our independence is important, and we should never forget our sovereignty. Though we are prepared to tolerate everything, we should not let our independence, sovereignty, and self respect be compromised. We say this to everyone. After the 2015 earthquake, the German government had signed an agreement with Nepal government, to give €10 million to Bhaktapur to rebuild its monuments. There were many points of the agreement that we did not agree with.What was the disagreement about?For example, the audits would have to be done according to German regulations. If there are any disputes, they would have to be taken t German courts. Many monuments here are very sensitive, but the agreement required an international bidding process to restore them. We said that we have skilled experts right in Nepal who can complete the restoration, and the people here are willing to help. We have repaired Nyatapola, 55 window, Bhairabnath on our own. We want to go through user committees. But maybe they don't know what are user committees, they just did not agree to it. Plus, 20 percent of the cost would be ours, so we are already putting so much money in it ourselves.In Bhaktapur we have two engineering colleges, and many people who are very skilled in traditional craft and techniques. We said we will do it on our own, and will accept your help when we need. Bu they said we would have to do exactly as they said: use materials and techniques they specified. They would call for bidding, they would appoint the technicians, and they would specify the building materials. If that happened, we would look like mere eyewitnesses.We don't always need to take from the world, we can also give to the world. The 315-year old Nyatapola temple, the valley's tallest temple, is an example. It was not destroyed even in 1934, nor in 2015. Our technologies last 315 years! We are very rich in technology.Does that mean that the local government here is powerful?The law has made us powerful. We adhere to the law. The constitution has given us the right to make rules, working procedures, etc. We have prepared our own regulations regarding education, cooperatives, and sports. We make rules convenient to us in a way that they do not clash with federal laws.In Bhaktapur we don't easily give permission to anyone to work in the town. We take our own decisions.  That is what independence means. If we do as foreigners say, that is not independence.How do you plan to take the restoration forward, since money is still a problem?We have prepared our own designs for restorations, with a committee of 9 architects, 2 civil engineers and 2 senior advisors. Yes, we have some economic needs, and we have thanked those who come to our aid. But we do not agree to their conditions. In fact we agreed that the operating procedures of KfW are not appropriate for this project. We should not forget our identity. We also want to convey this to all Nepalis. If you have self respect, you will not bow to money or power, and you should not do so either. We should always think about what interests the other party has. It is wrong to be a slave for money.We are so independent, and so were our ancestors. If we cannot even restore the monuments that our ancestors left for us, how can we claim to be citizens of the 21st century? Though our ancestors were not as educated as us, they were advanced in arts and crafts. And we want to do justice to their art by restoring them to their glory. If we work with this spirit, then it probably won't be difficult to bring change to the country.<h2>“History with a capital H”</h2>German Ambassador Roland Schäfer talks to Nepali Times about Germany’s ties with Bhaktapur, and the latest controversy over a restoration project.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111144/6368e23d9c7e80680e033318jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1512" height="1430">Nepali Times: Why does Bhaktapur hold such fascination for you?  As a young student, I trained as a historian. We have a shared history with Bhaktapur, and I often talk to those who remember. I was fascinated to see that the relationship between Bhaktapur and Germany is History with a capital H. This relationship is interwoven with Nepal's decade-long struggle for democracy and local autonomy, and it changed both Bhaktapur and Germany.It changed Germany. German development cooperation came in the late seventies to reconstruct or preserve some of the world heritage treasures Bhaktapur harbours. What many people don't know: the encounter with Nepali politics in Bhaktapur had a deep influence on how the Germans thought and acted. The German development cooperation changed their original ideas, the methods, and even the staff.I also believe that it also changed Bhaktapur. The city’s political leadership adapted to those "foreigners" who stubbornly wanted to help, and they kept this relationship alive over the decades. Over the decades, Bhaktapur's success was a shared success story.Today, if you walk through Bhaktapur, the people of the city point not just to the buildings which still stand or function because of this relationship. They also tell you the stories about those who spent parts of their lives talking, negotiation, building and restoring in the city, and they reminisce that also the water supply ion the city was improved, architects were trained and schools flourished, because of this relationship.I believe our relationship is strong because it was able to incorporate big political change. Change over decades is the most important ingredient in the success story which German development cooperation shares with Bhaktapur.I am therefore confident that this relationship is there to last, and that it will be able to adapt again. To new capacities in the city, new challenges and to citizens which enjoy more rights than ever before.  I think we will again be able to see the city as a whole. Not just the havoc which the 2015 earthquake wrought over the city, but a living political entity with manifold and amazing capacities.Why did the German government pull out of the agreement to restore Bhaktapur monuments? "Pulled out" does not describe what happened, if you allow me to say sp. KfW cannot just "pull out". KfW, the German Development Bank, is an instrument of German Development Cooperation, a very valuable one, but it does not take those kind of decisions.What happened is that after two years of negotiations, one had to come to the conclusion that KfW had to defend modalities for a reconstruction grant because of its general mandate (not related to Bhaktapur), and that this could not be adapted to where Bhaktapur's leadership saw the city moving between 2015 and 2017.The conclusion was reached by the German Government and communicated to the Nepali Government before I reached Nepal. The recently elected mayor and myself, the new German ambassador, we have now the task to take stock and do what predecessors have done in the past: adapt to the realities and keep the relationship moving. For that is certainly what we want to do.I do not wish to discuss whether this disappointment could have avoided, because I was not there when all this happened. I prefer to think that those involved did actually try their best and that they still wish to help those who have to pick up the pieces where they lie and move on. If one modality of cooperation does not work, for a short period of time, that is not the end of the world, is it?Will the budget set aside for Bhaktapur be used elsewhere? By the end of the year, I expect the Nepal and German governments to take decisions on the current earthquake recovery funds in their entirety -- that is an immediate administrative necessity. That has to be awaited. But we have been transparent with the leadership of Bhaktapur during the preparation of this decision.What is at stake now is to listen very carefully to the political needs which Bhaktapur's leadership seen in a new, federal environment. We need to do this in a really holistic way. My hunch is that it will be very interesting to listen to Bhaktapur, not just for the Germans, but for many mayors and reconstruction experts in Nepal. That is what we think is a way forward.Bhaktapur, today, is not the Bhaktapur of the 1970s. But also the Government of Nepal is not the Government of that period of a king's rule. In this environment, Bhaktapur must be listened to, and I call on Bhaktapur to talk, teach, demonstrate and help analyse all things related to municipal development. How does it relate to tourism, local economy, religious heritage, infrastructure and buildings? That is at stake for so many more cities in Nepal, and we Germans want to use our contacts in order to be able to join the learning process.If in this process, good ideas emerge and people come together who have the courage to make them happen, the Germans will be part of it. I am sure we will find the best modality for cooperation in this new context. KfW was a possible instrument, but not the only one.Readers write<a id="js_blp" dir="ltr" href="https://www.facebook.com/devendra.basnet?fref=ufi&amp;rc=p" target="_self" data-ft="{" data-hovercard="/ajax/hovercard/hovercard.php?id=100000012551306&amp;extragetparams=%7B%22is_public%22%3Atrue%2C%22hc_location%22%3A%22ufi_admin%22%7D" aria-describedby="js_blo" aria-owns="">Devendra Basnet</a> As the saying goes 'there's no free lunch.' Specially when it comes to the world of foreign aid.<a href="https://twitter.com/KtmAktivist" data-user-id="2449702855">Amit Aryal‏ </a>This is inspiring on so many levels. Thank you for being a visionary leader! This is not only a learning moment for our cultural preservation but for Finance Ministers and Nepali bureaucrats that are often too eager to accept foreign assistance without realising its pitfalls.

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Clash of cultures in Bhaktapur

Sixty years ago Nepal established diplomatic relations with Germany when both countries were emerging from dark and difficult times, and both were trying to establish a new identity. They wanted to open up to the world and define a new place for themselves within it.Look at Nepal today: it has overcome decades of profiteering by a rent seeking elite, it has overcome a decade of civil strife, it has given itself a new, democratic, republican and federal constitution, and the Nepali people have validated all this by voting massively last year, installing the most <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/government-to-governance-editorial,4200" target="_blank" rel="noopener">powerful government</a> in Nepal’s modern history.This government, carried by a united party, knows it has to fulfill the promises which got it elected. It has the power and the wisdom to reconcile the country with its past and help it look boldly to the future. Building the future on the foundation of a well understood past shared by all will be a process.It cannot be achieved by the stroke of a pen or the handing out of some money from state coffers. But if this process gets to a credible start now in the coming two to five years, it will be empowering Nepali women and men like never before in history.From many conversations in the last nine months here, I am confident to say: It seems to feel good to be a Nepali today. And I can tell you myself: it feels good to be a German today.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107101156/6368d6cb9c7e80680e0314a6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1372" height="1832"/><figcaption>Foreign Minister Pradeep Gyawali and German Ambassador Roland Schafer unveil the logo for the 60th anniversary of Nepali-German diplomatic relations on Monday. Pic: German Embassy</figcaption></figure>We have been holding joint consultations on the next two years cycle of development cooperation between Germany and Nepal. Germany will continue to engage in the health and energy sectors, and will continue to work on enabling Nepali small and medium sized enterprises for a competitive world market.Our cooperation builds on decades of common work. <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19496#.Wwb1vzSFN0x" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bhaktapur</a> may have the longest story to tell about successes in our cooperation, about trust built, even after initial failures were overcome. This learning process never ends. I am happy to further engage with this proud, able city and its citizens on a cooperation that makes best use of what Bhaktapur can give to the nation and of what a modern Germany can contribute to this long standing partnership.Not all is government to government cooperation. We want to make Nepal a place for German and European industry to invest in. Employment will be created durably and reliably in this competitive world through private sector engagement.I thank Nepal for extending support to Germany in the upcoming election to non-permanent membership of the United Nations. We count on the support, so that we can work for multilateral peace-making, something to which Nepal’s army is contributing so much.And look at Germany today. The country is reunited, its 80 million people are part of a European Union of 500 million citizens who freely trade, travel, work and transfer assets among themselves. The European Union ensures the rule of law for all and organizes the outside protection of the Union territory.Germany has established its own particular brand of foreign and security policy – not so much by talking, but by how we behaved. We have taken on responsibility such as intervening militarily against dictatorship and ethnic cleansing in the Balkans, offering the parties to the conflict the option to become members of the European Union. But we refused to participate in the invasion of Iraq at the beginning of the century. The most important point for us today: the European Union as a whole is establishing its own Foreign and Security policy of which Germany is fully a part.Excerpt of a speech by Roland Schäfer, Ambassador of Germany to Nepal, on 20 May to mark the 60th anniversary of Nepal-Germany diplomatic relations.Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/Memory-and-forgiveness-internation-holocaust-day,1109" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Memory and forgiveness</a>, Roland Schäfer

Six decades of cooperation

Samsung Nepal has opened pre-orders for the Galaxy A57 5G and A37 5G. Both phones run Samsung’s One UI 8.5, featuring AI capabilities like voice transcription, Circle to Search, and photo editing. They feature a 50MP triple-camera system, a Super AMOLED display, and six years of OS and security updates.

Galaxy A series

Know your Ministers

‘One early morning, we heard the ambassador’s wife cry out, “Ram, Ram, Ram!” A disaster has befallen Nepal!” She had heard on the radio that a fire had consumed Singha Durbar." This is not about the arson attack on 9 September 2025, but the one on 8 July, 1973. It started in the South Wing of the then single-largest building in all of Nepal. It took two days to bring the blaze under control, requiring the use of explosives to demolish one wing to protect the imposing western facade. As Bhekh Bahadur Thapa recalls in the English translation of his memoir A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy, he was then on leave from the Nepal government serving with the IDRC in Ottawa.&nbsp; He had already served as Nepal’s Finance Secretary at age 25, went on to be Finance Minister and Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank. He was already younger than some of the GenZ ministers in Nepal’s present RSP government. Thapa, now 89, was at the launch of the book in February which was attended by former diplomats and bureaucrats. After speeches by panelists, there was a question from the audience about how Thapa had managed to be the diplomat he was, managing Nepal’s international relations on the world stage.&nbsp; Writer and journalist Akhilesh Upadhyay, who was moderating the panel, responded by going into the section of the book where we see Thapa as an ambassador to the US, playing tennis with White House officials, cultivating a network of contacts to project the identity and welfare of Nepal, and making it possible for a state visit by King Birendra to Ronald Reagan’s America. The book is full of anecdotes that suggest Thapa was a clever and strategic diplomat, always calm and unruffled, easily making friends in high places with his maturity and engaging sense of humour. Thapa’s memoir is heavy on details about Nepal’s administrative history during the years he was active in public service, serving as minister and ambassador under three kings: Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra, and alongside five prime ministers.&nbsp; Aside from an insider look on how certain treaties, development deals and research projects in Nepal came into fruition, Thapa goes into great detail about his personal and professional relationships with the kings, ministers, ambassadors, foreign leaders and politicians.&nbsp; As a reader, one is struck by the level of detail around the events that unfolded in Nepal over the years during Thapa’s tenure. Was Thapa recording a journal over the years of the events and the conversations that transpired, or were they committed to his phenomenal memory? Either way, the reader gets a glimpse of Nepal’s recent history from the early days of the Panchayat, through the People’s Movement and the democracy period, the Maoist insurgency, Royal Palace massacre of 2001, and Gyanendra’s coup of 2005.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1584" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="How to win friends and influence nations NT"> </figure>  Not enough is said about the political parties of the time whose presence led to the way Nepal’s multiparty democracy came to be shaped. The book keeps its focus on the administration and the key figures around it, mostly those in the Panchayat era. Towards the second half of the book, we do start to hear about political parties, but not in great depth. Another figure whose presence in the book is conspicuously less prominent is that of his wife, Rita Thapa — the person who seems to have rescued him every time financial quandary or family care became a challenge. Yet, we do not see her as a full person. Perhaps because of the personal tragedies in his life, the children are also barely mentioned.&nbsp; The book is therefore less personal and more technical. Throughout, we learn about Thapa’s thinking as he navigated the world of diplomacy to win him the trust of those who mattered. There are tips here for a new generation of Nepali officials and diplomats about how much commitment and focus is needed to be good at one’s job and serve the national interest. This book adds to tomes that have been written on Nepal’s fragile relationship with India. ‘India has always wished for Nepal to remain dependent on it,’ writes Thapa, who served as Nepal’s ambassador to India and later in the Eminent Persons Group &nbsp;on Indo-Nepal relations that has been allowed to languish. The book has several insights into the Indo-Nepal trysts with diplomacy and agency.&nbsp; China’s role is also recorded, viewed through conversations during a visit to Beijing, but all that was before Nepal’s neighbour to the north emerged as a world economic and military power. The book also has such sudden instances of quirkiness and humour. For instance, we see a young Thapa in America explaining to a government official why he would like to return to Nepal instead of settling down in the US. “Because, Nepal is beautiful,” he said. The text is immaculate and does not read much like a translation, credit for which clearly goes to the team that put the edition together: translator Prawin Adhikari, &nbsp;Anagha Neelakanthan and Bhekh Thapa’s daughter, Manjushree. As Nepal enters a new era of governance and diplomacy, A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy should be essential reading for students of political science, economics and foreign affairs who can gain a fresh perspective on the country’s trajectory.&nbsp; There are dozens of forgotten state secrets recorded in the book, but the reader must also remember this is a story told from one person’s perspective and there may be others.&nbsp; So, what really made Thapa the diplomat he was? I met him in 2004 at the Kantipur TV studio when he was serving as king Gyanendra’s foreign minister. He was there for a studio interview, and I was just done with my English newscast.&nbsp; He surprised me at the door: “Pratibha! I’ve been reading your articles in The Kathmandu Post. You must keep writing.” I thanked him, glad to have been noticed for my work by a stranger. That was perhaps one of the things that set Thapa apart — he excelled at staying close to those in power, while also noticing those who were not.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Book details"> </figure>

How to win friends and influence nations

Prime Minister Balendra Shah on Wednesday broke tradition and met with 17 foreign envoys collectively, a move that was a notable departure from how his predecessors operated.&nbsp;
Shah had already set himself apart by talking less, listening more, and delegating to trusted friends. But by meeting all ambassadors at one go in the presence of the Foreign Ministry, he signalled a paradigm shift in how he wants Nepal to be seen: no longer just balancing India and China, but as a country confident about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/tripolar-contestation-over-nepal">strategic importance and place in the world</a>.
In just two weeks, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rsp-dos-and-don-ts">RSP has sprung into action </a>on multiple fronts to implement its ambitious 100-point, 100-days action plan. It has taken short-term measures to mitigate the impact of the Gulf war, as well as medium- and long- term measures to streamline the bureaucracy. A few high-profile figures have been made examples of to drive the message home.
Earlier this week, the government recalled six politically appointed ambassadors, the most notable being long-serving Shankar Sharma from New Delhi. The Kathmandu District Court issued arrest warrants against former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his former foreign minister wife Arzu Rana on charges of money laundering and corruption.
Each ministry has been trying to clean up the accumulated rot from the past three decades: regulatory overhaul of microfinance, education, health and service delivery.&nbsp;
These actions widely disseminated campaign-style on YouTube and TikTok have made most Nepalis hopeful that the party they installed in power means business.
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BACKLASH
But such attempts to overhaul a long-entrenched political culture were bound to face backlash. In their impatience and enthusiasm to get things done, some of Prime Minister Shah’s ministers have over-reached.
It was common knowledge that government-paid advertising in the mainstream press was kickback-driven, but the PMO’s directive that official notices be published or broadcast only on state-run media has been denounced — especially as the media industry struggles to stay afloat.
More serious are some recent appointments by ministers of relatives and figures closely associated with the RSP to key positions. This has rankled because this party built its political plank on ending nepotism and graft.&nbsp;
News that Home Minister Sudan Gurung allegedly had not paid rent on leased land, which illegally encroached on the lake in Pokhara did not help. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Shah himself has come under scrutiny for appointing a kitchen cabinet full of male buddies from his time as Kathmandu mayor. To douse criticism he brought in as adviser investigative journalist Deepa Dahal, who has exposed corruption in high places of the previous coalitions.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment of another political adviser Asim Shah to the head Constitution Amendment Task Force, is also seen as problematic. He is a filmmaker and former lawmaker, but does not have a background in constitutional law.&nbsp;
Even more controversial is the Cabinet’s decision to appoint RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane’s legal counsel, Narayan Kandel, as Attorney General. Kandel used to be a UK permanent resident, and does not have as much experience practicing law in Nepal.&nbsp;
Kandel’s appointment drew flak and raised eyebrows, and with the pending legal cases against Lamichhane this appointment represents a flagrant conflict of interest.
Health Minister Nisha Mehta was also accused of favouritism after reappointing Junu Shrestha, wife of Labour Minister Dipak Kumar Shah, as member of the Health Insurance Board which had earlier suspended her. The Labour Minister’s rambling rant at the Board’s meeting on Tuesday has not helped the RSP’s image.&nbsp;
(UPDATE: On Thursday, Prime Minister Shah sacked the Labour Minister after the RSP found him in breach of the party's code of conduct and discipline. He served 14 days in the Cabinet, one of the shortest tenures for a minister in Nepal )
It is hard to know what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Balendra Shah is thinking</a>, and how Rabi Lamichhane is going to justify some of these moves. After all, making politics, governance, and bureaucracy a meritocracy has been the core tenet of the RSP, and it risks alienating its mainly youth base if these missteps persist.
But at least for now, most RSP supporters seem to be giving the party the benefit of doubt.

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