In September 2024, world leaders will gather to forge a new consensus on bridging the digital divide to deliver a better present and safeguarding our future. The United Nations has proposed a Global Digital Compact to be signed at that Summit to connect 2.7 billion more people, and develop principles and standards for data protection and privacy, sharpen accountability for malicious acts online and convene stakeholders to align AI technology.
The signing of the UN Global Digital Compact is on the horizon. What will Nepal’s role be? Where are we with our own research, planning and preparation? Who will represent Nepal in negotiations, and what are our objectives? Are we forming alliances with countries facing similar challenges to address the downsides of generative AI, or are we demanding the presence of content moderation teams on the ground from large tech platforms?
In October, I &nbsp;attended the UN Internet Governance Forum (IGF) in Kyoto (pictured, above), &nbsp;and the experience made it clear that every country needs to be ready for the digital age. Nations and the international community must therefore team up and do their part to succeed in the fast-changing digital world.&nbsp;
In one of our Parliament committee meetings, members proposed ideas aimed at curbing the spread of fake news, including a suggestion to require individuals with more than 10,000 social media followers to register their accounts. While the intent behind these proposals is to combat disinformation, it could have a potential impact on free speech and dissenting voices. These proposed laws could inadvertently silence those who challenge the status quo.
Recently, the Nepal government banned TikTok following the Cabinet's social media directives. The misinformation/disinformation campaign requires effective management, but resorting to platform shutdowns is an extreme measure.&nbsp;
This decision raises concerns as it encroaches upon the fundamental right of freedom of expression. Shutting down platforms without a proper legal basis can be perceived as an authoritarian move, undermining the principles of open dialogue and democratic governance.
Additionally, a recent pivotal development is the breaking up of the old Information Technology Bill, which was originally abandoned due to controversial social media governance provisions. This bill is now being segmented into a Cyber Security Bill, a Social Media Bill, and a Software Technology Bill.
In 2013, a Master Plan on Information and Communication Technology in Education was formulated and launched with the technical support of UNESCO but was never implemented. Now, we have moved on to ICT Masterplan 2 prompting a question if our approach to Nepal's digitisation is on the right track. Are our investments yielding results? Are the organisations in place equipped with the appropriate Terms of Reference (ToR) to effectively support this endeavour?
Furthermore, there is a pressing need to establish clear standards for the plethora of software procured across various ministries and government levels. What about Annual Maintenance Contracts (AMCs)? Are these comprehensive, covering end-to-end procurements? Specifically, we must inquire whether contracts for entities like the passport office or national ID issuance include hardware component costs within the AMC, while separately addressing the maintenance and depreciation of physical assets.
During our examination of the digitisation process, we were made aware of cabinet-approved Digital Framework Nepal, but the document is collecting dust in a drawer. Soon after, we organised IT Bill Hackathon with software companies in Kathmandu to further identify problems within our system. One of the key lessons was the opaqueness of the legal language to the tech community, and their challenges to exist within legal frameworks that are complex to navigate and lack adequate support for their growth.&nbsp;
If we take a step back, we will find that digital literacy among Nepalis varies greatly. While some are proficient, many lack basic skills like creating strong passwords, accepting cookies, and using public Wi-Fi safely. Open-source software adoption is limited, illustrated by the Election Commission website's reliance on proprietary software. Efforts for digital literacy and inclusion lack coordination, with uncertainty about roles and stakeholders. A more unified approach is needed to enhance digital literacy and inclusion in Nepal.
In Kyoto I learned how different countries are adopting unique strategies for digitisation and software development. For example, even in a technologically advanced nation like France, approximately 80% of data analysis required for decision-making can be effectively executed using MS Excel.&nbsp;
This raises the pertinent question of whether our incessant drive for procurement leaves us overlooking the potential for adaptation and localisation from the Digital Public Goods library, a valuable resource that often goes untapped. There are many things Nepal can do, immediately and in the long term.&nbsp;
Nepal can immediately establish government teams to engage with the public and encourage new ideas and for organisations to participate. It should create a platform for knowledge-sharing on technology, both within Nepal and globally.
It is crucial to transition from closed-loop systems to open-source solutions, making source code accessible and transparent. This way, codes developed with taxpayers' money can be reviewed by the public, fostering accountability.&nbsp;
During various IGF panels featuring parliamentarians and researchers, the consensus was clear: the digital age necessitates robust data policies. A vital component of this is comprehensive data legislation. Such an act must establish clear guidelines regarding the collection, storage, and usage of data, encompassing healthcare, consumer, and individual national identification such as citizenship, passport, PAN, or national ID.&nbsp;
Defining what data is collected, how and where it is stored, and for how long, as well as specifying how data is used, who has access, and under what conditions access can be overridden, are among the critical issues that require precise demarcation.&nbsp;
This Data Act would apply to government agencies, non-governmental agencies, and private companies operating in Nepal, serving as the foundation for the country's national and international data-sharing policies while fostering competitive marketplaces to support SMEs. We have to make sure that people in Nepal are well-informed about the internet's management, that they have a say in it, and that the government is transparent and responsible in how they oversee it.
Nepal needs to look into best practices across the world, and we should invest our efforts in researching them. Moreover, we need to make sure that the research is well-communicated to the legislators and lawmakers, otherwise we risk repeating what we did with the TikTok ban where the Home Ministry conducted a study but lawmakers had no clue. This level of information gap even from the government to the legislation will instead create barriers in the democratic lawmaking process.
Once we are ready at the national level, we need to think globally. The Global Digital Compact is as fundamental as agreeing on human rights issues. But we must be clear about how we will put these international agreements into action at home.&nbsp;
One question that emerged prominently in the IGF was the significance of realistic implementation plans. It is at this stage that many developing countries encounter roadblocks, owing to resource constraints and capacity limitations. For a practical digitisation plan, we need clear goals, resources, and choices we are willing to make. We must focus on what works for our specific challenges, instead of getting carried away with big ideas.
For instance, an educational mobile application alone cannot substitute for a lack of teachers in the classroom, nor can an agriculture app solely resolve the issue of market access for farmers. Often, the core issues are rooted in supply chain management and other fundamental areas. While digitisation is the way forward, trends should not distract us from the real challenges we face. Focusing on genuine problem-solving, rather than the appearance of technological advancement, is the key to realising tangible benefits from digitisation.
Again, planning on a national level is just the beginning; we also need help from the international community to set our goals and standards. This two-pronged approach is essential for dealing with global digital challenges. Even though there has been progress, more than 60% of Nepal still do not have access to fiber internet. This means we are not getting all the advantages of the internet. Nepal must train a big tech workforce that is skilled in different digital areas like cybersecurity, software, data management, and more. We should work together to boost our talent and connect them with the world.
It is heartening to see the wealth of resources available, and the ways to foster these connections. Potential resource pools — training in cybersecurity, opportunities to present research at IGF, and the chance for Nepalis to showcase their work in workshops -- can all be utilised to create a thriving digital ecosystem.
As we approach the signing of this compact, we must unite and brainstorm on how to make these aspirations a reality. Together, we can pave the way for a brighter digital future for Nepal.
Sumana Shrestha is a Member of the House of Representatives and a member of the Education, Health and Information Technology parliamentary committee. She is with the Rastriya Swatantara Party.&nbsp;

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Improving internet governance in Nepal

Samsung Nepal has opened pre-orders for the Galaxy A57 5G and A37 5G. Both phones run Samsung’s One UI 8.5, featuring AI capabilities like voice transcription, Circle to Search, and photo editing. They feature a 50MP triple-camera system, a Super AMOLED display, and six years of OS and security updates.

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Know your Ministers

‘One early morning, we heard the ambassador’s wife cry out, “Ram, Ram, Ram!” A disaster has befallen Nepal!” She had heard on the radio that a fire had consumed Singha Durbar." This is not about the arson attack on 9 September 2025, but the one on 8 July, 1973. It started in the South Wing of the then single-largest building in all of Nepal. It took two days to bring the blaze under control, requiring the use of explosives to demolish one wing to protect the imposing western facade. As Bhekh Bahadur Thapa recalls in the English translation of his memoir A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy, he was then on leave from the Nepal government serving with the IDRC in Ottawa.&nbsp; He had already served as Nepal’s Finance Secretary at age 25, went on to be Finance Minister and Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank. He was already younger than some of the GenZ ministers in Nepal’s present RSP government. Thapa, now 89, was at the launch of the book in February which was attended by former diplomats and bureaucrats. After speeches by panelists, there was a question from the audience about how Thapa had managed to be the diplomat he was, managing Nepal’s international relations on the world stage.&nbsp; Writer and journalist Akhilesh Upadhyay, who was moderating the panel, responded by going into the section of the book where we see Thapa as an ambassador to the US, playing tennis with White House officials, cultivating a network of contacts to project the identity and welfare of Nepal, and making it possible for a state visit by King Birendra to Ronald Reagan’s America. The book is full of anecdotes that suggest Thapa was a clever and strategic diplomat, always calm and unruffled, easily making friends in high places with his maturity and engaging sense of humour. Thapa’s memoir is heavy on details about Nepal’s administrative history during the years he was active in public service, serving as minister and ambassador under three kings: Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra, and alongside five prime ministers.&nbsp; Aside from an insider look on how certain treaties, development deals and research projects in Nepal came into fruition, Thapa goes into great detail about his personal and professional relationships with the kings, ministers, ambassadors, foreign leaders and politicians.&nbsp; As a reader, one is struck by the level of detail around the events that unfolded in Nepal over the years during Thapa’s tenure. Was Thapa recording a journal over the years of the events and the conversations that transpired, or were they committed to his phenomenal memory? Either way, the reader gets a glimpse of Nepal’s recent history from the early days of the Panchayat, through the People’s Movement and the democracy period, the Maoist insurgency, Royal Palace massacre of 2001, and Gyanendra’s coup of 2005.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1584" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="How to win friends and influence nations NT"> </figure>  Not enough is said about the political parties of the time whose presence led to the way Nepal’s multiparty democracy came to be shaped. The book keeps its focus on the administration and the key figures around it, mostly those in the Panchayat era. Towards the second half of the book, we do start to hear about political parties, but not in great depth. Another figure whose presence in the book is conspicuously less prominent is that of his wife, Rita Thapa — the person who seems to have rescued him every time financial quandary or family care became a challenge. Yet, we do not see her as a full person. Perhaps because of the personal tragedies in his life, the children are also barely mentioned.&nbsp; The book is therefore less personal and more technical. Throughout, we learn about Thapa’s thinking as he navigated the world of diplomacy to win him the trust of those who mattered. There are tips here for a new generation of Nepali officials and diplomats about how much commitment and focus is needed to be good at one’s job and serve the national interest. This book adds to tomes that have been written on Nepal’s fragile relationship with India. ‘India has always wished for Nepal to remain dependent on it,’ writes Thapa, who served as Nepal’s ambassador to India and later in the Eminent Persons Group &nbsp;on Indo-Nepal relations that has been allowed to languish. The book has several insights into the Indo-Nepal trysts with diplomacy and agency.&nbsp; China’s role is also recorded, viewed through conversations during a visit to Beijing, but all that was before Nepal’s neighbour to the north emerged as a world economic and military power. The book also has such sudden instances of quirkiness and humour. For instance, we see a young Thapa in America explaining to a government official why he would like to return to Nepal instead of settling down in the US. “Because, Nepal is beautiful,” he said. The text is immaculate and does not read much like a translation, credit for which clearly goes to the team that put the edition together: translator Prawin Adhikari, &nbsp;Anagha Neelakanthan and Bhekh Thapa’s daughter, Manjushree. As Nepal enters a new era of governance and diplomacy, A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy should be essential reading for students of political science, economics and foreign affairs who can gain a fresh perspective on the country’s trajectory.&nbsp; There are dozens of forgotten state secrets recorded in the book, but the reader must also remember this is a story told from one person’s perspective and there may be others.&nbsp; So, what really made Thapa the diplomat he was? I met him in 2004 at the Kantipur TV studio when he was serving as king Gyanendra’s foreign minister. He was there for a studio interview, and I was just done with my English newscast.&nbsp; He surprised me at the door: “Pratibha! I’ve been reading your articles in The Kathmandu Post. You must keep writing.” I thanked him, glad to have been noticed for my work by a stranger. That was perhaps one of the things that set Thapa apart — he excelled at staying close to those in power, while also noticing those who were not.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Book details"> </figure>

How to win friends and influence nations

Prime Minister Balendra Shah on Wednesday broke tradition and met with 17 foreign envoys collectively, a move that was a notable departure from how his predecessors operated.&nbsp;
Shah had already set himself apart by talking less, listening more, and delegating to trusted friends. But by meeting all ambassadors at one go in the presence of the Foreign Ministry, he signalled a paradigm shift in how he wants Nepal to be seen: no longer just balancing India and China, but as a country confident about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/tripolar-contestation-over-nepal">strategic importance and place in the world</a>.
In just two weeks, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rsp-dos-and-don-ts">RSP has sprung into action </a>on multiple fronts to implement its ambitious 100-point, 100-days action plan. It has taken short-term measures to mitigate the impact of the Gulf war, as well as medium- and long- term measures to streamline the bureaucracy. A few high-profile figures have been made examples of to drive the message home.
Earlier this week, the government recalled six politically appointed ambassadors, the most notable being long-serving Shankar Sharma from New Delhi. The Kathmandu District Court issued arrest warrants against former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his former foreign minister wife Arzu Rana on charges of money laundering and corruption.
Each ministry has been trying to clean up the accumulated rot from the past three decades: regulatory overhaul of microfinance, education, health and service delivery.&nbsp;
These actions widely disseminated campaign-style on YouTube and TikTok have made most Nepalis hopeful that the party they installed in power means business.
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BACKLASH
But such attempts to overhaul a long-entrenched political culture were bound to face backlash. In their impatience and enthusiasm to get things done, some of Prime Minister Shah’s ministers have over-reached.
It was common knowledge that government-paid advertising in the mainstream press was kickback-driven, but the PMO’s directive that official notices be published or broadcast only on state-run media has been denounced — especially as the media industry struggles to stay afloat.
More serious are some recent appointments by ministers of relatives and figures closely associated with the RSP to key positions. This has rankled because this party built its political plank on ending nepotism and graft.&nbsp;
News that Home Minister Sudan Gurung allegedly had not paid rent on leased land, which illegally encroached on the lake in Pokhara did not help. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Shah himself has come under scrutiny for appointing a kitchen cabinet full of male buddies from his time as Kathmandu mayor. To douse criticism he brought in as adviser investigative journalist Deepa Dahal, who has exposed corruption in high places of the previous coalitions.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment of another political adviser Asim Shah to the head Constitution Amendment Task Force, is also seen as problematic. He is a filmmaker and former lawmaker, but does not have a background in constitutional law.&nbsp;
Even more controversial is the Cabinet’s decision to appoint RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane’s legal counsel, Narayan Kandel, as Attorney General. Kandel used to be a UK permanent resident, and does not have as much experience practicing law in Nepal.&nbsp;
Kandel’s appointment drew flak and raised eyebrows, and with the pending legal cases against Lamichhane this appointment represents a flagrant conflict of interest.
Health Minister Nisha Mehta was also accused of favouritism after reappointing Junu Shrestha, wife of Labour Minister Dipak Kumar Shah, as member of the Health Insurance Board which had earlier suspended her. The Labour Minister’s rambling rant at the Board’s meeting on Tuesday has not helped the RSP’s image.&nbsp;
(UPDATE: On Thursday, Prime Minister Shah sacked the Labour Minister after the RSP found him in breach of the party's code of conduct and discipline. He served 14 days in the Cabinet, one of the shortest tenures for a minister in Nepal )
It is hard to know what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Balendra Shah is thinking</a>, and how Rabi Lamichhane is going to justify some of these moves. After all, making politics, governance, and bureaucracy a meritocracy has been the core tenet of the RSP, and it risks alienating its mainly youth base if these missteps persist.
But at least for now, most RSP supporters seem to be giving the party the benefit of doubt.

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Improving internet governance in Nepal

Galaxy A series

Know your Ministers

How to win friends and influence nations

Nepal’s new government springs into action