<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109171148/636bd9c89c7e80680e080231jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="382"/>"How thirsty he must be. I hope his fast will end soon," said Dr Govinda KC's mother on a video that was shared online. Her sentiment is shared by all Nepalis who have followed the good doctor's deadly fight to bring public health and medical education within reach of the poor and marginalised.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFTJRkkeReUxhpJRF19ZanYnXXb2A">Govinda KC</a>, in his 19th fast-unto-death, has repeatedly suspended his satyagraha after <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/what-govinda-kc-wants,3869" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/what-govinda-kc-wants,3869&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEmpJigWxi8p6Bsr_E70h-44WcP6Q">assurances were received</a> from <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/govinda-kc-fast-unto-death-in-ilam/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/govinda-kc-fast-unto-death-in-ilam/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFeyHKa6MBWhx_440xAr9usYYhEFA">successive governments</a>, seems to be in no mood this time to go by mere commitment. He wants action on the ground.Already, KC has single-handedly demonstrated through his own work how to meet the people’s medical needs. With decades of experience helping the people as an orthopaedic surgeon at the Teaching Hospital and through <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/govinda-kc-treats-patients-in-remote-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/govinda-kc-treats-patients-in-remote-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHhequygAcubujyIcr1Fsw3S8iPVg">treks into under-served parts</a> he knows well the importance of getting medical care to the capillaries.Many people ask Govinda KC not to go into his fasts, and put his life at risk for a topic as technical as public health and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/07/10/kcs-crusade/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/07/10/kcs-crusade/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNH-ptZCHiu_GNhKBMVMDbrcE4Uvhg">medical education</a>. But it is his breadth of experience as well as his depth of commitment to the public's need that provides him the logic for his fasts. These are not 'technical' subjects, but ones that make a difference to the lives of millions of Nepalis.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/declare-a-health-emergency/">Declare a health emergency</a>, Shekhar KharelGovinda KC is <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/One-To-Many/Truth-be-told%20,749" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/One-To-Many/Truth-be-told%2520,749&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHxSdRF_n8ksbT9STpKNnjiu8fXyQ">beyond a concerned Nepali citizen</a> with deep commitment built on decades of experience. He is an internationalist who has travelled on his own money to Pakistan, Indonesia, Burma and Haiti when disaster has struck, be it a tsunami, cyclones or earthquakes. At a moment's notice, when there is a crisis anywhere in the country, he is on a night bus, traveling like the people, with a tiny shoulder bag to serve those in distress.Indeed, it does not behoove those who have not shown his level of dedication to the poor to have a holier-than-thou opinion on his fast. At the very least, before they opine on the appropriateness of his hunger strikes, they have to ask whether the issues he has raised are appropriate or not.The good news is that so many of Govinda KC's demands have been fulfilled by the government or are in the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/We-will-address,3271" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/We-will-address,3271&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGLv4YrJg03vigg55T2RcLy3w71zw">process of being addressed</a>. Even this would not have been possible had he not kept up the pressure on governments.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/kcs-fast-highlights-nepals-covid-19-failure/">KC's fast highlights Nepal's Covid-19 failure</a>, Ramu SapkotaWith <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/headline/the-unshakeable,3859" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/headline/the-unshakeable,3859&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824286000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEGXGKiw5sqDhYiaxBQEDqeGrWH5A">his many hunger strikes</a>, Govinda KC’s body has taken a beating. With every fast, he has become weaker, and there is no doubt that on his 25th day of this hunger strike, his life is in clear and present danger.This is the longest that any government has waited without even forming a negotiating team to talk to Govinda KC. On the one hand, this shows the sheer arrogance of the government led by Prime Minister K P Oli, whose well-known distaste for decision-making on the basis of populist pressure seems to have got the better of his sense of empathy, humanity and good sense.Oli should understand that KC's campaign is the best thing that could have happened in terms of the goals of the new Constitution of Nepal, which guarantees the people's right to life and right to health. Indeed, we do not see what else could be more 'socialism oriented' (as the Constitution describes Nepali society) than efforts to make health and medical support available to the people at large.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/as-virus-spreads-kathmandu-hospitals-strain-to-cope/">As virus spreads, Kathmandu hospitals to strain to cope</a>, Sonia AwaleIt was only on the 23rd day that the government, with the Prime Minister's okay, sent a representative to meet with KC, in the person of Education Secretary Gopi Mainali. As the public clamour for governmental response continued, the government named Mainali as the head of a three-member bureaucrats' team for talks. Promptly, KC formed his own team led by Jiwan Kshetri, a pathologist and opinion-maker.Govinda KC's many demands have been whittled down to six key points he wants the government to complete. One of them is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824286000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEJNMZXM99XJS1mK5qE8YKr-Og-IA">a medical college to be established immediately in Karnali Province</a>, as part of his department for a government-run teaching hospital in each province. He also wants an amendment to the Health Profession Education Act, and for appointments to the Institute of Medicine (Teaching Hospital) to be made on the basis of seniority, to obviate politicisation of a key institution in the medical universe of the country.We do not feel that the government team will have difficulty agreeing to conditions set by KC's team, and they should agree so that KC will give up his fast and get started on what is bound to be a slow recovery. Further, the government team as well as the Prime Minister's Office should ensure that there are no delays in the implementation process, which would ensure KC starting another hunger strike.For now, all we can do is salute Govinda KC for his commitment to the people's right to life and right to health.

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Govinda KC and the Right to Life

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109151116/636bb69d9c7e80680e07bc71jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="477"/><figcaption>Illustration: BHANU BHATTARAI</figcaption></figure>Last week, Nepal’s Health Ministry said it would recommend another lockdown if active Covid-19 cases crossed 25,000 mark.Given that 5% of coronavirus patients are now requiring ventilator and ICU treatment, the decision reflected the government’s realisation that it was running out of hospital beds and health infrastructure. The Health Ministry has already decided to charge fees for PCR even in the government labs, citing its inability to pay for tests for all suspected cases.“The government is no longer able to treat coronavirus patients and this pandemic has exposed Nepal’s fragile infrastructure,” says public health expert Sujanbabu Marhatha.But for that Nepal needs fully-equipped and well-staffed hospitals providing services all over the country. This in turn requires medical colleges to produce sufficient health professionals. Which is what has been driving <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/One-To-Many/Truth-be-told%20,749" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Govinda KC</a> for the past 20 years to push for healthcare for all Nepalis.His activism has involved <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/govinda-kc-treats-patients-in-remote-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">treating patients in under-served parts of Nepal</a>, and to push for specialist health care in remote areas, and setting up government medical colleges in all seven provinces.The government has repeatedly <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/We-will-address,3271" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">promised to meet his demands</a> just to get him to call off his hunger strikes, and then ignoring them. As a direct result of these lapses, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-has-decided-to-live-with-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepali state has been unable to cope</a> with the testing, tracing, quarantining and treatment necessary to control and manage the Covid-19 pandemic.Instead, critics and supporters of KC say the state is entirely focused on destroying public health structure by supporting and protecting <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Nepal-medical-education-system-infested-by-corrupt-investors-with-political-protection,2585" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">medical education mafia and profit-oriented private hospitals</a>.If there were government colleges across the country by now, the gap in service delivery and shortage in medical equipment would have been filled to a large extent, as each of these institutions would have adequate test kits and essential ventilators and ICU beds.People could have got healthcare at the local level without having to travel to the cities during the pandemic. Instead, many lives have been lost unnecessarily <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/children-are-collateral-damage-in-nepal-lockdown/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">not just due to Covid-19</a> but also from other chronic diseases because patients could not get to hospitals because of the lockdown, or because they were afraid to go there for fear of infection. Meanwhile, private institutions are overcharging for PCR tests.KC’s activism has its roots in 2010 bribery case in the entrance examination of the Institute of Medical Education (IOM) that exposed the culture of sale and purchase of medical education in Nepal. The IOM is responsible for conducting medical exams, selects eligible students for admission in affiliated private colleges, and regulates the quality of teaching.The dean of the IOM is a coveted position, but the appointment is political, which means lack of transparency in the admission of students. Medical colleges have been admitting pupils who pay higher fees over those who are eligible.<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">KC started his campaign in 2012</a>, and since then has been demanding the government to end political appointments at the IOM and to ensure transparency in admissions and examinations.The points from his first hunger strike eight years ago have still not been met even as he went on his 19th fast unto death on 14 September in Jumla. This time, he also demanded the decentralisation of medical care, priority for medical students in remote areas, and provision of health services in rural regions.In his 19th fast, KC has demanded that government establish state-run medical schools with necessary infrastructure and resources in each province.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109151116/636bb6a09c7e80680e07bc72jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="600"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>On 17 June, prime minister K P Oli’s personal doctor Divya Singh was made the Dean of IOM, a political appointment that was met with heavy criticism in the public sphere.Medical education reform activist Jiwan Chettri says: “Most of the appointments at the IOM are of those who have political influence. This will surely bring down the institute and hospitals operating under it. The need to focus on building stronger health structure is more visible than ever during this pandemic.”<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/state-of-the-art-rural-hospital/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Achham’s Bayalpata hospital</a> has been providing free health service for the Nepal’s poor with support from the non-profit Nyaya Health Nepal. But the hospital is struggling because of a funding crunch, and one of KC’s demands is that the government step in to support Bayalpata.The government is more intent on supporting tycoon <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/red-rice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Durga Prasai’s B&amp;C Medical College</a> in Jhapa by bending the rules in the Medical Education Act.The act stipulates that a university may not be affiliated to more than five medical colleges, that the university may not allow the college to operate as an expanded program, and that universities outside the Valley may be affiliated to other colleges only after conducting their own MBBS/BDS programs.Following another <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/starving-for-justice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">hunger strike</a> by KC two years ago, the government agreed to amend the Act such so that a university cannot be affiliated to more than five medical colleges. But there has been no progress there either. In fact, final preparations are being made to affiliate B&amp;C Medical College to Kathmandu University.Member of Nepal Medical Council Dhundi Raj Poudel says that Nepal’s universities are incapable of giving affiliations to more than five medical colleges."Regular inspections and examinations should be conducted to find out the condition of the affiliated colleges. But Tribhuvan University and Kathmandu University themselves don’t have sufficient faculty members," he said.In yet another written only commitment, following an agreement with KC on his 15th hunger strike in 2018, the government formed a committee to set up an MBBS program at the Karnali Institute of Health Sciences. Nothing has happened.“MBBS program at Karnali and from other government level will stop the business of private colleges, which is why the government hasn’t prioritised it,” explains Jiwan Chettri.Not long ago, Sunil Sharma, the operator of Nobel Medical College in Biratnagar invested Rs1.7 billion in Kathmandu Medical College. Sharma is the same person whose Grade 12 certificate was found to have been forged during a Central Investigation Bureau (CIB) probe in 2016. Unable to arrest Sharma, the CIB had then placed him in the wanted list.Last year, students accused Chitwan Medical College in Bharatpur, National Medical College in Birgunj and Noble Medical College in Biratnagar of charging more than the prescribed fee. But the promoters have such high level political connections that nothing happened to them.Similarly, after students in Gandaki Medical College in Pokhara staged protests over high tuition fees, a Parliament sub-committee last year ordered an investigation, which eventually concluded that most medical colleges were charging illegally high fees. The report, however, did not recommend any action against the colleges. On the contrary, it suggested increasing fees and seats in colleges.When <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/killing-a-crusader,3164" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Lokman Singh Karki was the head of the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority</a> (CIAA), he openly favoured his brother Balman Singh Karki, who was the director of Kist Medical College when private medical education does not even fall under jurisdiction of the authority. In 2013, the CIAA under Karki directed the Medical Council to maintain the number of seats in nine medical colleges going against a government policy.While <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/headline/the-unshakeable,3859" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">KC repeatedly puts his life on the line</a> for reforming medical education and making medical care affordable and accessible to all Nepalis, the government is out to back its cronies in the lucrative private healthcare sector.Former Registrar of Nepal Medical Council Baburam Marasini blames negligence and corruption since the 1990s as the main culprit behind <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/unhealthy-politics,3298" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">poor quality of medical education</a>."Back then we couldn’t reform medical education under the pressure from the prime minister and education minister,” he says. “The Medical Council’s powers were cut, and now that medical care is commercialised the quality of medical education has deteriorated even further.”Meanwhile, senior figures in the NCP government regularly pass disparaging remarks about Govinda KC, calling him “mad” and ridiculing his hunger strikes. Last week, KC was forcibly moved to the Trauma Centre when he flew in from Jumla via Nepalganj half-way through his hunger strike.KC is on the 16th day of his current hunger strike, and doctors say his condition is deteriorating rapidly.

KC’s fast highlights Nepal’s Covid-19 failure

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101132/636a22579c7e80680e041783jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="878"/><figcaption>Bhim Chapagain/Nagarik</figcaption></figure>Bhim Chapagain in Nagarik, 10 JanuaryGovinda KC, who has been on 15 fast-unto-death protests to demand reforms in medical sector, began his 16th protest in Ilam on Wednesday after Parliament’s Education and Health Committee passed the Medical Education Bill in violation of the agreement made with him.He has begun a new phase of protests with six demands, asking for the Medical Education Bill to be amended before it is passed by the full Parliament. KC reached Ilam on Tuesday, and organised a press meet on Wednesday evening to announce his  protest at a private home near the Tundikhel.“By violating the agreement, the Parliamentary Committee has prepared a bill that is not oriented towards the people but the mafia,” he said. Hundreds of people attended to express solidarity with his protest.Some of KC’s previous demands have been fulfilled by this bill. For example, the bill restricts opening new medical colleges in Kathmandu for the next ten years, requires that medical colleges should be non-profit, and has provisions for scholarships to make medical education accessible to all.However, many previous demands remain unfulfilled, and KC has asked that the bill be amended to reflect word for word the agreement made with him on Aug 26 of this year. Besides that, he has also made the following demands:<ul><li>Tribhuvan University officials found guilty by the Gauri Bahadur Karki investigation committee should be sacked immediately. The Institute of Medicine should be restored with the rights taken over by TU. Planned affiliations through Agriculture and Forestry Ministry that defy the cabinet decision should be cancelled and the culprits punished.</li> 	<li>Medical Colleges should be opened in all seven provinces.</li> 	<li>The culprit of Nirmala Panta’s rape and murder case should be apprehended and punished, and those colluding in hiding the evidence should also be punished.</li> 	<li>Wartime crimes should be processed and the guilty punished according to international laws. Victims should be heard and transitional justice process should be concluded.</li> 	<li>Kathmandu University should roll back the high fees it is charging in defiance of the government’s decision, and those responsible be punished.</li></ul>KC began his protest by drinking a glass of water, and said he will only drink water during his protest. He added: “I am fighting for 30 million Nepalis, so I don’t care whether I live or die.”

Govinda KC fast-unto-death in Ilam

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714114/636902a69c7e80680e037c77jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="933"/><figcaption>Krishna Paudel</figcaption></figure>Even if it has a comfortable majority in Parliament, no one should envy the current Communist rulers of Nepal. Prime Minister K P Oli, for all his bluster and swagger, confronts a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/that-sinking-feeling/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">mountain of mounting troubles</a>.Some of them, to be sure, are inherited from failed previous regimes. Oli was partly right in blaming his predecessors for the state of the streets of the capital this monsoon which look like they are pocked with calderas. But it is also true that he was one of his own predecessors, and the mayors belonging to his party have done zilch to fix the roads in the year since they assumed office.The dreadful state of Kathmandu’s thoroughfares today are emblematic of the state of the nation.However, there have been <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/two-thirds-empty/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">signs the PM is beginning to see the writing on the wall</a>. His teams managed to convince to call off the hunger strikes of two activists in the nick of time before the tragedy of their deaths triggered a larger national emergency.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=10582&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Muddling along</a>, Rameshwor Bohara<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/gangamaya-breaks-fast/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Gangamaya Adhikari put off her fast</a> after the government agreed to demands that her son’s murderers be brought to trial. This set a precedent for all other <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rocky-transition-to-justice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">transitional justice</a> cases for families of war victims still awaiting closure.After bungling its response to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/starving-for-justice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Govinda KC’s hunger strike</a> by its initial unwillingness to address his demand for reforms in medical education, the government began negotiating in earnest only after the fast was about to enter its fourth week, and the doctor was in danger of suffering multiple organ failure.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/two-thirds-empty/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Two-thirds empty</a> , EditorialThe question arises why, if such a bold intervention by the Prime Minister was possible, did the government take the risk of waiting so long to even negotiate? Why did the police dupe KC? The brinkmanship cost the NCP, and Oli personally, much public support. It convinced many (even those who voted Communist) that the leaders had lost their way. A government that said it was here for the next five years squandered most of its trust in just five months.There have been many other issues which the government has mishandled, botched, or been recklessly cavalier about. There has been an all-around squeeze on open society. Few disagreed that the activities of outside agencies in relief and development needed better monitoring, but the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-crow-and-the-scarecrow/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">government’s draft code of conduct for INGOs and donors</a> appeared to have been designed less to regulate, and more for control.Widespread criticism of the move seems to have rattled officials. A minister told representatives of the donor and diplomatic community that the guidelines were just a draft, and merely suggestions. But some other ministers have lashed out at critics in xenophobic tones, calling them ‘dollar farmers’. The Prime Minister himself assured members of a party-affiliated media club of handsome rewards if they wrote in support of the government, and his Information Minister this week scolded editors who dared express solidarity with <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Govinda KC</a>.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/let-a-thousand-flowers-bloom/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Fears of a drift towards authoritarianism</a>, especially, appears to have hit a raw nerve. Ministers who should be reassuring the public, have gone around banning programs critical of them, or issuing open threats, duly amplified by the Facebook faithful. The lesson we should learn from the doublespeak in totalitarian states is to take what officials assert most emphatically with a pinch of salt because that is what is farthest from the truth.The Nepali people had collectively thought that by giving the NCP such a thumping majority, that would end the incessant squabbling and the instability that had become the norm in the coalition governments in the past decades. The people trusted that the NCP would use its majority wisely to address some of the country’s structural problems and deliver better living standards.However, the government has been kept so busy firefighting from day-to-day (much of it caused by its own actions. it must be said) that it has had little time to pay attention to the other looming crises.The government needs all the allies it can get in confronting the challenges ahead: delivering affordable quality health and education, fixing crumbling infrastructure, curbing inflation, extortion and corruption, and the biggest hurdle of all: finding jobs for the 700,000 young Nepalis who enter the job market every year.The federal government is dilly-dallying in providing the constitutionally stipulated legal framework for provincial and local governments, which has brought the centre in direct confrontation with the periphery. The blame for some of the outlandish decisions by provincial governments, like the new tax on bicycles announced by one of them, is therefore being heaped on Kathmandu.The few correct decisions taken in the past weeks (<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/when-our-son-was-killed/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Gangamaya</a>, Govinda KC) happened because Prime Minister Oli responded to public opinion. That should serve as an important template for the future.<h2>10 years ago this week</h2>The Nepali Times Editorial from ten years ago this week (#411, 1-7 August 2008) was titled ‘A Million mutinies’ and drew attention to the country sliding into ethnicity-based politics. Excerpt:‘This past week of tyre-burning proved, if proof is still needed, just how volatile and unstable the political situation still is. The spark of the vice-president’s ill-advised decision to take his oath in the official language of a neighbouring country lit the brush fire. The lingering political deadlock fanned it.It wasn’t supposed to be like this. The entire point about the political transition of the past two years was to install stability so that the constitution-making process could go ahead without pressure groups rampaging in the streets. Any grandstanding on sensitive topics such as ethnicity-based federalism was supposed to happen on the floor of the house, not on the asphalt outside.’<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714114/636902a99c7e80680e037c78jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="1013">

DOUBLESPEAK

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121148/6368f09c9c7e80680e0359e2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Dr. Govinda KC when he was brought to Kathmandu from Jumla, in the midst of his 15th hunger strike. Photo: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Usually, politicians of all hues everywhere tend to suffer from short-term memory loss. It is a coping mechanism to wiggle out of their past pronouncements.In Nepal, the leaders, ministers, cadres and apologists for the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) have viciously targeted <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Govinda KC, who has been fighting for much-needed reforms</a> in Nepal’s medical sector.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/two-thirds-empty/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Two-thirds empty</a>, EditorialThey have questioned KC’s motives for his latest indefinite hunger strike, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/what-govinda-kc-wants,3869" target="_blank" rel="noopener">his 15</a>th which began more than 23 days ago. The frequency and intensity of attacks have increased as the government has come under attack in the mainstream and social media. The frustration of the comrades is palpable, as seen in the indecent comments by Bishnu Rimal, chief adviser to Prime Minister Oli and the blatantly derogatory remarks by the Minister for Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Sher Bahadur Tamang.Prime Minister Oli, himself known for his sharp tongue, has led the charge in vilifying KC. He is behaving more like a politician on the verge of losing power than a leader who commands an effective two-thirds majority in the Parliament. He and his henchmen complain of an opposition gherabandi (siege) – the common recourse of Nepal’s communists when they have to defend the indefensible.Instead of using its super majority in the House to honor the promises made while in opposition or just before the elections, Oli and his comrades display their cluelessness and expose an obsession for <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/07/10/kcs-crusade/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">protecting special interest groups</a>, and their own egos.NCP’s middling politicians run bad private hospitals, so they naturally incurred losses. They now want to cover up for those losses by being allowed to run <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-and-greed-in-nepali-health-sector,1075" target="_blank" rel="noopener">lucrative medical colleges that will fleece medical students</a> who will go on to fleece patients when they become physicians.Social media has exposed the hypocrisy of it all – how Oli, his party colleague and former prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal as well as leaders of other parties fly to Thailand or Singapore for their own treatment.The Mathema Committee Report, prepared by credible experts, suggested ways to improve the country’s ailing healthcare system, and KC wants the recommendations to be implemented in letter and spirit. None of the Communist leaders and their apologists have come up with an argument against the recommendations. So they resort to character assassination.KC has had to resort to serial hunger strikes during the tenures of all the main parties in the past decade. Ironically the NC, which did nothing to address KC’s demands when it was in power, has joined the pro-KC protests. Therefore, it’s a bit rich for the likes of Sher Bahadur Deuba and Baburam Bhattarai to now cry crocodile tears as they pose for selfies by KC’s bedside.  Gentlemen, why didn’t you implement the agreement you signed with KC when you were prime ministers?Then there is Narayan Kaji Shrestha pointing out that since the ‘neo-liberal’ Nepali Congress is supporting KC’s protest, the movement is questionable. How many times has his own party, before dissolving into the UML, formed coalition governments with the self-same neo-liberals? Shamelessness is part of a politician’s job description, but this takes hypocrisy to a whole new level.The NCP’s latest argument is that by fasting for three weeks, KC is ‘interfering’ with a sovereign parliament’s rights to enact laws. Really? When hospital tycoons like Durga Prasai control your party, the talk of sovereignty rings pretty hollow. Why don’t Oli and Dahal trust their own party’s Manmohan Hospital, and instead rush off to Bangkok and Singapore for treatment?  KC’s crusade is precisely to make Nepal’s hospitals good enough to treat Oli and Dahal.Citizens, the true sovereign in any functioning democracy, have the right to resort to any kind of peaceful protest. Remember, it is they who elect you and can boot you out. The NC and RPP (N) should not try to hijack KC’s satyagraha for their political ends – this will undermine KC’s sacrifice and give ammo to the government.The NCP is right in accusing the NC of politicisation of KC’s struggle. So what is stopping it from implementing its own past agreements with KC? Why give the NC the opportunity to weaponise the KC hunger strike?The Communists have shown that with their two-thirds, they want to throw their weight around. But they would do well to remember that a party’s goodwill and capital could vanish in no time if they show signs of authoritarianism. Remember the Karki vs Karki episode in 2016. The Nepali Congress wanted to protect Lokman Singh Karki, the man who was running his own unaccountable fiefdom as CIAA head. But the party had no qualms about attempting to impeach Chief Justice Sushila Karki.No wonder the NC was whacked so badly in last year’s elections. And that is a lesson also for the Communists.Twitter: @damakant

Absolute power numbs absolutely

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f05a9c7e80680e0359cdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2042" height="1417"/><figcaption>A massive rally organized in Kathmandu on Saturday in support of Dr. Govinda KC's demand for reforms in the Medical Education Bill.</figcaption></figure>Medical care should be affordable and accessible to all. In one sentence,<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/what-govinda-kc-wants,3869" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> that is all Govinda KC</a> wants on behalf of Nepalis.On Thursday, the government ordered police to use force inside a Jumla hospital where KC was on the 20th day of his hunger-strike <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/07/10/kcs-crusade/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">demanding an end to commercialisation of the medical sector</a>. Local administration admitted to media that it spread rumours that a policeman had been killed to convince KC to agree to go to Kathmandu.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f05e9c7e80680e0359cejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1001"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Amidst protests in Jumla and Kathmandu, and a nationwide hospital strike, KC finally agreed to be flown back on an Army helicopter, saying he wanted to prevent any more violence.The reason quality health care is out of reach of Nepal’s predominantly poor people is that subsidised government hospitals are so shoddy, ill-equipped, poorly-managed, under-funded and under-staffed.State neglect and mismanagement at its facilities means expensive private hospitals have stepped in to fill the gap. Medical care has therefore become a lucrative business, where rampant over-charging is the norm.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f0619c7e80680e0359cfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1365"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>But that is not where the real money is. <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-and-greed-in-nepali-health-sector,1075" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The bonanza is in medical education</a>, where billions can be made overnight charging students for admission fees and royalty to feed the demand from private hospitals. It is no secret that the medical mafia enjoys strong political protection.KC’s main demands follow the recommendations of the Kedar Bhakta Mathema Commission two years ago: an end to universities giving random affiliation to new medical colleges in return for kickbacks, restricting universities to maximum five affiliations, limiting private medical colleges in Kathmandu Valley to ten. Successive governments over the past decade have promised to meet these demands to make him end his fasts, but never fulfilled them.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f0649c7e80680e0359d0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3510" height="2340"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>After the government restricted protests in Kathmandu, KC went to Jumla for his 15th hunger strike last month, where he was hounded by the local administration, making him seek refuge in the Karnali Health Science Academy.That was where on Thursday the riot police fired tear gas and rubber bullets to dislodge students and protesters blocking access to KC’s room on the third floor.Although there are more doctors in Nepal today than 20 years ago, the population has also increased in that period. Nepal’s doctors to population ratio is one of the lowest in the world: 2 physicians for every 10,000 people. KC’s demand is to spread medical care evenly throughout the country, not just Kathmandu.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f0679c7e80680e0359d1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3510" height="2340">However, with so much money involved, KC’s hunger strike is a <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Govinda-kc-charges,4137" target="_blank" rel="noopener">direct challenge to Prime Minister Oli</a>, who is beholden to powerful businessmen with investments in the medical sector. Tycoon Durga Prasai, who owns B&amp;C Hospital in Jhapa, was a key facilitator in uniting the UML and Maoists to form the Nepal Communist Party. Rajendra Pandey and comrades have invested heavily in the Man Mohan Memorial and the Kathmandu National Hospitals. NCP backer Upendra Mahato (whose brother-in-law is Transport and Infrastructure Minister Raghubir Mahaseth, who also owns Medicity Hospital) reportedly wants affiliation for a medical college in Kathmandu.An erroneous report from Jumla that a policeman had been killed has been corrected in this updateAlso read: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Nepal-medical-education-system-infested-by-corrupt-investors-with-political-protection,2585" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Manufacturing fake doctors</a>, Ramu Sapkota<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19560#.W1GhudUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Why some doctors stay and others go away</a><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f06b9c7e80680e0359d2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3510" height="2340">

Kunda Dixit

Risking his life to save lives

Architecture can be a powerful agent of change, shaping not just spaces but the way people live, connect, and experience the world.&nbsp; For Nepal, which is <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/natures-fragile-gift-to-nepal">gifted by nature</a> and rich in <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/ambassador-fund-cultural-preservation-nepal,2092">cultural heritage</a>, &nbsp;reviving rural architecture with modern amenities could hold the key to more <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/what-sustainable-tourism-means-in-practice">sustainable tourism </a>that benefits local people more. “<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/bayalpata-hospital-in-nepal-wins-global-design-award">Design and architecture</a> are amazing tools to create a unique experience for visitors,” says Spanish architect Tomeu Esteva of Esteva i Esteva Architecture Studio. “Difficult destinations have beautiful hotels with design and comfort.” Esteva was in Kathmandu with his colleagues at an event organised by the Spanish Honorary Consulate at Dwarika’s Hotel last week to showcase buildings which Nepali architects can adapt with local material and design inputs.&nbsp; Rural architecture holds a unique significance: it is more than a shelter and must reflect <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/inking-an-idenity">local identity, culture</a> and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/saving-humla-from-heritage-loss">heritage</a>. An area’s natural and cultural harmony can be upset by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/protecting-protected-areas-from-infrastructure?fbclid=IwAR1wK0MDFlFST_2EYb3f54LS4-fPt6rYfLG1DJ1JaQsU3w8-ezyXIxGOqzk">poorly planned development</a>, speakers at the event said, but the environment can be improved and revitalised by well-integrated structures.&nbsp; Another Spanish architect, Belen Moneo, has designed hotels at elevations of 3,700m in her home country Spain that supply natural spring water spas. “<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/lost-in-reconstruction">Creativity in construction</a> must be encouraged. Rural architecture always shows possibilities of what we can do better,” Moneo explains, adding that designs must enhance <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-healing-power-of-nature">the beauty of nature</a> and give a natural feel at a time when steel, glass and cement dominate <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/rebuilding-kathmandu-after-the-1934-quake">urban design</a>.&nbsp; This is why the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/weaving-nature-into-craft">use of natural products</a> such as bamboo, local timber, straw and rammed earth are in demand from customers who want a fresh eco-friendly look encouraged in construction of rural architectural structures. The demand for boutique hotels has increased world over, with &nbsp;more and more tourists favouring aesthetics, experience and comfort over price. While creativity is an important part of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/architecture-for-mountains">construction and architecture</a>, incentives to build and use <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Building,370">rural construction materials</a> still remain minimal, and Moneo emphasises the significance of design and execution.&nbsp; Esteva helped design the Vana Retreat in Dehradun that kept the natural environment in focus, with the structure giving an elaborate aesthetic experience to visitors. Another example is Hotel Las Mercedes in the Dominican Republic which was designed and constructed by Moneo and the company she co-founded Moneo Brock, respecting and revaluing the traditional architecture of the area. Hotels providing such experience could attract tourists and revenue. The Spanish ambassador to Nepal Juan Antonio March Pujol said, “The role of architecture and architects in developing tourism is crucial, not only in urban areas but rural settings as well.”&nbsp; The concept of rural boutique hotels gained traction in Spain during the 1990s, particularly in regions like Majorca with economic and environmental sustainability as the main focus. In Nepal <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/12-full-opinion/guiding-nepal-s-tourism-industry">the tourism industry</a> directly employs about 1 million people, and makes up about 8% of the country’s GDP. In Nepal, the stone homes of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/reviving-himalayan-vulture-and-culture">Mustang and Manang</a>, bamboo and mud structures of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-tarai-s-shrinking-forests">the Tarai</a>, and the Kathmandu Valley’s terra cotta tile skylines, graceful temples, and tranquil bahal courtyards are all examples of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-traditional-seismic-resistant-designs">Nepal’s traditional architecture</a>.&nbsp; Nepali architect Sarosh Pradhan has been working for the past eight years on the Brakka Village project in Manang Valley north of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/municipalities-want-to-manage-annapurna">the Annapurnas</a>. Other examples of this kind of rural architecture for high-end tourism are the Shinta Mani Hotel in Mustang and Khumbu Lodge below <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mt-everest-pvt-ltd">Mt Everest</a>. Says Pradhan, “There are places in Nepal that radiate purity and embrace simplicity. Creating projects in such settings require deep reflection and thoughtful planning.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250421030444_a07a23f6b60fa89c0f35b9dc1aaf19937da4881e6bfb2e1858f3c27dff91729f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_19" data-image-id="20250421030444_a07a23f6b60fa89c0f35b9dc1aaf19937da4881e6bfb2e1858f3c27dff91729f" data-rendition-name="original" width="4608" height="2184" loading="lazy" alt="A new architecture for Nepal's tourism"> </figure>  Rural architecture is not easy, and sometimes more expensive. Inflation, energy efficiency, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/those-who-stay">the climate crisis</a>, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/cost-of-living-in-a-big-city">increased costs of living</a> pose obstacles to sustainable rural architecture. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/forgotten-international-starchitects-in-nepal">Forgotten international starchitects in Nepal</a>, Anne Feenstra and Varun S Bapu Esteva says faith and trust between client and architect is necessary for any project to be successful. He adds that architects must practice being humble, the process of designing always involves learning and not imposing their ideas on clients. Nepal is uniquely positioned for the growth of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/hiking-up-the-benefits-of-tourism">rural tourism</a> because of its stunning countryside as well as its internationally renowned traditions in holistic wellness. Creating infrastructure that is small, thoughtfully planned and that respects both tradition and contemporary hospitality standards is crucial. “Projects in Nepal can be made cost effective by using materials from houses that have been brought down,” says Esteva. “Pilot projects involving <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/local-government-by-the-people-for-the-people-of-the-people">local people </a>and simple designing also helps the process.” <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/vacant-homes-become-homestays-in-nepal">The growth of homestays in Nepal</a> is a step in the right direction, but they are still a bit too rustic for the international traveller who also wants comfort and is willing to pay extra for it. Upgrading the facilities in homestays and ensuring that the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/an-archive-of-nepali-heritage">architectural heritage</a> of the locality is preserved using locally sourced building material could allow owners to charge more. Says Sangita Shrestha of Dwarika’s Hotel, “Our effort is to build upon rural architecture by empowering local communities and using what is available locally. We can fine tune and encourage indigenous design and training.” The vision goes beyond just boosting the economy, it is about building a future where tourism helps villages grow in a healthy and lasting way. Instead of using up resources, it gives back to the land and the people. It supports local communities by<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/staying-in-nepal-to-create-jobs"> creating jobs</a>, improving infrastructure, and protecting natural beauty. When done right, tourism can be a tool for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/progress-and-or-preservation">preserving culture and nature</a>, not harming them. Architects must therefore see their work as more than just designing buildings, they also need to care deeply about people and places, especially in rural areas that can benefit the most.&nbsp; With global interest in sustainable and off-the-beaten-path travel increasing, Nepal stands at the cusp of a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/missing-out-on-nepal-s-tourism-potential">tourism transformation</a> that values community-driven, eco-conscious hospitality. A mix of modern ideas and traditional knowledge could transform rural tourism in Nepal. Says Shrestha, “Young architects should spend time with <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/latest/the-unsung-heroes-of-conservation">local and indigenous communities</a>, listen to their stories, and learn from their <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/life-and-livelihood-in-remote-nepal">ways of living</a>. These communities have deep knowledge about the land, materials, and climate. If this wisdom is used in new designs, it can help create tourism spaces that truly benefit everyone.” &nbsp;

A new architecture for Nepal's tourism

Extract from an addendum to Nepal's Two Wars, Chapter 2 in the updated edition of Essays on Nepal: Past and Present by Sam Cowan, a retired British Army general with a long association with the Gurkhas. The book was first published in 2018, and republished earlier this month by FinePrint exclusively on Amazon. The addendum details a one-to-one conversation the author had in the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=8884">Royal Palace </a>with the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=8371">King Gyanendra</a> in November 2002 just after he had taken his initial steps on the road that ultimately led to <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=14681">the abolition of the monarchy</a> in Nepal in 2008. In the early evening of September 16, 2002, in my role as Colonel Commandant of the Brigade of Gurkhas, I had my second and last official audience with King Gyanendra to give him an update on the Brigade’s activities over the previous 12 months. I had some 6 or 7 such audiences with <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/preserving-king-birendra-s-family-home">King Birendra</a>.&nbsp; These were official affairs with the British ambassador of the day present, along with key <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=12233">palace officials</a> and a representative from Nepal's Foreign Ministry. The two monarchs were very different in character and temperament, but both treated me with the utmost civility and made the audiences as relaxed and easy for me as possible.&nbsp; It is, however, worth recording that when the official business had been covered, King Birendra, with a twinkle in his eye, often ended by asking, “Now General, what’s the gossip in London?” The second audience with <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=8026">King Gyanendra </a>was my last official act in uniform. We came back to Kathmandu in the first week of November (after treks) to stay for a few nights with our Defence Attaché before heading back to the UK. Waiting for me was a message from the Palace saying that King Gyanendra would like to meet me informally: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=6933">no uniform</a> and no ambassador.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250421080420_f9046f9882d4481781d14f2b64f18c7fbbea62562e1d74e3465de6d01fb43750.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20250421080420_f9046f9882d4481781d14f2b64f18c7fbbea62562e1d74e3465de6d01fb43750" data-rendition-name="original" width="1750" height="2406" loading="lazy" alt="Gyanendra crowned page 1"> <figcaption>Nepali Times Special Edition of 6-14 June 2001 with enthronement of Gyanendra. </figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250421080424_21333d6ae21828eb47fe3f849438d215fe2804460d47bb2896ef4aee4e895ad2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250421080424_21333d6ae21828eb47fe3f849438d215fe2804460d47bb2896ef4aee4e895ad2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1857" loading="lazy" alt="Royal massacre"> <figcaption>Nepali Times 22-29 June 2001 covering the royal massacre after which Gyanendra became king. </figcaption> </figure>  Although I had no idea what the purpose of the meeting might be, events in Kathmandu since I last saw the king put me on edge. On October 4, 2002, Gyanendra had dismissed Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, allegedly for failing to hold <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/what-goes-on-in-nepal-s-elections">elections</a>. He had put in place a new prime minister and a cabinet personally selected by him. When I heard the news on my travels, the people I met were generally supportive of the king’s actions. There was a general view that something had to be done, the country was going nowhere, and the king deserved his chance, not least to solve<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/latest/14-years-after-conflict-no-closure-in-nepal"> the Maoist </a>problem. Back in Kathmandu, views were not so sanguine. The chosen prime minister, Lokendra Bahadur Chand, was a relic from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/mob-movement-and-mayhem">the Panchayat period</a> whose party had failed to win a single seat in the last elections held in 1999. Some of the chosen cabinet ministers had, to put it mildly, dubious reputations, and others had no record of proven competence in any field. There was a fear that the king’s real motive in dismissing <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/deubas-denouement">Deuba</a> was to start to reverse the democratic gains made since 1990. I informed <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-britain-mark-centenary-of-1923-treaty">the British ambassador</a> about the invitation. He was strongly against accepting it, which was probably the clinching reason for my decision to do the polite thing and accept it. On the evening of November 7, 2002, I presented myself at the royal palace, alone and in civilian attire.&nbsp; As in the past, the Military Secretary, Major General Vivek Shah, met and escorted me into the presence of the monarch. This time, however, he was politely asked to leave the room and shut the door behind him. King Gyanendra greeted me warmly and invited me to sit down.&nbsp; Read also:<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-ghost-of-monarchy-returns-to-haunt-nepal"> The ghost of monarchy returns to haunt Nepal</a>, Shristi Karki  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250421080424_e382af945d0ad2a04ae41fabe5393f793dd10f54cb1220f111c7c9e7423eb558.jpg" data-media-id="editor_15" data-image-id="20250421080424_e382af945d0ad2a04ae41fabe5393f793dd10f54cb1220f111c7c9e7423eb558" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="993" loading="lazy" alt="Gyanendra coup"> <figcaption>Nepali Times 4-10 February 2005 after king Gyanendra's coup imposed media censorship. anendra became king. </figcaption> </figure>  I had wondered, and to be truthful, had worried, not just about the purpose of the meeting, but about how the conversation might start and develop. I reduced my resolve to two points: be polite but speak candidly. The latter resolve was quickly put to the test with the king’s opening words: “Sam, [in previous meetings it had been ‘General’, you walk the highways and byways of this land more than most, tell me what the common man is thinking?” &nbsp;“Your Majesty, I have no idea what they are thinking, but they are waiting.” “Waiting?” “Yes, Your Majesty, they are waiting to see whether what you did some weeks ago in appointing your own prime minister and cabinet ministers is going to make any difference to their lives or whether it is just going to be more Kathmandu hot air.” “Everything is going to be difficult and is going to take time, a lot of time.” “Your Majesty, time is the one thing you don’t have. You must act quickly and decisively to take advantage of the opportunity you have created. Everyone knows that you have appointed these new ministers. Why don’t you get them in here one by one and tell them that they have three months to deliver a programme in their area of responsibility that is going to make a difference to people’s lives? Most will fail to do so. Sack them! It will be a powerful signal of your strong intent to deliver real change.” I can express the opening of our conversation in this way because just about every word is still etched in my mind. The king’s response to my last quoted words was to challenge me to give an example of something that could be delivered quickly. I can give a verbatim record of what I said in response to this unexpected challenge: “Health posts, Your Majesty, there is no shortage of them throughout the country as building them has been one of the sources of local corruption, but very few have any medicine to issue at present or have skilled people to assess and meet medical needs. Your Majesty, children are dying for lack of a few pills. Given the right priority, over a period, say of six months, every health post could be fully stocked with medicine and manned with trained people. This is something I could help to lead for you as I know it would have strong international backing. At last, people would know that you mean business.” As I warmed to the theme, I could see no sign of the king having any enthusiasm for the idea, and I quickly disengaged as it dawned on me, as it had clearly dawned on the king, that the reason for the deficiencies in health posts was to prevent any Maoist combatant from gaining access to any <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/tech-away/nepal-s-health-tech-industry-is-here-to-stay">medical support</a>, and if this meant people suffering, so be it. The subject of the Maoist insurgency inevitably came up, and I took the opportunity to elaborate on what is written in the final four paragraphs of the article above. I advised King Gyanendra that, self-evidently, since there were three parties in the conflict—him, the Maoists, and the political parties—it was imperative that he form an alliance with one of them, preferably the political parties; otherwise, he would find himself isolated, as the other two parties would inevitably, at some stage, form their own alliance. However, it quickly became apparent that the king’s mind was on a totally different track. On the Maoists, he told me that he had channels open to them, but he was scathing about the political party leaders. He made it clear that they would be waiting for a very long time before he gave any power back to them, and that is a polite way of expressing the actual words he used, but “crawling through the door” is a phrase which has stuck in my mind.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250421080424_5403455ff6168f0d202a96cb53edea69136d74d59b989cfcc7cc4a1d57672cb5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_17" data-image-id="20250421080424_5403455ff6168f0d202a96cb53edea69136d74d59b989cfcc7cc4a1d57672cb5" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1317" loading="lazy" alt="fall of monarchy"> <figcaption>Nepali Times 28 April-3 May 2005 with cover image by Ajay Joshi of jubilant protesters after street demonstrations sidelined king Gyanendra, paving the way for a ceasfire and restoration of democracy. </figcaption> </figure>  As the conversation developed, it became ever clearer that King Gyanendra had decided to go in alone, relying on the misleading assurances he was constantly receiving from <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=14954">the army</a>, and no doubt his close advisers, that the Maoists could and would be quickly defeated militarily, and taken out of the equation. This would obviate the need for him to do any deal with the political parties.&nbsp; Thus, the way would be clear for him to establish a version of his father’s Panchayat system, under a constitution that would be granted to the people by him, their sovereign, as his father and brother had done in 1962 and 1990. As in those constitutions, ultimate power would have remained in the sovereign’s hands. This proposed direction of travel was very clear from what the king said to me. In sum, King Gyanendra was motivated by a desire to emulate his immediate predecessors by granting his people a constitution that would restore his father’s Panchayat system in a modern form and give him a central role in decision-making. What was particularly dispiriting was that beyond this single objective he had no plan worthy of the name, nor demonstrably did he have the people with the skills to implement an appropriate plan even if one had existed. Crucially and depressingly, there was little or no indication from the king that he realised that such a course of action could put Nepal’s monarchy into serious jeopardy, as indeed proved to be the case. <h2>King Twice</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250420110436_315d519fe3d68d2406ebe1480fed54720fbf21b8907a4da5cde751fdc623d445.jpg" data-media-id="editor_19" data-image-id="20250420110436_315d519fe3d68d2406ebe1480fed54720fbf21b8907a4da5cde751fdc623d445" data-rendition-name="original" width="1302" height="632" loading="lazy" alt="“Tell me what the common man is thinking!”"> </figure>  <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=8371">Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah has been king twice</a>. In 1950 he was enthroned briefly as a child king (left, above) by the Rana Prime Minister Mohan Shumsher when his grandfather, King Tribhuvan, fled to exile in India. In 2001 he was crowned king again after the massacre in the royal palace in which his brother King Birendra and nine other members of his family were killed by Crown Prince Dipendra.&nbsp; During his second reign, Gyanendra gradually asserted power by sacking Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba in 2002, and then taking full control after the 1 February 2005 coup. He was sidelined after the ceasefire in April 2006, and became a commoner after the Constituent Assembly finally <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/Ftnp-abolishing,624">abolished the monarchy in 2008</a>. In the past year, Gyanendra has tried to exploit public dissatisfaction with the political parties to restore the monarchy.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250421080432_26ef4a4b0e3cee9fdc6794446702efe16550d293904b4f6dd46fe35d4d10c788.jpg" data-media-id="editor_22" data-image-id="20250421080432_26ef4a4b0e3cee9fdc6794446702efe16550d293904b4f6dd46fe35d4d10c788" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Essays on Nepal by Sam Cowen"> </figure>

“Tell me what the common man is thinking!”

“It's Kathmandu.” Just as the family was sitting down for one of its extended lunches, that jubilant cry was from François Driard’s grandfather announcing the next posting for his diplomat parents.&nbsp; Driard (pictured) was 18 in the summer of 1996,<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/suburban-tales/chasing-a-nomad"> a bit of a hippie</a> already, and his life was about to change forever with the magical word “<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/time-capsule-of-kathmandu">Kathmandu</a>”. “I was awed with that information from my grandfather, nothing else mattered … In France <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/tales-of-courage-and-suffering-cx95f89e">in the 1990s</a>, Kathmandu had a mythical aura,” Driard recalls. He came to Kathmandu for Christmas that year to visit his stepfather, the French Ambassador Michel Lummaux. It was to be the first of many visits during school holidays, before he decided to permanently settle down in Nepal. “Kathmandu, and Nepal, were very different then, it was magical, I liked the nature, the people, civilisation, temples, trees,” says Driard, who explored the country sitting on the top of buses. “Visitors talk about the crazy <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/cost-of-living-in-a-big-city">urbanisation</a>, traffic jams today, and all that is true. But Kathmandu has not <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/loss-of-soul-and-soil">lost its soul</a>.” After his stepfather’s tenure in Nepal ended, Driard worked as a business reporter for international publications but decided he did not want to be anyone’s employee anymore. In 2007 he landed in Kathmandu with €20,000 in savings to invest.&nbsp; He knew a few crucial things about himself: he liked food and nature, which is very much tied up with his upbringing--full of lively conversations during lunch and dinner at the family table between <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-yak-cheese-is-on-world-map">abundant cheese, wine and cigars</a>. So he decided it would be cheese, and registered Himalayan French Cheese and went to the French Alps for a month to learn how to make Tomme de Savoie. “<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-story-of-langtang-cheese">Cheese making is such an ancient craft </a>and so I thought I won’t need much money or studying which I hated and indeed, if you have a tamako bhado and fire you are set,” explains Driard. But Nepal’s temperature and humidity were not ideal, even at higher altitudes. The first customers for his cheese were the Hyatt Regency and Nina and Hager. But he needed to create a market for cheese in a country which only knew hard churpi in the north and soft paneer in the south. He started selling his cheeses at the Summit Hotel weekend market, expanding to his own 1905 Farmer’s Market which later moved to Le Sherpa in Maharajganj, where it is now, and also a market at Labim Mall in Pulchok. He had cow dairies in Nuwakot and Dhulikhel, and finally a yak cheese unit at 3,379m in Ramechhap. It was the yak blue cheese from here that went on to win a Gold Medal in France, putting Nepal’s French cheese on the world map. “People come and try our cheese at the market, they ask questions. There is a lot of education to be done about cheese,” adds Driard, who also has three cheese shops in the Valley. Driard now makes 25 types of cheese. The products are being noticed and every year he has French students coming to Nepal to learn the art of yak cheese making. “In France, one family or company makes one kind of cheese for generations. In that I’m very unique as a cheese artisan,” he says. “The students come in to learn but I tell them to also teach us something too, add another cheese to my collection.” Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/langtang-after-10-years">Langtang after 10 years</a>, Sonia Awale Being a foodie, Driard is now also dabbling in meat with his own charcuterie at Meatini with bacon, ham, sausage and pâtés. All of this is now served at his Emilio’s Pizza, a leafy hideaway in Lazimpat. His South Side in Moksh is probably the smallest wine bar in the world. “I call the process sublime,” says Driard of his ventures, which have grown organically. “You need the same temperature and humidity of 12°C and 80% for cheese, meat and wine.” Emilio’s speciality is the eight-cheese pizza (which has eight types of cheeses), and a pizza with bhutan topping (not the country but fried intestines and organs Nepali-style). He has opened a small branch at Courtyard in Pokhara.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250426070456_bacae302c040dc18eeecdeafda72ddf06a6d2cec138ea9be7e45fe94cdf8b5b3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250426070456_bacae302c040dc18eeecdeafda72ddf06a6d2cec138ea9be7e45fe94cdf8b5b3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="8 cheese pizza"> <figcaption>Eight-cheese pizza</figcaption> </figure>  With two artisanal cheese units, two farmers’ markets, a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-meat-of-the-story">meat processing unit</a>, a bakery, and wine bar he now envisions a vineyard so he can add Nepali wine to his repertoire. Another future plan is to start up an agri-tourism business where customers can drink, eat and work in peace. In the past 20 years in Nepal, Driard has not always succeeded in his ventures but this hasn’t curbed his enthusiasm. He is learning as he goes, and like an old wine, Nepal is growing on him. Its slowness suits his French art de vivre with eating slowly outdoors, having conversation, importing less.&nbsp; “I have proven that with even a little money you can do a lot of things in Nepal,” adds Driard. “In the West, they easily invest half a million euros on a cheese factory, I invested 10 times less.”&nbsp;

Fromage, vin et charcuterie Népalais

Bhuthan भुठान starts with Bishnu Bahadur KC played by <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/dhuwa-smoke-telefilm,2671">Hari Bansha Acharya</a> on a call, requesting to speak to the visa officer. By this point, he had <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-should-now-allow-visa-on-arrival">applied for a visa </a>to Bhutan 10 times, but was denied each time. KC was a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-women-excel-in-sports-in-2024-z9ramyct">national football player </a>in Bhutan in 1988 before he and other Nepali-speaking Lhotsampa people were forced out of the country in the 1990s as part of the Druk regime’s ‘One Nation One People’ campaign. Over 100,000 Bhutanese Nepalis were forced out, driven across India and dumped in Nepal where they lived in seven<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/elderly-left-in-bhutan-refugee-camp"> refugee camps</a> supervised by the United Nations and other charities until they were resettled in the United States, Australia, New Zealand and some European countries starting in 2007. In the fictional movie with the satirical English title The World’s Happiest Man, KC has resettled in the state of Ohio in the US but wishes to visit his home country once before he dies. Between flashbacks, we learn KC has died without having fulfilled his wish. &nbsp; The drama then focuses on KC’s two families from two marriages as they debate whether to cremate him as per <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/muslim-hindu,2996">Hindu rites </a>or give him a Christian burial. A mediator played by Hollywood actor Bruce Dern urges them to take a firm decision before it is too long.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250430140420_b398a08091b866da2b0b8f6c1e6e26781609749aba896bfd2c68a10a519295c3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20250430140420_b398a08091b866da2b0b8f6c1e6e26781609749aba896bfd2c68a10a519295c3" data-rendition-name="original" width="945" height="945" loading="lazy" alt="Bhutan, the movie"> </figure>  There are drawn out scenes of KC being baptised and when he is confronted by his first wife from Darjeeling played by Anuradha Majumdar, he says he changed his religion in the hope that he will be <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/bhutan-s-refugees-between-hope-and-despair">allowed back in Bhutan</a>.&nbsp; We find out KC has a second wife, a Christian Nepali played by Puja Chand. Dayahang Rai as the younger son doesn’t have much screen time to flex his acting chops. &nbsp; Acharya competently portrays a man that is equal parts haunted by the memories of and longing for his home country. KC’s pain and loss is acute when he is teaching football to Gungun but between mid-scene, he freezes, perhaps lost in memories of being in Bhutan’s national team. &nbsp; In another scene, KC recalls his mother singing a lullaby in Dzongkha. He also has a box filled with medals, photographs and a football which he deflates with a knife in a powerful depiction of his <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/searching-for-a-homeland-away-from-home?fb_comment_id=1506516030025634">complicated emotions about his homeland</a>. KC keeps checking his mailbox in the hopes that his <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=4977">visa application</a> has been accepted. He says in Nepali: “If a tree that has already struck roots in one place is shifted to another, it will not survive.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250430140420_4a9c27410326489576c04dedf40016bda3825e8f9663317f54fbfec4cbda6d34.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20250430140420_4a9c27410326489576c04dedf40016bda3825e8f9663317f54fbfec4cbda6d34" data-rendition-name="original" width="1422" height="2048" loading="lazy" alt="Bhutan, the movie"> </figure>  Dern’s character says that the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/nepal-s-transitional-justice-and-the-west-s-recalibration">western world</a> has become “lonely in pursuit of happiness”, another reference to Bhutan’s obsession with its Gross National Happiness index. Scenes shift quickly throughout making the story difficult to follow at times. The use of symbolism is a trite overdone. Nonetheless, भुठान is a nuanced depiction of raw pain and agony of losing one’s homeland. But one cannot help but leave the theatre feeling deflated. KC dies without having visited <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/small-bhutan-dreams-big">Bhutan</a>, but perhaps he does in his afterlife. It is up to the audience to create its own ending to this sad story of exile. भुठान Mad Monkey Films, 2025 Directed by Binod Paudel 102 minutes In cinemas in Nepal