<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109171148/636bd9c89c7e80680e080231jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="382"/>"How thirsty he must be. I hope his fast will end soon," said Dr Govinda KC's mother on a video that was shared online. Her sentiment is shared by all Nepalis who have followed the good doctor's deadly fight to bring public health and medical education within reach of the poor and marginalised.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFTJRkkeReUxhpJRF19ZanYnXXb2A">Govinda KC</a>, in his 19th fast-unto-death, has repeatedly suspended his satyagraha after <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/what-govinda-kc-wants,3869" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/what-govinda-kc-wants,3869&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEmpJigWxi8p6Bsr_E70h-44WcP6Q">assurances were received</a> from <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/govinda-kc-fast-unto-death-in-ilam/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/govinda-kc-fast-unto-death-in-ilam/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFeyHKa6MBWhx_440xAr9usYYhEFA">successive governments</a>, seems to be in no mood this time to go by mere commitment. He wants action on the ground.Already, KC has single-handedly demonstrated through his own work how to meet the people’s medical needs. With decades of experience helping the people as an orthopaedic surgeon at the Teaching Hospital and through <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/govinda-kc-treats-patients-in-remote-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/govinda-kc-treats-patients-in-remote-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHhequygAcubujyIcr1Fsw3S8iPVg">treks into under-served parts</a> he knows well the importance of getting medical care to the capillaries.Many people ask Govinda KC not to go into his fasts, and put his life at risk for a topic as technical as public health and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/07/10/kcs-crusade/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/07/10/kcs-crusade/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNH-ptZCHiu_GNhKBMVMDbrcE4Uvhg">medical education</a>. But it is his breadth of experience as well as his depth of commitment to the public's need that provides him the logic for his fasts. These are not 'technical' subjects, but ones that make a difference to the lives of millions of Nepalis.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/declare-a-health-emergency/">Declare a health emergency</a>, Shekhar KharelGovinda KC is <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/One-To-Many/Truth-be-told%20,749" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/One-To-Many/Truth-be-told%2520,749&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHxSdRF_n8ksbT9STpKNnjiu8fXyQ">beyond a concerned Nepali citizen</a> with deep commitment built on decades of experience. He is an internationalist who has travelled on his own money to Pakistan, Indonesia, Burma and Haiti when disaster has struck, be it a tsunami, cyclones or earthquakes. At a moment's notice, when there is a crisis anywhere in the country, he is on a night bus, traveling like the people, with a tiny shoulder bag to serve those in distress.Indeed, it does not behoove those who have not shown his level of dedication to the poor to have a holier-than-thou opinion on his fast. At the very least, before they opine on the appropriateness of his hunger strikes, they have to ask whether the issues he has raised are appropriate or not.The good news is that so many of Govinda KC's demands have been fulfilled by the government or are in the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/We-will-address,3271" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/We-will-address,3271&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGLv4YrJg03vigg55T2RcLy3w71zw">process of being addressed</a>. Even this would not have been possible had he not kept up the pressure on governments.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/kcs-fast-highlights-nepals-covid-19-failure/">KC's fast highlights Nepal's Covid-19 failure</a>, Ramu SapkotaWith <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/headline/the-unshakeable,3859" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/headline/the-unshakeable,3859&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824286000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEGXGKiw5sqDhYiaxBQEDqeGrWH5A">his many hunger strikes</a>, Govinda KC’s body has taken a beating. With every fast, he has become weaker, and there is no doubt that on his 25th day of this hunger strike, his life is in clear and present danger.This is the longest that any government has waited without even forming a negotiating team to talk to Govinda KC. On the one hand, this shows the sheer arrogance of the government led by Prime Minister K P Oli, whose well-known distaste for decision-making on the basis of populist pressure seems to have got the better of his sense of empathy, humanity and good sense.Oli should understand that KC's campaign is the best thing that could have happened in terms of the goals of the new Constitution of Nepal, which guarantees the people's right to life and right to health. Indeed, we do not see what else could be more 'socialism oriented' (as the Constitution describes Nepali society) than efforts to make health and medical support available to the people at large.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/as-virus-spreads-kathmandu-hospitals-strain-to-cope/">As virus spreads, Kathmandu hospitals to strain to cope</a>, Sonia AwaleIt was only on the 23rd day that the government, with the Prime Minister's okay, sent a representative to meet with KC, in the person of Education Secretary Gopi Mainali. As the public clamour for governmental response continued, the government named Mainali as the head of a three-member bureaucrats' team for talks. Promptly, KC formed his own team led by Jiwan Kshetri, a pathologist and opinion-maker.Govinda KC's many demands have been whittled down to six key points he wants the government to complete. One of them is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602230824286000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEJNMZXM99XJS1mK5qE8YKr-Og-IA">a medical college to be established immediately in Karnali Province</a>, as part of his department for a government-run teaching hospital in each province. He also wants an amendment to the Health Profession Education Act, and for appointments to the Institute of Medicine (Teaching Hospital) to be made on the basis of seniority, to obviate politicisation of a key institution in the medical universe of the country.We do not feel that the government team will have difficulty agreeing to conditions set by KC's team, and they should agree so that KC will give up his fast and get started on what is bound to be a slow recovery. Further, the government team as well as the Prime Minister's Office should ensure that there are no delays in the implementation process, which would ensure KC starting another hunger strike.For now, all we can do is salute Govinda KC for his commitment to the people's right to life and right to health.

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Govinda KC and the Right to Life

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109151116/636bb69d9c7e80680e07bc71jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="477"/><figcaption>Illustration: BHANU BHATTARAI</figcaption></figure>Last week, Nepal’s Health Ministry said it would recommend another lockdown if active Covid-19 cases crossed 25,000 mark.Given that 5% of coronavirus patients are now requiring ventilator and ICU treatment, the decision reflected the government’s realisation that it was running out of hospital beds and health infrastructure. The Health Ministry has already decided to charge fees for PCR even in the government labs, citing its inability to pay for tests for all suspected cases.“The government is no longer able to treat coronavirus patients and this pandemic has exposed Nepal’s fragile infrastructure,” says public health expert Sujanbabu Marhatha.But for that Nepal needs fully-equipped and well-staffed hospitals providing services all over the country. This in turn requires medical colleges to produce sufficient health professionals. Which is what has been driving <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/One-To-Many/Truth-be-told%20,749" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Govinda KC</a> for the past 20 years to push for healthcare for all Nepalis.His activism has involved <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/govinda-kc-treats-patients-in-remote-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">treating patients in under-served parts of Nepal</a>, and to push for specialist health care in remote areas, and setting up government medical colleges in all seven provinces.The government has repeatedly <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/We-will-address,3271" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">promised to meet his demands</a> just to get him to call off his hunger strikes, and then ignoring them. As a direct result of these lapses, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-has-decided-to-live-with-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepali state has been unable to cope</a> with the testing, tracing, quarantining and treatment necessary to control and manage the Covid-19 pandemic.Instead, critics and supporters of KC say the state is entirely focused on destroying public health structure by supporting and protecting <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Nepal-medical-education-system-infested-by-corrupt-investors-with-political-protection,2585" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">medical education mafia and profit-oriented private hospitals</a>.If there were government colleges across the country by now, the gap in service delivery and shortage in medical equipment would have been filled to a large extent, as each of these institutions would have adequate test kits and essential ventilators and ICU beds.People could have got healthcare at the local level without having to travel to the cities during the pandemic. Instead, many lives have been lost unnecessarily <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/children-are-collateral-damage-in-nepal-lockdown/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">not just due to Covid-19</a> but also from other chronic diseases because patients could not get to hospitals because of the lockdown, or because they were afraid to go there for fear of infection. Meanwhile, private institutions are overcharging for PCR tests.KC’s activism has its roots in 2010 bribery case in the entrance examination of the Institute of Medical Education (IOM) that exposed the culture of sale and purchase of medical education in Nepal. The IOM is responsible for conducting medical exams, selects eligible students for admission in affiliated private colleges, and regulates the quality of teaching.The dean of the IOM is a coveted position, but the appointment is political, which means lack of transparency in the admission of students. Medical colleges have been admitting pupils who pay higher fees over those who are eligible.<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">KC started his campaign in 2012</a>, and since then has been demanding the government to end political appointments at the IOM and to ensure transparency in admissions and examinations.The points from his first hunger strike eight years ago have still not been met even as he went on his 19th fast unto death on 14 September in Jumla. This time, he also demanded the decentralisation of medical care, priority for medical students in remote areas, and provision of health services in rural regions.In his 19th fast, KC has demanded that government establish state-run medical schools with necessary infrastructure and resources in each province.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109151116/636bb6a09c7e80680e07bc72jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="600"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>On 17 June, prime minister K P Oli’s personal doctor Divya Singh was made the Dean of IOM, a political appointment that was met with heavy criticism in the public sphere.Medical education reform activist Jiwan Chettri says: “Most of the appointments at the IOM are of those who have political influence. This will surely bring down the institute and hospitals operating under it. The need to focus on building stronger health structure is more visible than ever during this pandemic.”<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/state-of-the-art-rural-hospital/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Achham’s Bayalpata hospital</a> has been providing free health service for the Nepal’s poor with support from the non-profit Nyaya Health Nepal. But the hospital is struggling because of a funding crunch, and one of KC’s demands is that the government step in to support Bayalpata.The government is more intent on supporting tycoon <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/red-rice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Durga Prasai’s B&amp;C Medical College</a> in Jhapa by bending the rules in the Medical Education Act.The act stipulates that a university may not be affiliated to more than five medical colleges, that the university may not allow the college to operate as an expanded program, and that universities outside the Valley may be affiliated to other colleges only after conducting their own MBBS/BDS programs.Following another <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/starving-for-justice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">hunger strike</a> by KC two years ago, the government agreed to amend the Act such so that a university cannot be affiliated to more than five medical colleges. But there has been no progress there either. In fact, final preparations are being made to affiliate B&amp;C Medical College to Kathmandu University.Member of Nepal Medical Council Dhundi Raj Poudel says that Nepal’s universities are incapable of giving affiliations to more than five medical colleges."Regular inspections and examinations should be conducted to find out the condition of the affiliated colleges. But Tribhuvan University and Kathmandu University themselves don’t have sufficient faculty members," he said.In yet another written only commitment, following an agreement with KC on his 15th hunger strike in 2018, the government formed a committee to set up an MBBS program at the Karnali Institute of Health Sciences. Nothing has happened.“MBBS program at Karnali and from other government level will stop the business of private colleges, which is why the government hasn’t prioritised it,” explains Jiwan Chettri.Not long ago, Sunil Sharma, the operator of Nobel Medical College in Biratnagar invested Rs1.7 billion in Kathmandu Medical College. Sharma is the same person whose Grade 12 certificate was found to have been forged during a Central Investigation Bureau (CIB) probe in 2016. Unable to arrest Sharma, the CIB had then placed him in the wanted list.Last year, students accused Chitwan Medical College in Bharatpur, National Medical College in Birgunj and Noble Medical College in Biratnagar of charging more than the prescribed fee. But the promoters have such high level political connections that nothing happened to them.Similarly, after students in Gandaki Medical College in Pokhara staged protests over high tuition fees, a Parliament sub-committee last year ordered an investigation, which eventually concluded that most medical colleges were charging illegally high fees. The report, however, did not recommend any action against the colleges. On the contrary, it suggested increasing fees and seats in colleges.When <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/killing-a-crusader,3164" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Lokman Singh Karki was the head of the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority</a> (CIAA), he openly favoured his brother Balman Singh Karki, who was the director of Kist Medical College when private medical education does not even fall under jurisdiction of the authority. In 2013, the CIAA under Karki directed the Medical Council to maintain the number of seats in nine medical colleges going against a government policy.While <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/headline/the-unshakeable,3859" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">KC repeatedly puts his life on the line</a> for reforming medical education and making medical care affordable and accessible to all Nepalis, the government is out to back its cronies in the lucrative private healthcare sector.Former Registrar of Nepal Medical Council Baburam Marasini blames negligence and corruption since the 1990s as the main culprit behind <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/unhealthy-politics,3298" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">poor quality of medical education</a>."Back then we couldn’t reform medical education under the pressure from the prime minister and education minister,” he says. “The Medical Council’s powers were cut, and now that medical care is commercialised the quality of medical education has deteriorated even further.”Meanwhile, senior figures in the NCP government regularly pass disparaging remarks about Govinda KC, calling him “mad” and ridiculing his hunger strikes. Last week, KC was forcibly moved to the Trauma Centre when he flew in from Jumla via Nepalganj half-way through his hunger strike.KC is on the 16th day of his current hunger strike, and doctors say his condition is deteriorating rapidly.

KC’s fast highlights Nepal’s Covid-19 failure

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101132/636a22579c7e80680e041783jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="878"/><figcaption>Bhim Chapagain/Nagarik</figcaption></figure>Bhim Chapagain in Nagarik, 10 JanuaryGovinda KC, who has been on 15 fast-unto-death protests to demand reforms in medical sector, began his 16th protest in Ilam on Wednesday after Parliament’s Education and Health Committee passed the Medical Education Bill in violation of the agreement made with him.He has begun a new phase of protests with six demands, asking for the Medical Education Bill to be amended before it is passed by the full Parliament. KC reached Ilam on Tuesday, and organised a press meet on Wednesday evening to announce his  protest at a private home near the Tundikhel.“By violating the agreement, the Parliamentary Committee has prepared a bill that is not oriented towards the people but the mafia,” he said. Hundreds of people attended to express solidarity with his protest.Some of KC’s previous demands have been fulfilled by this bill. For example, the bill restricts opening new medical colleges in Kathmandu for the next ten years, requires that medical colleges should be non-profit, and has provisions for scholarships to make medical education accessible to all.However, many previous demands remain unfulfilled, and KC has asked that the bill be amended to reflect word for word the agreement made with him on Aug 26 of this year. Besides that, he has also made the following demands:<ul><li>Tribhuvan University officials found guilty by the Gauri Bahadur Karki investigation committee should be sacked immediately. The Institute of Medicine should be restored with the rights taken over by TU. Planned affiliations through Agriculture and Forestry Ministry that defy the cabinet decision should be cancelled and the culprits punished.</li> 	<li>Medical Colleges should be opened in all seven provinces.</li> 	<li>The culprit of Nirmala Panta’s rape and murder case should be apprehended and punished, and those colluding in hiding the evidence should also be punished.</li> 	<li>Wartime crimes should be processed and the guilty punished according to international laws. Victims should be heard and transitional justice process should be concluded.</li> 	<li>Kathmandu University should roll back the high fees it is charging in defiance of the government’s decision, and those responsible be punished.</li></ul>KC began his protest by drinking a glass of water, and said he will only drink water during his protest. He added: “I am fighting for 30 million Nepalis, so I don’t care whether I live or die.”

Govinda KC fast-unto-death in Ilam

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714114/636902a69c7e80680e037c77jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="933"/><figcaption>Krishna Paudel</figcaption></figure>Even if it has a comfortable majority in Parliament, no one should envy the current Communist rulers of Nepal. Prime Minister K P Oli, for all his bluster and swagger, confronts a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/that-sinking-feeling/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">mountain of mounting troubles</a>.Some of them, to be sure, are inherited from failed previous regimes. Oli was partly right in blaming his predecessors for the state of the streets of the capital this monsoon which look like they are pocked with calderas. But it is also true that he was one of his own predecessors, and the mayors belonging to his party have done zilch to fix the roads in the year since they assumed office.The dreadful state of Kathmandu’s thoroughfares today are emblematic of the state of the nation.However, there have been <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/two-thirds-empty/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">signs the PM is beginning to see the writing on the wall</a>. His teams managed to convince to call off the hunger strikes of two activists in the nick of time before the tragedy of their deaths triggered a larger national emergency.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=10582&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Muddling along</a>, Rameshwor Bohara<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/gangamaya-breaks-fast/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Gangamaya Adhikari put off her fast</a> after the government agreed to demands that her son’s murderers be brought to trial. This set a precedent for all other <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rocky-transition-to-justice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">transitional justice</a> cases for families of war victims still awaiting closure.After bungling its response to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/starving-for-justice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Govinda KC’s hunger strike</a> by its initial unwillingness to address his demand for reforms in medical education, the government began negotiating in earnest only after the fast was about to enter its fourth week, and the doctor was in danger of suffering multiple organ failure.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/two-thirds-empty/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Two-thirds empty</a> , EditorialThe question arises why, if such a bold intervention by the Prime Minister was possible, did the government take the risk of waiting so long to even negotiate? Why did the police dupe KC? The brinkmanship cost the NCP, and Oli personally, much public support. It convinced many (even those who voted Communist) that the leaders had lost their way. A government that said it was here for the next five years squandered most of its trust in just five months.There have been many other issues which the government has mishandled, botched, or been recklessly cavalier about. There has been an all-around squeeze on open society. Few disagreed that the activities of outside agencies in relief and development needed better monitoring, but the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-crow-and-the-scarecrow/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">government’s draft code of conduct for INGOs and donors</a> appeared to have been designed less to regulate, and more for control.Widespread criticism of the move seems to have rattled officials. A minister told representatives of the donor and diplomatic community that the guidelines were just a draft, and merely suggestions. But some other ministers have lashed out at critics in xenophobic tones, calling them ‘dollar farmers’. The Prime Minister himself assured members of a party-affiliated media club of handsome rewards if they wrote in support of the government, and his Information Minister this week scolded editors who dared express solidarity with <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Govinda KC</a>.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/let-a-thousand-flowers-bloom/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Fears of a drift towards authoritarianism</a>, especially, appears to have hit a raw nerve. Ministers who should be reassuring the public, have gone around banning programs critical of them, or issuing open threats, duly amplified by the Facebook faithful. The lesson we should learn from the doublespeak in totalitarian states is to take what officials assert most emphatically with a pinch of salt because that is what is farthest from the truth.The Nepali people had collectively thought that by giving the NCP such a thumping majority, that would end the incessant squabbling and the instability that had become the norm in the coalition governments in the past decades. The people trusted that the NCP would use its majority wisely to address some of the country’s structural problems and deliver better living standards.However, the government has been kept so busy firefighting from day-to-day (much of it caused by its own actions. it must be said) that it has had little time to pay attention to the other looming crises.The government needs all the allies it can get in confronting the challenges ahead: delivering affordable quality health and education, fixing crumbling infrastructure, curbing inflation, extortion and corruption, and the biggest hurdle of all: finding jobs for the 700,000 young Nepalis who enter the job market every year.The federal government is dilly-dallying in providing the constitutionally stipulated legal framework for provincial and local governments, which has brought the centre in direct confrontation with the periphery. The blame for some of the outlandish decisions by provincial governments, like the new tax on bicycles announced by one of them, is therefore being heaped on Kathmandu.The few correct decisions taken in the past weeks (<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/when-our-son-was-killed/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Gangamaya</a>, Govinda KC) happened because Prime Minister Oli responded to public opinion. That should serve as an important template for the future.<h2>10 years ago this week</h2>The Nepali Times Editorial from ten years ago this week (#411, 1-7 August 2008) was titled ‘A Million mutinies’ and drew attention to the country sliding into ethnicity-based politics. Excerpt:‘This past week of tyre-burning proved, if proof is still needed, just how volatile and unstable the political situation still is. The spark of the vice-president’s ill-advised decision to take his oath in the official language of a neighbouring country lit the brush fire. The lingering political deadlock fanned it.It wasn’t supposed to be like this. The entire point about the political transition of the past two years was to install stability so that the constitution-making process could go ahead without pressure groups rampaging in the streets. Any grandstanding on sensitive topics such as ethnicity-based federalism was supposed to happen on the floor of the house, not on the asphalt outside.’<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714114/636902a99c7e80680e037c78jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="1013">

DOUBLESPEAK

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121148/6368f09c9c7e80680e0359e2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Dr. Govinda KC when he was brought to Kathmandu from Jumla, in the midst of his 15th hunger strike. Photo: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Usually, politicians of all hues everywhere tend to suffer from short-term memory loss. It is a coping mechanism to wiggle out of their past pronouncements.In Nepal, the leaders, ministers, cadres and apologists for the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) have viciously targeted <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/risking-his-life-to-save-lives/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Govinda KC, who has been fighting for much-needed reforms</a> in Nepal’s medical sector.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/two-thirds-empty/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Two-thirds empty</a>, EditorialThey have questioned KC’s motives for his latest indefinite hunger strike, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/what-govinda-kc-wants,3869" target="_blank" rel="noopener">his 15</a>th which began more than 23 days ago. The frequency and intensity of attacks have increased as the government has come under attack in the mainstream and social media. The frustration of the comrades is palpable, as seen in the indecent comments by Bishnu Rimal, chief adviser to Prime Minister Oli and the blatantly derogatory remarks by the Minister for Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Sher Bahadur Tamang.Prime Minister Oli, himself known for his sharp tongue, has led the charge in vilifying KC. He is behaving more like a politician on the verge of losing power than a leader who commands an effective two-thirds majority in the Parliament. He and his henchmen complain of an opposition gherabandi (siege) – the common recourse of Nepal’s communists when they have to defend the indefensible.Instead of using its super majority in the House to honor the promises made while in opposition or just before the elections, Oli and his comrades display their cluelessness and expose an obsession for <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/07/10/kcs-crusade/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">protecting special interest groups</a>, and their own egos.NCP’s middling politicians run bad private hospitals, so they naturally incurred losses. They now want to cover up for those losses by being allowed to run <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-and-greed-in-nepali-health-sector,1075" target="_blank" rel="noopener">lucrative medical colleges that will fleece medical students</a> who will go on to fleece patients when they become physicians.Social media has exposed the hypocrisy of it all – how Oli, his party colleague and former prime minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal as well as leaders of other parties fly to Thailand or Singapore for their own treatment.The Mathema Committee Report, prepared by credible experts, suggested ways to improve the country’s ailing healthcare system, and KC wants the recommendations to be implemented in letter and spirit. None of the Communist leaders and their apologists have come up with an argument against the recommendations. So they resort to character assassination.KC has had to resort to serial hunger strikes during the tenures of all the main parties in the past decade. Ironically the NC, which did nothing to address KC’s demands when it was in power, has joined the pro-KC protests. Therefore, it’s a bit rich for the likes of Sher Bahadur Deuba and Baburam Bhattarai to now cry crocodile tears as they pose for selfies by KC’s bedside.  Gentlemen, why didn’t you implement the agreement you signed with KC when you were prime ministers?Then there is Narayan Kaji Shrestha pointing out that since the ‘neo-liberal’ Nepali Congress is supporting KC’s protest, the movement is questionable. How many times has his own party, before dissolving into the UML, formed coalition governments with the self-same neo-liberals? Shamelessness is part of a politician’s job description, but this takes hypocrisy to a whole new level.The NCP’s latest argument is that by fasting for three weeks, KC is ‘interfering’ with a sovereign parliament’s rights to enact laws. Really? When hospital tycoons like Durga Prasai control your party, the talk of sovereignty rings pretty hollow. Why don’t Oli and Dahal trust their own party’s Manmohan Hospital, and instead rush off to Bangkok and Singapore for treatment?  KC’s crusade is precisely to make Nepal’s hospitals good enough to treat Oli and Dahal.Citizens, the true sovereign in any functioning democracy, have the right to resort to any kind of peaceful protest. Remember, it is they who elect you and can boot you out. The NC and RPP (N) should not try to hijack KC’s satyagraha for their political ends – this will undermine KC’s sacrifice and give ammo to the government.The NCP is right in accusing the NC of politicisation of KC’s struggle. So what is stopping it from implementing its own past agreements with KC? Why give the NC the opportunity to weaponise the KC hunger strike?The Communists have shown that with their two-thirds, they want to throw their weight around. But they would do well to remember that a party’s goodwill and capital could vanish in no time if they show signs of authoritarianism. Remember the Karki vs Karki episode in 2016. The Nepali Congress wanted to protect Lokman Singh Karki, the man who was running his own unaccountable fiefdom as CIAA head. But the party had no qualms about attempting to impeach Chief Justice Sushila Karki.No wonder the NC was whacked so badly in last year’s elections. And that is a lesson also for the Communists.Twitter: @damakant

Absolute power numbs absolutely

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f05a9c7e80680e0359cdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2042" height="1417"/><figcaption>A massive rally organized in Kathmandu on Saturday in support of Dr. Govinda KC's demand for reforms in the Medical Education Bill.</figcaption></figure>Medical care should be affordable and accessible to all. In one sentence,<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/what-govinda-kc-wants,3869" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> that is all Govinda KC</a> wants on behalf of Nepalis.On Thursday, the government ordered police to use force inside a Jumla hospital where KC was on the 20th day of his hunger-strike <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/07/10/kcs-crusade/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">demanding an end to commercialisation of the medical sector</a>. Local administration admitted to media that it spread rumours that a policeman had been killed to convince KC to agree to go to Kathmandu.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f05e9c7e80680e0359cejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1001"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Amidst protests in Jumla and Kathmandu, and a nationwide hospital strike, KC finally agreed to be flown back on an Army helicopter, saying he wanted to prevent any more violence.The reason quality health care is out of reach of Nepal’s predominantly poor people is that subsidised government hospitals are so shoddy, ill-equipped, poorly-managed, under-funded and under-staffed.State neglect and mismanagement at its facilities means expensive private hospitals have stepped in to fill the gap. Medical care has therefore become a lucrative business, where rampant over-charging is the norm.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f0619c7e80680e0359cfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1365"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>But that is not where the real money is. <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-and-greed-in-nepali-health-sector,1075" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The bonanza is in medical education</a>, where billions can be made overnight charging students for admission fees and royalty to feed the demand from private hospitals. It is no secret that the medical mafia enjoys strong political protection.KC’s main demands follow the recommendations of the Kedar Bhakta Mathema Commission two years ago: an end to universities giving random affiliation to new medical colleges in return for kickbacks, restricting universities to maximum five affiliations, limiting private medical colleges in Kathmandu Valley to ten. Successive governments over the past decade have promised to meet these demands to make him end his fasts, but never fulfilled them.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f0649c7e80680e0359d0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3510" height="2340"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>After the government restricted protests in Kathmandu, KC went to Jumla for his 15th hunger strike last month, where he was hounded by the local administration, making him seek refuge in the Karnali Health Science Academy.That was where on Thursday the riot police fired tear gas and rubber bullets to dislodge students and protesters blocking access to KC’s room on the third floor.Although there are more doctors in Nepal today than 20 years ago, the population has also increased in that period. Nepal’s doctors to population ratio is one of the lowest in the world: 2 physicians for every 10,000 people. KC’s demand is to spread medical care evenly throughout the country, not just Kathmandu.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f0679c7e80680e0359d1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3510" height="2340">However, with so much money involved, KC’s hunger strike is a <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Govinda-kc-charges,4137" target="_blank" rel="noopener">direct challenge to Prime Minister Oli</a>, who is beholden to powerful businessmen with investments in the medical sector. Tycoon Durga Prasai, who owns B&amp;C Hospital in Jhapa, was a key facilitator in uniting the UML and Maoists to form the Nepal Communist Party. Rajendra Pandey and comrades have invested heavily in the Man Mohan Memorial and the Kathmandu National Hospitals. NCP backer Upendra Mahato (whose brother-in-law is Transport and Infrastructure Minister Raghubir Mahaseth, who also owns Medicity Hospital) reportedly wants affiliation for a medical college in Kathmandu.An erroneous report from Jumla that a policeman had been killed has been corrected in this updateAlso read: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Nepal-medical-education-system-infested-by-corrupt-investors-with-political-protection,2585" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Manufacturing fake doctors</a>, Ramu Sapkota<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19560#.W1GhudUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Why some doctors stay and others go away</a><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107121144/6368f06b9c7e80680e0359d2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3510" height="2340">

Kunda Dixit

Risking his life to save lives

One smoggy winter morning in February 2019, Ekta regretted coming to her sculpture class. It was the first day of her period, and the 19-year-old wished she was home, curled up in bed with a hot water bag to soothe her cramps.
Her class was at Kalapremi Ceramic Studio, a dark room on the ground floor of a house in Maharajganj, and Ekta’s teacher was the artist Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’, a noted sculptor.
Two other students were already there, using all their muscle strength to knead the sculpting clay. Ekta, now 24, recalls how Kalapremi asked her if she was feeling all right. She avoided him, as she did not want everyone to know she was menstruating.
Kalapremi repeatedly asked Ekta what was wrong. She finally muttered that she was having her period, after which he grabbed her hand and led her to a partitioned corner of the studio and sat her on a chair. Before she could stop him, he slid his hand under her dress, and started massaging her abdomen.
“I was horrified,” Ekta recalls. “I told him to stop, but he didn’t listen, asking me not to be shy, saying he knew how to relieve my pain. He stopped only after I protested furiously.”&nbsp;
The art tutor then said, “You’re like my daughter. I’m doing it out of love to make you feel better, but you’re so stubborn.”&nbsp;
“Instead of saying sorry he acted like I was the one having crazy thoughts,” remembers Ekta, adding that from April 2016 to August 2020 beginning the time she was 16, the artist sexually abused and harassed her on several occasions. &nbsp;
Now, Ekta and the artist’s other former students are finally sharing their experiences and some are pressing legal charges against him, hoping that others do not have to endure what they did.&nbsp;
Award-winning artist and teacher Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’ (the name means ‘Art Lover’) is known for his ceramic art, sculpture, and contemporary pottery. He was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-house-of-kalapremi">profiled in Nepali Times after a collaborative exhibition</a>, ‘Where the Wild Things Are’ at the Siddhartha Art Gallery three years ago.&nbsp;
His pieces, titled Gaalis, featured sculpted female figures with the heads of dogs, sheep, and donkeys (pictured) to depict derogatory terms for women. Some critics said the collection was a satire on feminists.
Kalapremi started his artistic and teaching career in 1983 and over the years taught at Bhanubhakta School, Kathmandu University School of Arts, Lalitkala Campus and at his private Kalapremi Ceramic Studio. He has also lectured at Jeonju University in South Korea and recently at Tabor Academy in the United States.
Seven of Kalapremi’s former students were interviewed for this story. Five female students said he touched them inappropriately in his studio or at Kathmandu University. Two male students said they witnessed him abuse and harass the women. In all cases, the students struggled to recognise the abuse when it occurred, and the lack of reporting systems left them to cope on their own for years.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, students shared a social media post hinting at Kalapremi’s history of abusive behaviour following which more students of the artist reached out sharing similar experiences. Some students spoke of abuse that happened as long as 20 years ago.
Kalapremi, 60, has denied the allegations. He told Nepali Times: “Some years ago, there was a movement encouraging people to hug and kiss. I used to do it purely out of friendship and love. But after seeing posts on social media last year calling out my behaviour, I realised my actions may have hurt some people. I understand now that I should have been more mindful.”
He added: “I am also an auxiliary health worker, so I know the exact points to massage to relieve menstrual pain. It’s not just menstruation, I take anyone who is ill to the hospital.”
Sexual abuse is much more rampant than reported given how difficult it is to prove it in court. The law defines sexual abuse as occuring when someone touches another’s private parts, coerces them into touching theirs, uses vulgar language, shows degrading images, or behaves indecently towards them without consent.&nbsp;
Ekta and her fellow students are consulting lawyer Suneeta Regmi Pokhrel, who says they know that even if the court decides in their favour, it is difficult to survive after speaking up, and influential men defend themselves saying they are being framed.&nbsp;
“They are in a lot of pain and weep when recalling how he abused them,” Regmi Pokhrel told us. “They are angry and have filed a case against him, but they are also terrified. They know he is a powerful man and they have seen how our society treats women who speak up against abusers. Unless people speak up, perpetrators will be emboldened.”
Art and academia in Nepal simply reflect the power imbalances in society where people with intersecting identities experience worse forms of abuse. Theatre actors Raj Kumar Pudasaini, Rajan Khatiwada, and Sunil Pokhrel were called out during the #MeToo movement in the Nepali theatre scene in 2019. Even after the allegations Pokhrel went on to receive national awards, while others continued to work without repercussions.
“If you speak up against abusers, you gradually get sidelined from projects,” explained a theatre artist who wished anonymity fearing professional setbacks. “The theatre scene in Nepal is quite small, you just have to make peace with the perpetrators and work with them if you want to sustain yourself.”&nbsp;
In academia there is a history of faculty members sexually harassing students and getting away with it. After Tribhuvan University (TU) lecturer Krishna Bhattachan was accused of harassing women students, the university said it would follow Nepal’s sexual harassment law and set up a reporting mechanism. But nothing happened to the professor, who had already retired. Instead, he counter-accused the students of 'attacking the indigenous people’s movement with baseless allegations' as <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/letters/2019/01/29/bhattachan-responds">he told the Kathmandu Post in 2019</a>. He continues to be featured as a prominent speaker including at TU.
Other faculty members previously accused of sexual harassment include Jagadish Murti Koirala from TU, Bishnu Prasad Acharya from Ratna Rajya Campus, and Bodha Raj Tripathee from Lalitpur Madhyamik Vidhyalaya. A woman staff member from TU also filed a sexual abuse complaint against Dambar Chemjong from TU.
Prominent figures like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">mountaineer Nims Purja</a> have been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/31/sports/mountaineering-sexual-harassment-abuse-nims-purja.html">accused of sexual assault</a>, and cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane, actor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/celebrity-rape-case-spotlights-nepal-laws">Paul Shah</a>, and former speaker of Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mahara-arrested">Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a> have been accused of rape, but society-at-large has let off the alleged perpetrators amdist a larger debate about justice for survivors and punishment of perpetrators.&nbsp;
‘Gaushala-26’ is the court name given to the 18-year-old who accused Sandeep Lamichhane, former captain of Nepal’s national cricket team and skipper of Biratnagar Kings in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/here-comes-the-nepal-premier-league">ongoing Nepal Premier League</a>, of rape. She left the country citing society questioning her character affecting her mental health while Lamichhane got an outpouring of support. In May, the Patan High Court overturned a prior verdict that found Lamichhane guilty of rape and had sentenced him to eight years in prison. During the 23-month legal battle to pursue justice, Gaushala-26 faced threats of gang rape and acid attacks.&nbsp;
Exhausted by the struggle, Gaushala-26 sought to “move to a new world” where she could live free without hiding her identity.
Actress Samragyee Rajya Laxmi Shah in an Instagram video now deleted detailed the harassment she faced from a filmmaker during a movie shoot. She did not name any name but veteran actor Bhuwan KC filed a defamation case against Rana, but the court ruled that the charge lacked sufficient evidence.&nbsp;
Former Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo">Keshav Sthapit also mocked the #MeToo movement</a>, calling accusations against him by journalists Rashmila Prajapati and Ujjwala Maharjan “a rape of men’s rights”.
Serial Abuse
Back at the Kalapremi Ceramics studio, another former student, 24-year-old Rajiv, says he felt the need to speak out after seeing his female classmates being abused.&nbsp;
“He frequently kissed them on their cheeks,” he told Nepali Times. “Whenever they walked into the studio he flailed his arms like a child asking for a hug. They awkwardly hugged him from the side, but he pulled them closer, held their chin, and kissed their cheeks.”&nbsp;
Rajiv says he also saw Kalapremi pull the women’s bra straps, touch their breasts, and slap their buttocks. The young students would freeze, not knowing how to react, and if they protested, he would say it was “normal in art”. Rajiv, 19 at the time like his classmates, remembers thinking perhaps the well-respected artist was right after all.
Another student, Luna, who took lessons at Kalapremi’s studio from 2020 to 2022 did try to confront the tutor after he made an obscene proposal to her. She recalls: “One day when the other students had left the studio and it was just the two of us, he told me that God had given him special artistic talent and he could transfer those powers to me. But to do that both of us will have to be naked, inside a dark room, and have sex.”
Luna, who was 18 then, was livid and told him she did not want any of his powers, but she says he laughed at her as if he was joking. She did not tell her family about the incident because she thought no one would believe her.&nbsp;
“They were all in awe of this famous artist and felt I should be grateful that to be learning sculpting from him,” she says. “I was scared to be alone with him in case he talked about sex again. My coping mechanism was to be rude so he wouldn’t try to come close to me.”
Seeing how some classmates were standing up to Kalapremi, Ekta too tried to push back against his advances, but she said he found ways to coerce her. Since Ekta, Rajiv, and Luna could not afford Kalapremi’s Rs30,000 monthly fee for lessons, he had offered them all a stipend to assist him in the studio.
“He had spondylosis and took me to his therapy sessions to learn massage techniques, then he often made me and other students massage him,” says Ekta. Whenever she refused, he would feign pain to make her feel sorry for him. “He would insist that I put my hands under his shirt so that I could massage him better,” she adds.
The art tutor often tried to “seduce sympathy” from Ekta by sharing how he had never been loved as a child and was “sexually frustrated” as an adult.&nbsp;
“At 7PM, he would pour himself Signature whiskey and immediately go off again about how he was sex-starved. I didn’t know how to respond. It took me time to realise alcohol was just an excuse to talk about sex,” Ekta says.
If convicted, Kalapremi could face financial penalty and/or a prison sentence of up to three years according to Section 224 of National Penal (Code) Act 2017.&nbsp;
Data suggests that victims of child sexual abuse on average take nearly 24 years to tell someone about their trauma, and some may never disclose it at all.&nbsp;
“In our culture, children are rarely taught about boundaries. They often react, show anger when adults pinch their cheeks. But adults insist they did it out of love, and force the children to accept it,” says Sita Lama, a psychotherapist at Manka Kura. “And even when someone touches them inappropriately they struggle to identify and verbalise it.”
When perpetrators claim to be “acting out of love”, Lama says survivors are likely to perceive it as something safe, rather than recognising it as abuse.&nbsp;
“It may take years for them to realise they were abused,” she explains. "And even when they become aware, the power imbalance with the abuser and the associated shame often prevents survivors from speaking up."
Other former students from the School of Art at Kathmandu University have also come forward years later, saying Kalapremi sexually abused them. As young adults, they felt his behaviour was off but were uncertain if it was inappropriate, illegal, or they did not know how to respond. After having understood that it was indeed abuse, they say they are speaking out now to protect others.&nbsp;
Amina Singh, a visiting faculty member at Kathmandu University, says there is no clause against sexual abuse in contracts of teachers, and there is no formal grievance handling mechanism for the students.&nbsp;
“So the only way students can to deal with sexual abuse is approach someone they trust,” she says.
Eight other former art students of Lalit Kala Campus and Srijana College of Fine Arts of Tribhuvan University and other private art studios in Kathmandu say they were also sexually abused by their art teachers. Three faculty members interviewed from these institutions said they saw the abuse, but felt it was futile to report it given how powerful the teachers were.
In the absence of a formal system, some longtime women artists warned each other about “problematic” artists. They shared &nbsp;a “heads-up” to be more cautious when collaborating with them, and avoided responding to their calls and texts after work hours.
To ensure art institutions are safe for all, galleries, museums, artist studios, and smaller art spaces need to develop policies on sexual harassment. This would include a code of conduct or studio policies that hold the leadership accountable and outline the principles of professional ethics.&nbsp;
Students and employees should inquire about accountability mechanisms for raising concerns, both formally and informally, advocates say.
Three years after Ekta left the ceramics studio, she learnt that Kalapremi had harassed many other women. Still trying to get a footing in the art industry, she attended a workshop in Kathmandu where women artists discussed ways to stay safe in the art sector.&nbsp;
Since it was a close-knit group Ekta opened up about how she felt violated and realised she was not alone, he had been abusing underprivileged students for years, and this was common knowledge among artists in Nepal.
Ekta says that even after she quit, Kalapremi continued sending her text messages like ‘I am thinking of you’, ‘Why have you stopped speaking with me’, or ‘I am waiting for your call’.&nbsp;
But what really forced her to act was when Ekta found out that he was sending similar texts to her younger sister.&nbsp;
“I’ve had enough,” she told us. “He abused me all these years but I won’t let him abuse my sister.” &nbsp;
Ekta, Rajiv and Luna are not the real names of the students.&nbsp;

‘Art Lover’ accused of sexual abuse

It was 8:15 in the evening of 25 March 1968 when everyone in the village of Batulechaur near Pokhara heard a deafening sound like thunder as a bright flashing object hurtled down to land in a field.&nbsp; That field belonged to Kul Timilsina, and the next morning he retrieved a sheet of metal about 2m by 1m and carried it home with the help of a few others, thinking it would be useful for his buffalo shed.&nbsp; Before he died at age 83 three years ago, Timilsina had told photo archivist Sunil Ulak that the black metal sheet was not rectangular and had rounded corners. There are a few witnesses still alive who have a clear recollection of the object that fell from the sky that night.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="601" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>The field in Batulechaur belonging to Kul Timilsina where fragments of a flying object fell from the sky in 1968.</figcaption> </figure>  One of them is Timilsina’s wife Gyanu, who was 22 at the time. She had been at home, and remembers hearing the big bang and the sky becoming very bright. “We saw the thing in the field in the morning,” she told us. “It looked like a lid, a covering of some sort. The way it was stuck in the ground, it must have fallen from the sky. We thought we could use it to dry clothes on, and took it home.”&nbsp; Another witness is Kul Narayan Paudel. “I was only eight then. We ran to the field to see what had fallen. It was a four-sided metal sheet. The elders took it away, and I don't know what happened to it.” &nbsp; Ram Bahadur Baniya, a teacher at the local school, says he had heard the sheet had been brought to the school, and later handed over to the Zonal Commissioner at the time, Nanda Prasad Malla. “But that is all hearsay,” he says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="610" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Gyanu Timilsina, wife of Kul Timilsina.</figcaption> </figure>  There are two versions of what happened to Kul Timilsina’s metal sheet. One is that an American Peace Corp Volunteer teaching at the nearby Bindyabasini School took it, and another is that it was handed over to the government. Recently declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and US State Department documents from the time say that the US Embassy in Kathmandu tracked down the object two years later and had it shipped back to the US. A telegram from the Department of State and Department of Defense tagged as ‘MOON DUST / Space Fragments’ dated 1 March 1972 stated: ‘1. Restored space fragment will be on board Embassy support flight 115 arriving Kathmandu on or about March 10. Fragment is packed in shipping crate (cargo no. 72-33365) marked in care of DAO.&nbsp; 2. State and Defense representatives examined fragments prior to shipment finding restoration acceptable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df" data-rendition-name="original" width="856" height="568" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Declassified CIA documents about the investigation into the object sighted in Pokhara. </figcaption> </figure>  The documents show that the US government, military and intelligence agencies investigated this incident thoroughly when it occurred, and have continued to revisit it ever since, as recently as five years ago. What is even more intriguing is that the object that fell in Pokhara was not the only unidentified space object that fell to earth that year. There were similar sightings of objects falling from the sky in Ladakh, Sikkim and Bhutan between 19 February and 25 March 1968.&nbsp; These mysteries were the subject of a CIA investigation in 1968 titled ‘<a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP81R00560R000100070007-8.pdf">Sighting of Unidentified Flying Objects in Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan</a>’, and the report is part of the recent online declassification of 800,000 top-secret documents from the period.&nbsp; &nbsp;Although unidentified flying objects (UFOs) have a connotation now of being alien craft, it could be pieces of satellite, missile, rocket or even aircraft. The CIA report documents six sightings in 1968 and quotes local sources as describing all of them having similar characteristics: bright blue or red streaks in the sky accompanied by loud sounds like lightning and thunder and objects falling to the ground. Aside from the metallic object that was found in Batlechaur, there were other items also found nearby in Tallakot, Tureypasal, Armalakot and Maidan. Whatever the object was, it seems to have disintegrated even before it hit the ground.&nbsp; The CIA report records the first sighting on 19 February 1968 in various parts of Sikkim and Olangchung Gola and Ghunsa in eastern Nepal. The light was said to be ‘long and thin’ and giving out ‘green and red light’. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb" data-rendition-name="original" width="892" height="596" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara "> </figure>  Two days later on 21 February, a soundless blue object was seen traveling fast across the sky above Thimphu in Bhutan. Then on 4 March there were multiple daytime sightings or white streaks in the sky at Chang La Pass, Fukche and Koyul in Ladakh. There were more sightings in Ladakh on the very day fragments fell near Pokhara on 25 March 1968.&nbsp; After the sightings in Pokhara, rumours started flying in Kathmandu that these were aliens trying to land on Earth, it could be Russian or Chinese spy planes or satellites, and some even say it as a sign from heaven that the end of the world was near. This was at the height of the Cold War. The Russians and Americans were testing their thermonuclear devices as well as intercontinental ballistic missile delivery systems. The Washington-Beijing rapprochement had not yet happened, and China was making quick progress testing atomic bombs. Within two years after its first atomic test, in 1966 China exploded its first hydrogen bomb at the Lop Nur site in Xinjiang, 3,000km to the north from Nepal. After neary six decades, what is still intriguing is that all the sightings within a few months of each other in 1968 were along the Himalayan arc bordering Tibet: from Bhutan, Sikkim Nepal, to Ladakh. The US military intelligence seems to have concluded that this was not a coincidence and there were frequent research trips to the site in Pokhara by American officials in the months after the incident. With the help of the Royal Nepal Army, the region north of Pokhara was thoroughly searched.&nbsp; A confidential memo dated 25 June 1968 by Jerry C Trippy to a ‘Mr Farley’ mentions that the US Air Force’s Foreign Technology Division had decided that the debris could be important because it may be related to a Chinese missile test or a Soviet ‘Vehicle Venik’ rocket.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  On 28 August 1968 the US Embassy in Kathmandu sent a letter to Washington DC saying that the object could be of Soviet origin, possibly from when the rocket carrying the ‘Kosmos 208’ satellite re-entered the atmosphere. But why were the fragments falling to earth several weeks apart, and in the same region? No one knows where the metal sheet that Kul Timilsina recovered is now. It was definitely packed in a crate and taken to the US, and although it is rumoured that it was returned that is not very likely. Archivist Sunil Ulak heard from the Timilsina family that CIA officials had returned to the site five years ago. &nbsp; Interest in UFOs peaked in the US in the 1950s, with the Cold War space race and tests of atomic weapons and delivery rockets. CIA and scientists were being sent to investigate sightings, both publicly and privately. Could the Pokhara fragments as well as the sightings in Ladakh and Bhutan actually be alien craft falling to earth? The renewal in interest in space travel in large part due to Elon Musk’s SpaceX, UFOs and sightings are again subjects of public interest.&nbsp; Even 57 years later, even if there was definitive proof about whether the Batlechaur fragment was from a Chinese missile or a soviet rocket, it has not been made public in documents declassified so far. We may never know.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598" data-rendition-name="original" width="642" height="320" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  Sunil Ulak speculates if the debris actually came from an American aircraft, perhaps on an intel mission upon China. “Which could explain why they were so thorough in collecting the fragments in Pokhara,” he says. But that still does not explain the multiple sightings weeks apart in 1968.&nbsp; Indeed, US military aircraft were at that time flying frequent night-time missions from air force bases in India to supply weapons to Khampa guerrilla camps in Nepal located north of Pokhara in Mustang. It could very well be that the Chinese shot down one such aircraft. The other sightings could have been contrails of US spy planes, or Chinese anti-aircraft missiles.&nbsp; There were quite a few developments regarding UFOs in 2024. In a US congressional hearing in July, former intelligence officer David Grusch claimed that the government had long been involved in a program to investigate and retrieve non-human craft crashes, and then try to reverse engineer them. However Grusch did not show any evidence.&nbsp; The UAP Disclosure Act of 2024 was signed into law by Joe Biden in December 2023. It plans to oversee the public disclosure of UFO information. However, there is a clause in it that prevents disclosure if it would cause threats to military defense, intelligence operations or foreign relations.&nbsp; It is unlikely that the declassified documents about sightings in the Himalayan will cause any real surprise about definite evidence of alien life even if it was found. It seems humanity will continue, at least for now, to wonder about curious lights in the sky and whether there is anybody out there.&nbsp;

UFO over Pokhara

When Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) president Rabi Lamichhane was arrested in October on charges of defrauding depositors of cooperatives, the party’s vice president Swarnim Wagle gifted him Fareed Zakaria’s book, Age of Revolutions.
Since then, Lamichhane has been shunted around from Kathmandu to Pokhara to Chitwan and back to Pokhara to attend police investigations and court proceedings. He was being flown to Birganj via Kathmandu on Buddha Air on Monday. There is another pending case in Janakpur.
Human rights groups and civil society have criticised the government for hounding Lamichhane with inhumane treatment that borders on physical torture. The two parties in the coalition, Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML, see Lamichhane’s RSP as a potentially formidable challenge to their power.
Even if the fraud charges against Lamichhane are true, the Nepali public is increasingly looking at the government’s actions through the police and courts as political vendetta.
Despite all the travelling, sometimes by plane and often by road at night, Lamichhane appears to be in high spirits, waving to supporters who often gather if they know he is going to be driven around. A social media video shows him giving high fives to fellow passengers on a recent flight to Pokhara.&nbsp;
In the past weeks, streets in Pokhara have erupted with parallel protests by Lamichhane’s supporters as well as depositors of cooperatives who lost their savings to the scam.&nbsp;
Although family visits are allowed, prison officials in Pokhara told Nepali Times that not many people visit Lamichhane these days. He added, “When he does get visitors, he asks them to bring him books.”
Lamichhane is currently Nepal’s most high-profile public figure in custody, and highlights the stark difference between how influential prisoners are treated compared to ordinary inmates.
There are six prison cells at Kaski District Police Office’s two-story detention centre, three on each floor. And while authorities pack prisoners into already overcrowded cells, Lamichhane has an entire room on the second floor to himself.&nbsp;
He has also been allowed to call his family every few days. Other prisoners are not permitted phone calls except for emergencies.
Meanwhile, Lamichhane’s former business partner Chhabilal Joshi, an ex-Deputy Inspector General of Police with whom he established his Gorkha Media Network, is in custody under the same charges in the prison cell next to him.
Lamichhane is accused of siphoning off depositors' money to the tv network in which he was part-owner and anchor. &nbsp;
Both Lamichhane and Joshi are able to buy food from the police canteen instead of being served the regular meal like other prisoners. Joshi has also given his statement to authorities in Rupandehi and Kathmandu for his alleged role in the scam. Lamichhane is yet to be presented in Kathmandu for questioning.
While he was in custody at the Kathmandu District Police Complex, Joshi expressed his desire to sleep in a police officer’s office, reportedly assuring authorities that he would not run away and he was entitled to certain facilities as a former officer of the law.
“He seemed to be under the impression that he is still a police officer,” says a source at the Kathmandu District Police. “We made it clear to him that as someone accused of a crime, he was not entitled to special treatment.”
Former ministers Balkrishna Khand and Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, and ex-home secretary Tek Narayan Pandey, who were arrested in connection with the fake refugee scam last year, were similarly housed in the offices of law enforcement officials instead of prison cells. Khand has since been released after six months in jail.
While there is no legal provision to keep high-ranking officials in separate detention centres when they are arrested, authorities granting them special facilities is not uncommon. Law enforcement officials say VIP detainees expect preferential treatment while in police custody.
Among those is former Kosi Province minister Lila Ballav Adhikari, who was arrested from Biratnagar on 10 November over his alleged involvement in human trafficking and brought to Kathmandu. Adhikari had flown to Japan without government approval with three individuals on 29 October to attend a cultural conference, but had been sent back to Nepal from Narita.&nbsp;
His three companions were arrested at Kathmandu airport upon their arrival, but Adhikari was able to exit unscathed from the VIP lounge. Adhikari had resigned as the Kosi Province Minister for Internal Affairs and Law when it became public that his companions had been taken into custody, and was himself arrested shortly after. He has since been cleared by the courts.
Throughout his detention, Adhikari was kept separately from other inmates. Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Basant Rajouri, head of the Bhadrakali complex, says that while there is no separate detention area for VIPs, some detainees are kept separately depending on the nature of their crime.
However, sources say that arrangements were made for retired judges and others to visit Adhikari frequently worked at the office of a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) during his time in custody.&nbsp;
“He used to constantly pester the authorities to let him sit outside in the sun, and to be able to use the police officer’s shower area,” added an officer.
Adhikari was released on 25 November after the government prosecutor’s office decided not to charge him in a move that was seen to expose the government’s double standards.
Over at Kathmandu’s Dilli Bazar Prison, former Kist Bank CEO Kamal Gyawali emerges from his prison cell into the courtyard of the prison’s ‘Ka (क)’ block every morning with a thick book in his hands, ready to give his daily sermon.
With his long beard, Gyawali, who is serving a prison sentence for banking fraud, looks the part of a religious guru as he implores his rapt listeners to “walk the right path, abandon bad thoughts and turn to scripture and spirituality”.&nbsp;
Afterward, the attendees gather to discuss politics and current affairs. Inmates at his daily sermons at the prison include other high-profile detainees, including former MP Ichchha Raj Tamang, who is in jail for money laundering and cooperatives fraud, former joint secretary Chudamani Sharma, who was convicted of corruption, as well as NC leader Chandra Bahadur Lama and Krishna Bahadur Upreti of the UML both of whom are on trial for embezzling billions of rupees.
Victims of the cooperatives scam that former lawmaker Tamang was involved in have made trips to the prison and requested visits, but he has refused to meet with any of them.
“Tamang often complains that the state has prevented him from returning the money to the victims by locking him up,” says a police officer at the Dili Bazar jail.
“All you hear every day from the VIP prisoners is that they have been framed,” adds the officer. “No one admits that they were involved in misdeeds.”
But while most high-profile prisoners complain about prison conditions, one exception is former provincial lawmaker Deepak Manange, who is serving a sentence at Dilli Bazar Jail for attempted murder.
“He is the happiest prisoner here,” says a warden. “Unlike the others, he doesn’t claim to have been framed, in fact he doesn’t seem to care that he is in prison.”
Manange is detained in the ‘Kha (ख)’ block of the prison complex, which he renovated at his own expense. The block previously housed female prisoners, but Manange used his influence to transfer them elsewhere. He faces no shortage of visitors, who range from political leaders to people from the underworld.
Along with Manange, other well-known prisoners in this block include Nepal Telecom Managing Director Sunil Poudel, and former executive director of the Surakshan Printing Centre Bikal Poudel, who are serving time for corruption.
Former prisoners at Dilli Bazar prison include ex-ministers Khum Bahadur Khadka and Shyam Sundar Gupta, NC leader Ganesh Lama, Maoist MP Balkrishna Dhungel, Nagarik Unmukti Party leader Resham Chaudhary, as well as former IGs Ramesh Chand Thakuri, Om Bikram Rana, and Hem Bahadur Gurung.
Section 54 of Nepal’s Prison Act assigns each prison’s internal administration the
responsibility of governing its prisoners, which means the more favourable the jail management is, the more comfortable it is for prisoners.
Dilli Bazar prison has been the prison of choice for many high-ranking prisoners, especially those convicted of white collar crimes, due to its more accommodating administrators. The prison, which has the capacity to house 700 inmates, is also less crowded than other jails.
Anuj Bhattarai, spokesperson of the Department of Prison Management, says that there is no legal classification in Nepal for felons to be assigned prisons based on the nature of their crimes.
“That Dilli Bazar Jail has a higher number of prisoners convicted of crimes like corruption is most likely a coincidence,” says Bhattarai. “There is no provision for influential people to be able to choose where they will be incarcerated.”&nbsp;
Translated by Shristi Karki from the Nepali original published in himalkhabar.com

What Nepal’s VIP prisoners do in jail

If you were raised in Nepal, you must have picked up its unique set of vocabulary: आन्दोलन, चक्का जाम, बन्द, राँके जुलुस, आफ्नो मान्छे, हाम्रो दल, कर्फु and many more words connoting political protest.
We became familiar with the acrid smell of burning tyres, and eyes smarting from tear gas. And yet, everyone speaks of another revolution in the making. Not by desire, but by suffocation.
We heard speeches about नयाँ नेपाल, but the New Nepal never arrived. The governance system changed, but it did not reflect on people’s lives — except for those close to centres of power. The state is still unreachable and is not bothered about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/matter-of-life-and-debt">victims of loan sharks</a>, cooperative scams and other injustices.
Politicians continue to speak in sound bites, but fail to deliver. They have mastered the game of pointing fingers towards an external enemy and convincing people that they are never at fault. The political narrative is so disconnected from the actual analysis of the problem that suffocation doesn’t go away after every revolution.
No genuine effort has been made to deliver at all, which is why there is a palpable sense of disillusionment in the air forcing us to seek another revolution, even if Nepal may not be able to afford it.
How has the current system successfully held power, even if the public is deeply frustrated? How is it that for three decades we continue to be led by the same faces, who have time and again, proved to us that they may be great politicians but not national leaders?
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/improving-internet-governance-in-nepal">My experience at the epicentre of politics</a> has led me to identify three cultures that have enabled political parties to keep a tight hold on power: acceptance, silence and dependency.
We accept things the way they are. We use fatalistic phrases like “नेपालमा यस्तै हो” or “नेपालको कानुन दैब जानुन”. While this resilience enables us to rise back up from devastating calamities, it is also a reason for our compliance with the status quo.
Despite so many ‘revolutions’ that have led to significant reforms, these phrases keep getting reinforced, to the point that the upcoming generations have made it their lingo.&nbsp;
This acceptance is not a symbol of law-abiding citizens, but citizens living in fear of those in power, unable to ask the whys and why-nots.
Innovation suffocates in this culture of acceptance of the status quo. This is manifested in remarks like “but we don’t have any laws for this,” or “we don’t have the capacity to implement this”. An innovator or entrepreneur therefore has to spend that energy to become a political lobbyist, often educating and convincing the bureaucracy.&nbsp;
Remember when locally assembled <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/designed-and-made-in-nepal">Yatri motorbikes</a>, despite having willing customers, had to suffer to secure license numbers because of a lack of regulations? Instead of creating new laws, the government kept chanting the “We will promote Nepal-made goods” mantra, leaving entrepreneurs in a labyrinth of bureaucracy. The weight of acceptance of the law lies heavily on innovators. Fatalism is a tactic used by those in power to generate mass fear in society.
When we accept, we become silent. This is a pervasive phenomenon. We are trained to keep quiet, lest we ruffle feathers, burn bridges, or not get the help we need in future. We know, yet we don’t speak.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bureaucratic-hurdles-in-researching-nepals-bureaucracy">Bureaucratic hurdles in researching Nepal's bureaucracy</a>, Daniel W Edwards
Here is one example: the 2021 census shows that the number of baby boys born for every 100 baby girls is 112. This is a clear indication of female foeticide because of boy preference in society.
Despite such horrifying realities, there is finger-pointing within the government between the Ministry of Health and Population with the Ministry of Home Affairs. At the citizen level, we know those who are involved in killing girls. Yet, we don’t speak up. The Nepal Medical Council reports state that despite this gender imbalance at birth, there is no indication of any action.
But why would anyone speak against one's own fraternity, no matter how vile the act is?
When we accept and keep quiet, we become dependent on those who yield power. From getting our government procedure completed on time to getting transfers, to accessing any of our legally protected rights as well, we are forced to depend on our networks of चिनेको मान्छे people we know by blood, village, relations, political affiliation.
The culture of dependency has been the established way in Nepal. If you drive a two-wheeler or four-wheeler, and you get into a small accident, you will be asked to sort it yourself, dialing up the most powerful person you know. It becomes a competition of who knows who.
Recently I was told that there were calls from the Ministry of Health and Population and another from the Prime Minister's Office for just one medical position in a private hospital. Each was pushing its own candidate. Guess which candidate got the position.&nbsp;
The dependency of people is not on the laws or the state, it is with people in power, a reliance on the network of somebody who knows somebody, including those not officially in power.
These cultures are deeply ingrained in our heads, and in society. Collectively they form a vicious circle that helps those in power to retain power. This is not the society we want to live in.
Then, what do we do as a collective to break away from this? How do we break away from the cultures of acceptance and silence that have created this dependency? What can we do to ensure that our children do not have to learn the jargon of आन्दोलन before they learn about the state?
These are the cultures political parties need to shed rather than use them to perpetuate their power. This is what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/an-alternative-to-alternative-politics-in-nepal">alternative politics</a> needs to be about.
Sumana Shrestha is a member of Parliament’s Education, Health and Information Technology parliamentary committee and represents the Rastriya Swatantara Party.

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