The fourth Himal Media Mela on Friday, 25 July coincided with the 25th anniversary of Nepali Times, and workshops throughout the day focused on how the media can increase its reach and revenue in a rapidly evolving digital landscape. In his <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/journalism-reboot">opening remarks</a>, Nepali Times publisher Kunda Dixit spoke about the accelerated changes in the media sphere, and how legacy media exists in the digital space. “Big Tech has gradually dismantled the structures of content moderation,” said Dixit. “Algorithmic authoritarianism has polarised society, fuelling conflict and intolerance.” “The forces undermining democracy and freedom of expression through disinformation and fake news are the same people who are also vaccine and climate deniers, warmongers who cheer genocide, fan flames of ultra-nationalism and sectarianism,” Dixit continued.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250725050756_cf765c9e446e9a9b325ba8562b57446112e8751b8cf8d546b5d75031a46554f3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250725050756_cf765c9e446e9a9b325ba8562b57446112e8751b8cf8d546b5d75031a46554f3" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1385" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2025"> <figcaption>Welcome address by Nepali Times publisher Kunda Dixit. All photos: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption> </figure>  However, even as operators of social media platforms are increasingly controlling how and to what degree the audience is able to connect with news and journalists, digital networks can also be a means of uniting against oppression and promoting public interest journalism. So controlling the internet because it has become violent is not the solution. Rather, Nepal should seek strict guidelines and their compliance, not by punishing journalists using irrelevant laws, as has been the case lately. “When we block platforms — along with the untruth, the truth also disappears,” noted Dixit. In her keynote, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/journalism-will-never-be-out-of-fashion">Manisha Pande</a> of digital portal Newslaundry in India underscored the increased significance of journalism in the age of social media and AI. “In a democracy, journalism and access to clear, credible information is like access to clean water,” said Pande. “It is what allows people to make sensible electoral choices and it makes all the difference between a democracy and an autocracy.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160732_57f331e6fe568fa0b114412e69793a182e10f9f1a526ca5325fa0be2ed9f1b01.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250726160732_57f331e6fe568fa0b114412e69793a182e10f9f1a526ca5325fa0be2ed9f1b01" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2025 NT"> <figcaption>Keynote speaker Manisha Pande of Newslaundry. </figcaption> </figure>  But the media industry finds itself in a financial crisis today, brought on by social media as well as economic collapse since before the Covid-19 pandemic. Interestingly, Newslaundry which was launched in 2012, is a 100% ad-free: no Google ads, no corporate ads, no political funding, and fully sustained by subscribers, allowing them greater independence. In an age when facts do not matter, journalism needs to be more proactive and go where the audience is. Said Pande: “We need to use the internet and social media tools we have to repackage traditional journalism in a way that is interesting to the audience.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160748_2041be8704d2347b2dedac87a4814dfa26b686808889f5b70371bf98d9a9842f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250726160748_2041be8704d2347b2dedac87a4814dfa26b686808889f5b70371bf98d9a9842f" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2025"> <figcaption>Networking during the Himal Media Mela 2025.</figcaption> </figure>  Designing a new digital space for journalism Echoing her sentiment was Anup Kaphle of Rest of World as he led the first session, Designing a New Digital Space for Journalism. “You have to meet your audience where they are, which is on their phones and social media,” said Kaphle, also noting that social media can be a “double-edged sword that is excellent for distribution but also vulnerable to misinformation.” Kaphle was previously Chief Editor of The Kathmandu Post, and has held Editorial positions at Buzzfeed, and The Washington Post. His talk focused on how newsrooms can evolve to thrive in the new digital media environment, and the need to accept that fact that how people consume text has fundamentally changed.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160744_f332b61bdf6dc7317dd960a2682f91f3aa594347c3aec2b484b5a8654207c74e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20250726160744_f332b61bdf6dc7317dd960a2682f91f3aa594347c3aec2b484b5a8654207c74e" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="HImal Media Nepal 2025"> <figcaption>Himalkhabar editor Santa Gaha Magar with speaker Anup Kaphle of Rest of World. </figcaption> </figure>  The attention economy was a big focus of the talk. Most people are watching short form content on their phones - think TikTok, Instagram Reels, YouTube Shorts. “Every journalist should be able to go on camera and summarise their story in 30 seconds,” said Kaphle, also pointing out that building a loyal community of readers comes from consistency, quality, and trust Kaphle also emphasised the need to think about revenue, beyond the obsolete model of relying only on ads, and instead build diverse income streams, such as user generated revenue. He gave examples of the New York Times' metered paywall, where users get a certain number of free articles a month, and then The Guardian, which does not have a paywell but make convincing appeals for voluntary support from readers. There are also others that put most, or all of their content behind a hard paywall. An adjacent model is memberships, where paying members get access to events, behind-the-scenes, newsletters, or early access to content.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160744_a0d0029a1584fbd5367b3dc03776c16c54dd97f3a7a8164f8f0e23a1eef2ac1e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250726160744_a0d0029a1584fbd5367b3dc03776c16c54dd97f3a7a8164f8f0e23a1eef2ac1e" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="HImal Media Nepal 2025"> </figure>  “More and more newsrooms are opening up to their audience, talking to them about what kind of problems they would like to be solved,” said Kaphle, adding that publications with particularly loyal audiences may also think about merchandising —— think The New Yorker totes. In the meantime, there are a few fundamental things that make a story worth paying attention to. Can stories help readers understand complex information? Do stories add unique value? Are there news needs that are not being met? Are you tracking if, and when, your audience is reading? Do you have a journalistic mission that you are transparent about? TikTok and Journalism Meanwhile, Emad Zafar, head of communication from TikTok South Asia, said that while advertising models have put pressure on journalism, TikTok has emerged as a platform that promotes more democratised content.&nbsp; That has meant that even nations that call themselves democratic have put a blanket ban on the platform, citing concerns of privacy, national security, and safety. Nepal also banned the platform in November 2023, saying the social media platform is spreading social discord, but lifted it last year.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160748_a21a30928e26e5f4f63f6f89f4fa7fc47cbbdeb1e94b3b31a57d720ae7ead08a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20250726160748_a21a30928e26e5f4f63f6f89f4fa7fc47cbbdeb1e94b3b31a57d720ae7ead08a" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="HImal Media Nepal 2025"> <figcaption>Karan Parihar of TikTok South Asia.</figcaption> </figure>  Despite being banned in numerous nations, including the most populous country in the world, the numbers that represent the platform are staggering. One in eight people across the world are on TikTok, creating 66,000 videos every minute. One billion people are on the platform every month.&nbsp; These figures make it clear why the platform is so important for journalists to get their content out to a much larger audience, said Karan Parihar of TikTok South Asia.&nbsp; Mamta Siwakoti, TikTok’s Trust and Safety Program Manager, explained the platform’s community guidelines and how journalists can use the platform, even as misinformation has become a major concern for users. TikTok has 21 fact-checking partners, which provide the platform with verified and real time information.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160732_407aeb7d1f657b6aac8451795da0353aad8baa9b6839930aa1cc9087395e29ae.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250726160732_407aeb7d1f657b6aac8451795da0353aad8baa9b6839930aa1cc9087395e29ae" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1367" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2025 NT"> <figcaption>TikTok’s Trust and Safety Program Manager Mamta Siwakoti.</figcaption> </figure>  “Freedom of expression needs to be balanced with human rights,” said Siwakoti. “We consult experts while creating community guidelines, so that it serves our wider purpose of safety and security of our users.” Design and niche content Swarup Nhasiju Shrestha’s Design Sense for Journalists focused on shooting high quality video stories. Nhasiju is the creative head at V-Chitra advertising agency, and has done design and layout for many Nepali newspapers. “Your objective is to stop the scroll - nobody has the time to read anymore,” said Shrestha. He listed out the main types of shots and what they do for the story. A closeup of the face shows the subject’s emotions, a wide shot gives context to what is happening, and an unusual shot can show the subject in a different perspective. Cut every second that doesn’t move the story forward.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160736_b44d99be23087ee79eac0bc0fff39a75e000263a4bedc80c44eb32295bf4089a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20250726160736_b44d99be23087ee79eac0bc0fff39a75e000263a4bedc80c44eb32295bf4089a" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2025 NT"> <figcaption>Designer Swarup Nhasiju Shrestha of V-Chitra advertising agency during his session.</figcaption> </figure>  Shrestha also emphasised the importance of audio. “The audience may forgive shaky video, but not bad audio.” As for text on videos, short sentences, in sans serif font, in black and white, is the easiest to read. Thumbnails are the new front page of a newspaper should have faces, action, and high contrast. In the meantime, a main piece of content can be split up into 3-4 minute ‘mini’ pieces that are less than a minute long. These get the most views, and can funnel viewers to the longer videos. And counterintuitively, release trailers after the main video. This way, anyone who sees a trailer and is interested, can go watch the main video right after. Also talking about high-impact video content was Sojan Prajapati of Kathmandu ko katha who started out with an aim to inform the public about culture and heritage.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160736_822c94baf230a97d92d3dad3f77c2db47d0d987aedac5ee62c2a4dba47479f91.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20250726160736_822c94baf230a97d92d3dad3f77c2db47d0d987aedac5ee62c2a4dba47479f91" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2025 NT"> <figcaption>Sojan Prajapati of Kathmandu ko katha.</figcaption> </figure>  In his session, Niche Content Creation, Prajapati told the audience how he has also used his platform ‘Speak up Nepal’ on Instagram for social issues, went on to push 21 petitions to the House of Representatives, 11 of which are yet to be discussed, while four have been resolved. The main purpose of journalism should lie in reinstating hope and faith in citizens in a world which is constantly consumed by negative rather than positive news, he said. “Virality and vulnerability have a connection. There should be positive reinforcement for something good. You just have to be genuine for content creation, genuineness pays off well.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160748_8671ccafef079346e3fb3ae3a06129089e38be807be28d4ff63b1caec65dfada.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20250726160748_8671ccafef079346e3fb3ae3a06129089e38be807be28d4ff63b1caec65dfada" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="HImal Media Nepal 2025"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160748_9d0f6bfeda6cfc73ed16aa2cf6308a67d2e58b239ac81c4cda144fa9e0cd6e62.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20250726160748_9d0f6bfeda6cfc73ed16aa2cf6308a67d2e58b239ac81c4cda144fa9e0cd6e62" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="HImal Media Nepal 2025"> </figure>  Future of the news In the last session of the day, The Future of News, Sundeep Narwani spoke about how AI and journalism intersect, and that AI can help journalists in copyrighting, social media captions, editing and translation that help reduce the cost of human resources. Generative AI, in turn, is getting more refined as we feed it with more data. Perplexity and Gemini in particular are competing to become real time search engines.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160748_74c59cba8159f704dadf6fe8f53532c8cbe1ccb15387da6c0788d7d2abc51085.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20250726160748_74c59cba8159f704dadf6fe8f53532c8cbe1ccb15387da6c0788d7d2abc51085" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="HImal Media Nepal 2025"> <figcaption>Sundeep Narwani spoke about AI and the future of journalism.</figcaption> </figure>  “Agents are beyond bots. A lot of things will become automated, making things serious and sensitive, even leading to loss of jobs,” said Narwani while also urging users to be careful of biases. Even search engines such as Google have been found to favour certain subjects while powerful figures have had the platform remove or clean their names. This was in line with a session earlier in the day where Naresh Newar showcased a fake video demonstrating the power of AI, and how it could be misused, urging media institutions to come up with guidelines, to not rely overly on these tools.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160736_9270a6f0c5b70d6ce5dccb78bc1d24682b28cf0008ea4aadea689eb3ecececa3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20250726160736_9270a6f0c5b70d6ce5dccb78bc1d24682b28cf0008ea4aadea689eb3ecececa3" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2025 NT"> <figcaption>Tech writer Naresh Newar.</figcaption> </figure>  Pollster Madhu Acharya of Sharecase Data Initiative had sobering but optimistic insights. Comparing Nepal Media Survey results of the past year, Acharya deduced that tv had the most viewership in Nepal, but 20% of its revenue was coming from YouTube, while radio was the most trusted, even though it is seeing a rapid decline in audience, and those who remain are mostly older men. Newspapers, on the other hand, was still one of the most trusted sources, however, it is the source of news for only a little over 5% people. More surprisingly, it is the younger crowd between 18-24 who are reading newspapers the most. On the other hand, online outlets are the new mainstream with most readers between 35-59. Social media has the largest engagement with YouTube, Facebook and TikTok leading the race. In fact, 11.1 million Nepalis are watching YouTube daily, but these platforms have the lowest level of trust.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726160736_c08e5abacdf87f66f21bd4f1ff05567d9dcd63271e34adce04b121dbeafdcc4b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_15" data-image-id="20250726160736_c08e5abacdf87f66f21bd4f1ff05567d9dcd63271e34adce04b121dbeafdcc4b" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2025 NT"> <figcaption>Madhu Acharya of Sharecase Data Initiative presenting the latest findings of the Nepal Media Survey.</figcaption> </figure>

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The present and future of news

हिमालमिडियाले हरेक वर्ष मनाउँदै आएको हिमाल मिडिया मेलाको यो चौथो संस्करणमा उपस्थित सबैलाई स्वागत ।&nbsp; महिनै पिछे विश्वव्यापी सूचना र सञ्चार प्रणालीले अर्को फड्को मारेको हुन्छ। विगत २ महिनामा नै एआई-संचालित उपकरणहरू अचम्मसंग फैलिएका छन।&nbsp; सामाजिक सञ्जालका प्लाटफर्महरुले पाठकहरूलाई परम्परागत समाचार प्रदायकहरूसंग जोडिदिने क्रम जानिजानि घटाउँदै छन।&nbsp; बिग टेकले कन्टे्ट मोडरेसनको संरचना एक पछि अर्को गर्दै हटाएका छन ।&nbsp; यो एल्गोरिथ्म-मय अधिनायकबादले समाजलाई ध्रुवीकृत गर्दै, द्वन्द्व र असहनसिलतालाई बढावा दिएको छ। कलम चलाउने बितिक्कै झम्टी हाल्ने, बोल्योकि क्रोध र ईर्ष्या बर्षिहाल्ने। &nbsp;पत्रकारहरुलाई शत्रु ठान्ने, “१२ भाई” भनेर चिढ्याउने, “डलरबादी” भन्दै धम्क्याउने, “पत्रुकार”को बिल्ला लगाएर ट्रोल गर्ने क्रम बढ्दै छ । तर त्यही नै डिजीटल संजालहरु फेरि उत्पीडनसँग लड्न एक्यबद्यता जुटाउने, र सार्वजनिक हितको पत्रकारिता फैलाउने माध्यम पनि हुन। त्यसैले, अब इन्टरनेट उग्र भयो भनेर त्सलाई नियन्त्रण गर्दा, प्लाटफोर्महरु ब्लक गर्दा — असत्यसंगै सत्यपनि गुम्छ ।&nbsp; कसरी डिजीटल माध्यमहरुमा उपलब्ध अवसरलाई रक्षा गर्दै सामजिक संजालमा हुने उपध्रोलाई नियमन गर्ने। नेपालमा कडा गाइडलाइन र त्यसको पालना खोजिनुपर्छ, बिद्युतिय कारोबार एन प्रयोग गरेर पत्रकारलाई सजाय दिएर होइन। अंग्रेजीमा भन्ने गरिन्छ, अहिलेको नेपालमा सान्दर्भिक होला: “The exercise of my freedom should not violate yours”. Welcome everyone to this fourth edition of Himal Media Mela. The fact that most of you have paid to be here is proof that you value these interactions at a time of accelerated change in the media sphere.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250725060748_949591d168fbf38f0e1d39b377b1cba0daeabd526ec387e64cc7eb7820ac9802.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250725060748_949591d168fbf38f0e1d39b377b1cba0daeabd526ec387e64cc7eb7820ac9802" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2025"> </figure>  On World Press Freedom Day this year, Reporters without Borders published a map of the world in which each country was colour coded in varying shades of red to match the degree of press freedom there. Most of Asia was a sea of red. Only Japan, Korea — and Nepal — stood out as lonely white islands. Even so, we in Nepal cannot take our freedoms for granted. The forces undermining democracy and freedom of expression through disinformation and fake news are the same people who are also vaccine and climate deniers, warmongers who cheer genocide, fan flames of ultra-nationalism and sectarianism. Swimming against this tide, and fighting the good fight through brave, independent journalism is Manisha Pande of Newslaundry from a neighbouring country to our south with a name that begins with the letter ‘I’.&nbsp; Manisha, we are honoured to have you here, eager to listen to you, and be inspired by your journalism. Welcome.&nbsp; This year’s Media Mela will not dwell too much on the challenges faced by journalism. We all know what they are. So, instead of talkshops, we will have workshops. How can we cover the most important stories that affect the daily lives of Nepalis in such a way that it is watched and read to build public opinion and spur policy reform?&nbsp; In an age when facts do not matter, journalism has to be more proactive and go where the audience is. यसै अवसरको उपयोग गर्दै हिमालमिडिया र यसले लिने नयाँ बाटोको विषयमा अलिकति कुरा पनि राखि हाल्छु। हिमालमिडिया अब मुनाफा वितरण नगर्ने कम्पनीको रूपमा परिणत भएको छ। यसले अझ धेरै &nbsp;व्यक्ति, संस्थाहरूसँग जोडिन र सहकार्य गर्न सहज हुन्छ भन्ने विश्वास लिएका छौँ। यो नयाँ non-profit company मार्फत् हाम्रो पत्रकारिता अझै फराकिलो हुनेछ। समावेशी बन्नेछ। An advance thank you to all the workshop speakers for your time, thank you everyone for participating, and thank you to TikTok for powering this year’s Himal Media Mela. There was a social media post the other day in which someone said (and I quote): “Himal Media Mela powered by TikTok? TikTok requires no attention span, while Himal articles require substantial attention span. This is a bit like a Diabetic Convention powered by Lumbini Chini Karkhana.” जे भएपनि, अन्तमा: आजको कार्यशालाहरुले हामी मिडियाकर्मीहरूलाई एउटा नौलो मौका दिने अपेक्षा राखेका छौँ – कसरी डिजिटल औजारले पत्रकारलाई दिएको उपायहरु सिक्न । धैर्य गरेर सुनिदिनु भएकोमा धन्यबाद। एक पटक फेरि सबै सहभागीहरूमा हार्दिक नमन र स्वागत।&nbsp;

Kunda Dixit

Journalism Reboot

“Let's have another cup of tea,” <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/ujwal-thapa-s-light-shines-on-n0tfurod">Ujwal Thapa</a> of the alternative Bibeksheel Nepali party told the young activist Pukar Bam ten years ago. The two had 12 cups of tea that day, discussing ways to get Nepal out of its political deadend. Thapa contested the Constituent Assembly election in 2013 as an independent from Kathmandu, and formed Bibeksheel Nepali to galvanise youth impatient for change, fielding candidates in the first federal election in 2017.&nbsp; Ujwal Thapa was a political guru who was way ahead of his time, and his protégés were among the RSP’s winning candidates in last week’s election. Pukar Bam was a core member of Bibeksheel Nepali until its dissolution, and won the Kathmandu-4 seat this time. Other former Bibeksheel members who won the election from the RSP in Kathmandu include Ranju Neupane from Kathmandu-1, Sasmit Pokharel from Kathmandu-5, and Biraj Bhakta Shrestha in Kathmandu-8. As votes were counted and the results from Kathmandu began to come in, the candidates paid fulsome tribute to Ujwal Thapa’s mentorship and in inspiring idealistic youth to become a part of an alternative political force.&nbsp; Today, as RSP members of Parliament, they are no longer an alternative, but a part of Nepal’s new mainstream politics. Thapa returned to Nepal after finishing his undergraduate computer science degree in the US at the peak of the Maoist insurgency. His foray into politics began when he traveled to Nepal’s western mountains to train communities in mediation. After the war, he started a computer design company for young entrepreneurs entering the workforce. But he became frustrated with the inability of the second Constituent Assembly to promulgate the Constitution, and the power struggle between political parties played out in the streets that led to frequent shutdowns paralysing the country.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260313120348_d18647d53a3b2927328067c35b2e3e6eecf9aefe13f23384e73a2c17211cd9cb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260313120348_d18647d53a3b2927328067c35b2e3e6eecf9aefe13f23384e73a2c17211cd9cb" data-rendition-name="original" width="823" height="682" loading="lazy" alt="The RSP's activist DNA"> <figcaption>Thapa with Pukar Bam, who was elected to Parliament last week from Kathmandu-4. Photo: PUKAR BAM / FACEBOOK</figcaption> </figure>  PROTEST TO POLITICS Ujwal Thapa had had enough, and rallied people from across walks of life, leading peaceful, silent demonstrations proclaiming 'नेपाल खुल्ला छ' against prolonged, violent strikes. Citizens fed up with the main political parties organised to defy the shutdowns. Thapa’s activism and vision for a new Nepal drew disenchanted and previously apathetic youth into politics and to join the Bibeksheel Nepali Party in 2013.&nbsp; Thapa was the pioneer of alternative politics in Nepal, and was leading a youth force long before the GenZ became synonymous with Nepal’s September Storm. He mentored and guided social activists who are today influential youth leaders engaged in non-traditional politics. “Ujwal Thapa, with his entrepreneurial spirit, wanted to address people’s pain-points, and believed that activism was the starting point to alternative politics,” explains <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-loses-rare-purpose-driven-leader">Ashutosh Tiwari</a>, former member of Bibeksheel Sajha party. “He sought to build confidence, motivate, and build a community for young people, which drew a lot of people into Bibeksheel.” He adds: “ And while people might say that Bibeksheel never got big, that was never its point. Its function was to be an early talent incubator, which is what it did as evident by the result of this election.” Thapa died in 2021 of complications related to Covid-19, and Bibeksheel had two mergers with Rabindra Mishra’s Sajha Party before being permanently dissolved in 2021. But many of its idealistic members joined Rabi Lamichhane’s RSP, formed just four months before the 2022 federal election. Such was the groundswell of support for change that the RSP became the fourth-largest in Parliament. In 2017, Ranju Neupane (then Ranju Darshana) was the youngest mayoral candidate for Kathmandu at age 21, and contested the federal election in 2022. Pukar Bam himself lost the 2022 election in Kathmandu-1 as an independent.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260313120348_6302a9b534f57191d9a2cb2c31b31449873c6cc27d375344a248dd90847921dd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260313120348_6302a9b534f57191d9a2cb2c31b31449873c6cc27d375344a248dd90847921dd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1729" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="The RSP's activist DNA"> <figcaption>Photo: SOCIAL MEDIA</figcaption> </figure>  Sashmit Pokharel also ran an unsuccessful campaign as an independent candidate in Kathmandu during the 2022 provincial election. Later, he was a member of the City Planning Commission under Balendra Shah when he was elected mayor of Kathmandu in 2022.&nbsp; Last week, the RSP swept the election with a supermajority of 182 seats in Parliament. Voters placed their trust in the party and its leaders to steer Nepal in a new direction after the youth unrest in September.&nbsp; In many ways, Nepal’s youth have decided, just as Ujwal Thapa once did, that enough is enough with corruption, malgovernance, nepotism and dynastic politics.&nbsp; In the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-man-who-shook-our-minds">documentary</a> about his life, Dimag Ghochne Manche, released earlier this year, some RSP nominees who previously worked with and were mentored by Thapa spoke of the impact he had on their lives, career, and activism. Among them is Biraj Bhakta Shrestha, former minister of Youth and Sports who is now a second time RSP parliamentarian. “I tell everybody that if it hadn’t been for Ujwal Dai, I would not have gotten into politics,” he says in the film.&nbsp; It would be unfair to attribute all the success of the hard-fought campaigns entirely to Ujwal Thapa’s protégés and former coworkers.&nbsp; But his ethos and vision for Nepal was what inspired them, and will in the coming years be reflected in national politics through the young idealists he mentored. Says Ashutosh Tiwari: “There are many Bibeksheels outside of RSP in constant and open communication with their old friends who have been elected. They will be keeping the lawmakers in check so that they do no stray too far from the values that they grew up with.”

RSP’s activist DNA

The Bell that rang in the new A daughter stands in her family's living room, frantically ringing an actual घण्टी at her father. He is a lifelong Nepali Congress (NC) voter. She tells him his party loyalty is as humiliating as a daughter eloping.&nbsp; He looks visibly defeated, and because of RSP’s landslide sweep in this election, he has no reply. She is not a party member. Nobody told her to do this.&nbsp; Multiply this actual family scene by hundreds of thousands of households across Nepal and you find the reason for the RSP tsunami. Children ringing bells at parents over dinner. Aunties shaking bells at legacy party candidates on their morning walks. Taxi drivers, lifelong UML supporters, cheerfully announcing they have switched.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031014038_096f980a799b4f80118863174ed629680cc6c21b02e226a899ce1dc5268b4b72.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026031014038_096f980a799b4f80118863174ed629680cc6c21b02e226a899ce1dc5268b4b72" data-rendition-name="original" width="364" height="662" loading="lazy" alt="RSP Flag prank"> </figure>  And overseas, Nepalis in Dubai and Doha, Sydney and Seattle, calling home to deliver just one instruction: “चुपचाप &nbsp;घण्टीमा छाप”।&nbsp; How did an election symbol like the Bell jump off a ballot paper and become weaponised for generational shame?&nbsp; The RSP's 2026 campaign is a case study in how a symbol becomes so participatory and instinctive, that citizens start campaigning on behalf of a party they never formally joined. It may look like a cult, but it is a phenomenon no political party in Nepal has ever pulled off. The ghost in the machine&nbsp; The 3-year-old RSP entered the 2026 race without the campaign infrastructure that legacy parties considered essential. It has no sister organisations, no vanguard student unions, no established cadre networks.&nbsp; In a country where ground reach and organisation wins elections, this looked like a fatal handicap. Established parties had spent decades building a top-down machinery: youth wings that mobilise on orders and unions within government. But it was all hollow and manufactured.&nbsp; That is why when the NC or UML posted a policy manifesto, it got barely 200 shares. When a 19-year-old posts an <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/spot-ai-generated-election-videos">AI video on TikTok </a>of Balendra Shah swinging a bell like a Kung Fu Hustle weapon, it gets 5 million views.&nbsp; The RSP’s very absence became its strategic advantage. Without a chain of command for content, every post felt peer-to-peer. Supporters built communities instead of following orders. Network effects took over: one person posts, three friends remix it, their followers adapt it for their own local context, and the message multiplies without a single directive from party headquarters. A TikTok from Kathmandu featuring Balendra Shah gets remixed by someone in Birganj who <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@bhojpuriyasuppor0/video/7596686360111484178?q=bhojpuri%20dub%20balen&amp;t=1773115199365">dubs it in Bhojpuri</a>. A supporter in Pokhara takes the same “अबकि बार बालेन सरकार” audio and films it over footage of the city’s broken road.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031014038_56090217f5b3482fad934c4f76fc872047571b3c86331a4eda1ac19ae389c2fc.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2026031014038_56090217f5b3482fad934c4f76fc872047571b3c86331a4eda1ac19ae389c2fc" data-rendition-name="original" width="375" height="646" loading="lazy" alt="Balen Bhojpuri remix"> </figure>  A Nepali worker in Dubai films himself shaking his phone at the camera, captioning it “I can't vote but my family can”. The content stays structurally the same (bell + emotion) but the surface changes every time. The format is the constant. The context is the variable. A single post multiplies into a thousand pieces of local content without anyone coordinating it. Legacy parties spent money on reach. RSP's strategy built reach for free, because participation itself was the product. The Bell, blazer and brand&nbsp; Run the sensory test. The UML's Sun symbol is only visual. You see it on a ballot, on a flag. You cannot hear a sun. You cannot perform a &nbsp;sun. Nobody walks into a room and ‘suns’ at an opponent.&nbsp; The NC’s Tree symbol is also only seen. It communicates nothing as a verb. Nobody ‘trees’ the father across the dinner table. Ujyalo Nepal's lightbulb was the most passive symbol of all, it just sits there being always on. The Bell had rare resonance as an election symbol. It is a verb (to ring), a sound (tintinnabulation), a physical action (shaking), and a metaphor (wake-up call). घण्टी is participatory by design. You do not just see it, you perform it.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260310140312_c5580164e1f11a8466f591c4d514420bb5313a34b559554db05364065486c3b7.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260310140312_c5580164e1f11a8466f591c4d514420bb5313a34b559554db05364065486c3b7" data-rendition-name="original" width="368" height="654" loading="lazy" alt="Classroom ghanti NT"> </figure>  It works as a metaphor: wake up. It works as a taunt: we are coming (“हामी आयौँ”). It operates across sensory channels a meme can travel through. The other party symbols are logos. The घण्टी is a multimedia verb in active voice. Poets on the frontline Politics has always been about performance. Murray Edelman wrote decades ago that political actions are symbolic acts: what politicians do matters less than what their actions represent.&nbsp; Guy-Ernest Debord argued that spectacle replaces lived experience. But the stage has changed. The social media feed is the new stage, and the algorithm is the casting director. It does not select for policy depth, but for recognisability, emotional charge, and remix potential. Poets have always been at the frontlines of political rupture. The French Revolution had its pamphleteers. The Bolsheviks had Mayakovsky. The Black Panthers had Gil Scott-Heron. Nepal's own political history is full of writers who paid for their words with prison or exile.&nbsp; Rap is rhythm and poetry. Balen Shah did not cross from entertainment into politics, his art was always political. “सडकबालक" in 2012 was already a protest song. The diss tracks against corruption were manifestos set to beat.&nbsp; So, if घण्टी was the sound, Balen was the voice. Supporters rang Bells to perform, projecting their hopes on Balen. One is participatory (anyone can ring it), the other is aspirational (representing what you want the country to become). Together, they form a complete symbolic system: an action and an icon, a thing you do, and a person you believe in. Both are algorithm-native. The sunglasses are instantly recognisable in a thumbnail at any size. The bell sound action is identifiable within half a second of a video starting. The confrontational attitude generates the emotional charge that the algorithm rewards.&nbsp; Balen was already trained in the language of the algorithm: hooks, rhythm, timing, and audience retention. While legacy politicians are just now trying to learn the language of the algorithm, Balen grew up speaking it. The folk song brand kit: The slogans wrote themselves. While legacy politicians are just now trying to learn the language of the algorithm, Balen has grown up speaking it. The folk song brand kit The slogans wrote themselves. “चुपचाप &nbsp;घण्टीमा छाप” spread through tea shops and bus parks like a folk proverb. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-ai-generated-election">AI-generated Mahabharat edits</a> positioned Balendra Shah as a warrior-hero fighting K P Oli in golden armour.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031014038_cd7fbb8b4a97628757977b55d1244b192c233566dad268e894c7132d16cf180c.png" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="2026031014038_cd7fbb8b4a97628757977b55d1244b192c233566dad268e894c7132d16cf180c" data-rendition-name="original" width="369" height="667" loading="lazy" alt="Ghanti Chhap NT"> </figure>  The entire package, partly by accident, partly by instinct, was built to be remixed. Every element is modular: the bell, the sunglasses, the slogan, the attitude. Take any piece and make your own version. Like a ‘Deusi re” song, the melody is fixed, everyone knows it, but anyone can change the words to fit their occasion and mood. It survives across generations precisely because no one controls it.&nbsp; The घण्टी ecosystem works the same way. The melody is fixed: the bell, the sound, the slogan, the sunglasses, the attitude. But the lyrics can be anyone’s. Shoot it in your neighborhood. Dub it in your language. Film your grandmother's reaction. Set it to your local context. That's why it spread faster than any IT cell could manufacture.&nbsp; The generational pincer The standard narrative is that digital movements stay digital, and that memes are a GenZ thing. RSP broke both assumptions. Its content operation executed a pincer movement across generations, capturing not just the youth vote but used youth as a delivery mechanism into households where no party organiser could reach. The Generational Pincer Flowchart Three vectors of pressure, all converging on the same target: the living room and the dinner table, where votes in Nepal are actually decided. Downward: children trolling parents by ringing bells at dinner, turning family meals into campaign arenas. A bell rings as a prank, then as a joke, then as a political statement. By the third night, it's not funny anymore. It's a conversation.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260310140316_446e465f60994532e53b1786368dd025e9ad99a387b4121493f8826c46921cb7.png" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20260310140316_446e465f60994532e53b1786368dd025e9ad99a387b4121493f8826c46921cb7" data-rendition-name="original" width="364" height="669" loading="lazy" alt="Ghanti prank"> </figure>  Lateral: the diaspora pipeline. Nepalis in Australia, the Gulf, Japan, could not vote, but they turned every Viber call home into a campaign touchpoint.&nbsp; Upward: the bell pressured power itself. No RSP organiser gets a meeting with a UML ward chairman or a NC MP. But those people go home. And at home, they have teenagers, nieces, nephews, and staff whose kids are on TikTok.&nbsp; A party boss's son rings a bell at dinner and asks uncomfortable questions. A NC donor's daughter shares RSP content on her Instagram story, visible to her father's entire social circle. No political structure, no matter how hierarchical, is sealed off from its own household. The bell did not need to breach the gates of Singha Durbar, it walked in through the kitchen window. The result crossed every demographic line analysts thought was fixed. Memes didn't just stay in the feed. They colonised the living room, the kitchen, the long-distance phone call, the taxi ride. Content nobody commissioned&nbsp; What the RSP's organic content looked less like a political campaign and more like a football fan club. People were not posting because they were told to. They were posting because they belonged. Trace the trends as they accumulated: <ul> <li>“<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@rameshmahto065/video/7610784878174424338?q=chup%20chap%20ghanti%20chap&amp;t=1773115568686">चुपचाप &nbsp;घण्टीमा छाप</a>” started as a TikTok post, then showed up on motorcycle stickers, WhatsApp statuses, AI-remixed songs, and in tea-shop conversation as a folk proverb.</li> <li><a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@rajjimond_18/video/7612570510508969236?q=ma%20ta%20balen%20ko%20fan&amp;t=1773115129539">Original songs composed by supporters</a>, not the party, gained millions of views. People danced to them at rallies and in the streets. People at polling booths created TikToks to RSP anthems to show their support.</li> <li>AI spectacle videos of Balen as a Mahabharat hero, filmy dialogue, stylised Nepal flag. Slapstick clips hitting 200K+ likes and 5M views. All made by random accounts, none traceable to party infrastructure.</li> <li>Supporters built Bell apps and websites on their own. One site, <a href="https://ghanti.website">ghanti.website</a>, was registered by a random supporter in January. Open it on your phone, shake it side to side, and it rings. Within weeks, crowds of supporters were walking through neighborhoods shaking their phones in unison, producing a wall of digital bell sound.</li> <li>The intimate content. A husband-wife vlog filmed inside a car, casually discussing what a lawmaker should actually do. Just two people talking, and it resonated more than any campaign ad.</li> </ul> None of this was centrally coordinated. Parties across Nepal spent money on polished graphics that looked like professional advertisements. RSP supporters spent nothing and made content that felt like conversation. The algorithm doesn't reward production value, it rewards emotional resonance. And nothing resonated more than the feeling that you, personally, could participate in this movement without anyone's permission. Now what? The RSP has a supermajority. The Bell rang louder than anyone predicted. But a movement built on open-source energy now has to deliver closed-source results: budgets, legislation, diplomacy, institutional reform. Balen built his brand by bypassing institutions, Prime Minister Balendra Shah has to run them. He communicated through Facebook posts and rap lyrics. Now he needs to communicate with India, China, and multilateral lenders.&nbsp; His midnight F-bomb post, deleted within 30 minutes but screenshotted by thousands, showed both his appeal (unfiltered authenticity) and his risk (unfiltered impulsiveness). The question is not whether the bell rang loud enough. It obviously did. The question is what happens when the supporters who posted without being asked start expecting results they did not specify. When the meme energy that won living rooms has to translate into parliamentary committees.&nbsp; For decades, the promise of democracy was that people choose their leaders. What RSP's campaign revealed is something more uncomfortable: in the age of the algorithm and remixable content, people do not just choose their leaders.&nbsp; They build the campaign, write the slogans, produce the content, convert their own families, and then show up to vote for the movement they made with their own hands. The party becomes a container for energy it didn't create and can't fully control.&nbsp; That's either the most democratic thing that's ever happened in Nepal, or the most dangerous. It might be both.

Nobody ran the campaign. That is why it worked.

Mamata Kumari Yadav was born just before her father passed his high school exam on his second attempt. Which is why Ram Kewal Ray thinks his daughter brings good luck. Mamata is now a government civil servant, and has three sisters and a younger brother. All are doing well in their professions: one is a doctor at the Army Hospital, another has an MSc in Microbiology, and the other is working in Australia after finishing her MPh. Her brother, an engineering student, is in Kathmandu. “It was all because our parents prioritised education that we did so well in life,” says Mamata. Instead of being woken up to do household chores or work on the family farm, they were encouraged to finish their homework first. While Ram showed his daughters the way and encouraged them to study, it was Sanjeev Karn, a primary school teacher at a school near their home, who motivated them to do well. On International Women's Day, the story of Mamata and her sisters is an inspiring account of dedication, hard work and good guidance.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260309070332_e15e07735cf958367ccf7457f17b181ca168def7d3c7cf01a6d1fc76559e1422.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260309070332_e15e07735cf958367ccf7457f17b181ca168def7d3c7cf01a6d1fc76559e1422" data-rendition-name="original" width="873" height="980" loading="lazy" alt="The Girl Dad of Nepal"> <figcaption>Samata, Punam, Kumudini and Mamata, the four accomplished Yadav sisters from Sarlahi</figcaption> </figure>  Boys always came first in class, but that changed when Mamata and her sisters started excelling in their studies. All four sisters consistently ranked first in their classes and became widely known in the community for their performance. “My friend Sanjay Chaudhary was my biggest competition and used to stand second. He is an engineer now. We are still good friends and laugh about how we were rivals,” recalls Mamata. In a school where no girl had previously passed the high school exam with first division, Mamata became the first to do so and set a record that her sisters later followed. Her uncle in Kathmandu called her father Ram Kewal with the news that Mamata had passed in the first division. Overjoyed, her father went to school and bought Fanta for all her teachers in celebration.&nbsp; Mamata went to Chitwan after receiving a scholarship for a health assistant course. Although her school in Sarlahi was Nepali-medium, she was not able to speak the language properly and felt more comfortable using Maithili. In the new environment, she struggled with language and confidence.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260309070324_030cd8d2bd9eb6334b5dac6f402253a582e4f3c64d03ef820327935b6dd2346e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260309070324_030cd8d2bd9eb6334b5dac6f402253a582e4f3c64d03ef820327935b6dd2346e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="The Girl Dad of Nepal"> <figcaption>Mamata in Sarlahi with her siblings and father when she was young</figcaption> </figure>  She was surprised to learn that Maithili is not spoken all over Nepal. The course was demanding, the textbooks were in English, the student community was diverse, and academic expectations were high. But Mamata began building friendships and confidence. Her sisters later joined her in Chitwan. Mamata returned to Sarlahi and began working with an organisation as a counsellor on sexually transmitted infections. It was her first job, and was proud to be able to support her father. Her second job with a non-profit required field visits across Sarlahi district, so she bought her own second-hand scooter.&nbsp; “Some neighbours did not approve that my parents gave me so much freedom, but they did not pay much heed to such warnings or gossip,” she says. Seeking stability she prepared for the civil service exam for auxiliary health worker position and was stationed in Sindhupalchok. When her father came to drop her off, being used to flat land he was a bit nervous about the steep mountains and 90-minute commute on foot. But he was proud to hear her patients call her ‘doctor’. Later, Mamata transferred back to her home district of Sarlahi.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260309070324_2a91efea2735ba33b6e7945d46ce1c8c8f014679f14909829be3247f68619f78.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260309070324_2a91efea2735ba33b6e7945d46ce1c8c8f014679f14909829be3247f68619f78" data-rendition-name="original" width="977" height="965" loading="lazy" alt="The Girl dad of Nepal"> <figcaption>Mamata Kumari Yadav</figcaption> </figure>  On a work trip to Kathmandu, on her family's recommendation she met a young man who was pursuing a master’s degree in engineering. Their first meeting was at a cafe in the presence of her brother. She found him simple, gentle, and committed to his studies, qualities that resonated with her own personality.&nbsp; “We got married, and my parents did not have to invest in dowry for me and my sisters because they had invested in us,” recalls Mamata, who then became a health post in-charge in Lalitpur. Following administrative restructuring, she found herself reporting to juniors, which limited her sense of growth. She then decided to prepare for the civil service exams in administration. Coming from a health background, the syllabus was unfamiliar and broad. Her first attempt taken without much preparation was unsuccessful, a first failure ever for Mamata.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260309070328_19fa4ca6fde0d8a9311116c64302eddc08f22280632fc16a83c489194ef06120.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260309070328_19fa4ca6fde0d8a9311116c64302eddc08f22280632fc16a83c489194ef06120" data-rendition-name="original" width="960" height="722" loading="lazy" alt="The Girl Dad of Nepal"> <figcaption>Seeing off her sister Samata who studied MPH under the AusAID Scholarship</figcaption> </figure>  By this time, she had a son and the exam took a back seat for two years while managing her health post and raising him. When he turned two, she sent her son to Sarlahi, where her mother Phul Kumari took care of him so she could focus on her studies. This time, she passed. She became the first from her family in a government administrative position. After gaining enough experience, she aims to go back to the Madhes to serve in government positions as an honest bureaucrat. Her parents continue as they always have. Phul Kumari takes care of the household while Ram Kewal runs a pharmacy and tends to the farm back in Sarlahi. &nbsp; “We daughters owe a lot to our parents because our peers were never given the kinds of opportunities we had,” says Mamata. “They were married young and now have adult children. There is nothing girls cannot do if given the right guidance and opportunities.”

The Girl Dad of Nepal

Amidst the euphoria in Nepal about the RSP’s landslide victory, the party’s future government, possibly led by Balendra Shah will plunge headlong into an energy and economic crisis sparked by the war in West Asia. Nepal gets all its diesel, petrol, gas and aviation fuel from India and lacks a strategic stockpile to buffer against shortages. The United States has unsanctioned Russian crude oil to India for one month, but India will only export refined petroleum products to Nepal after meeting its own domestic demand. As it is, India has only 10 days of stockpile of cooking gas and it is giving preference to household use. Energy experts say new oil and gas supplies from Russia and elsewhere will take another month to arrive at Indian ports. “This conflict didn’t develop overnight, yet we did nothing to augment our reserves. Clearly, we didn’t manage procurement anticipating supply disruptions,” says economist Pushkar Bajracharya. The conflict has escalated, seriously disrupting global petroleum supplies. Nearly 20% of the world’s oil and gas moves out of the Strait of Hormuz which is now blocked. The Persian Gulf makes up most of the oil and liquified natural gas supplied to Japan (75%), India (50%) and China (38%). Crude oil prices have nearly doubled to $100 a barrel this week.&nbsp; “This crisis is only going to intensify, so in the short term, it means fuel prices will increase as will the cost of goods and services,” adds Bajracharya. “This doesn’t bode well for the new government, especially when people have such high expectations from it.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260315020356_e9f97cc4e8a41bab08fb9c318be887a7eef5ac674326a9a1c878fd80109c3ec7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260315020356_e9f97cc4e8a41bab08fb9c318be887a7eef5ac674326a9a1c878fd80109c3ec7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1315" height="801" loading="lazy" alt="Strait of Hormuz NT"> </figure>  Fuel stoppages from India have happened before, notably during the 2015 Blockade. But Nepal could be better placed this time to cushion the shock because of the proliferation of battery-operated vehicles, and electrification of household cooking to some extent. “The increase in electric vehicles provides some relief, but it is not enough,” says energy economist and former Water Resources Minister Dipak Gyawali. “Most critical services still run on diesel, and they cannot be replaced overnight.”&nbsp; Nepal’s expanding road network means diesel and petrol consumption is also increasing. If the war drags on, there will be a critical shortage of aviation fuel that could also hurt tourism at the start of the trekking and mountaineering season. There is already a nationwide shortage of cooking gas which is used by 62% of Nepali households. &nbsp; The fuel crisis will have a knock-on effect on the economy which the RSP government will have to tackle on an emergency footing as soon as it comes into office. The priority would be to cap fuel prices with subsidies, control hoarding, and in the longer term expedite the switch to electricity for transportation and cooking.&nbsp; MONEY IN The other impact will be on jobs in West Asia and remittances. Nearly half the $11 billion a year Nepalis send home every year comes from West Asian countries. Nepal’s hard currency reserves have hit a record high $21.09 billion, but that cash will be of no use if there is no fuel to buy. A sharp drop in remittances due to the collapse of the economies of the Gulf states if the war is prolonged will have a multiplier impact particularly on Nepalis' household expenses and the country’s economy in general. This in turn will have a knock-on effect on investment, and affect the RSP government’s main agenda which is to create jobs at home. The vicious cycle will then mean that more Nepalis will want to migrate for overseas jobs, but options in the Gulf may not be available. The RSP’s ministers in government will have to come up with innovative ways to re-integrate Nepalis forced to return because they lose their jobs, or for safety reasons. There are nearly 2 million Nepalis across the UAE, Qatar, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, and another 7,000 mainly women caregivers in Israel. “Other than the impact on remittances and the economy, there could be the additional challenge of rescuing over 2 million Nepalis in West Asia if it comes to that,” says Bajracharya. “We don’t have the resources, and we will have to rely on India’s logistical help.” The RSP’s main vote bank was among global Nepalis, who could not cast &nbsp;ballots themselves but influenced families and friends back home to choose the party. Social media was abuzz with slogans that promoted how choosing the RSP would bring their children back home from the Gulf. “The RSP got a majority, and that’s a good thing but voters came together to oppose UML, NC and the Maoists. But there is no clear ideology or philosophy, so while their slogan to bring Nepalis back from the Gulf sounds nice, what would they come back to?” asks Gyawali. The Nepali diaspora in the Gulf that influenced the electorate so effectively will now be looking at how the government it helped get to power in Kathmandu will help as war engulfs the region.&nbsp; There is an almost unrealistically high expectation of the RSP, and the party may not even get the customary 100-day honeymoon period. The cabinet could be put together easily enough, but the bureaucracy, judiciary, police, and the Upper House are all populated by loyalists of the old parties. Despite bad blood, the RSP will have to work together with all parties in the face of the crisis unleashed by the war. And Nepal’s politicised foreign policy must be galvanised to deal with the crisis.

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