Nepal had just welcomed an all time high 1.2 million visitors in 2019 and was aiming to bring 2 million tourists the following year. Come March 2020 and everything ground to a halt. Thousands of Nepalis lost incomes, and faced an uncertain future. While foreign tourists have returned to Nepal after three years, tourism entrepreneurs now must consider how best to safeguard the sector from future crises. Covid-19 wasn’t the last of the pandemics, and now there are more conflicts and disasters. One solution is a shift to a sustainable and inclusive model through community-based homestay tourism, which is already spreading across Nepal.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230701050728_22ed6aac00eae7f5a4d4084ee827df1ce74afc6ce7be68c8305a6069cd6c77ad.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20230701050728_22ed6aac00eae7f5a4d4084ee827df1ce74afc6ce7be68c8305a6069cd6c77ad" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Homestays in Butwal Nepal"> <figcaption>The city of Butwal seen from a hillside, a short hike from a new homestay.</figcaption> </figure>  Homestays in Nepal allow visitors to pay for living in family homes rather than in guest houses or hotels, and to eat whatever the family eats, rather than ordering off a standardised menu. But there is significant diversity in the types of homestays available, ranging from simple rooms in traditional village homes to multi-room outbuildings with attached bathrooms and wifi. Homestays can be privately run by individual families or belong to a community homestay program, in which neighbours form a governing committee and agree to rotate hosting duties between households and contribute a share of profits to local development funds. Community homestays started to proliferate just a decade ago with support from government bodies and travel enterprises such as the <a href="https://www.communityhomestay.com/">Community Homestay Network</a>. According to Krishna Chaudhary of the Homestay Federation of Nepal, as of summer 2022 there were around 6,500 registered homestays across 1,500 villages in the country. Saroj Tamang opened his homestay in Gre village of Rasuwa district shortly before the first Covid lockdown, and believes many tourists prefer staying in village homes over large guest houses so that they can experience local culture. “It’s more fun for them to stay with families, here the tourists can live how our grandfathers lived,” says Tamang who had no guests at all during the pandemic but is optimistic for the future of homestays and the benefits to his village. “Development will come with the tourists. The town will be clean, we will share the benefits, and income would stay here in Gre.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230701050720_896404d078b748c24ea30a57f74fd8a51b50ce7005317ae9879e2a2fbb0bf100.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230701050720_896404d078b748c24ea30a57f74fd8a51b50ce7005317ae9879e2a2fbb0bf100" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Homestays in Rasuwa Nepal"> <figcaption>The view from a homestay in Gre, overlooking the Trishuli valley with Langtang Himal in the distance.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230701050720_e7f24c567dfdaa8339fc72d2b87fb98e045f9ea726ab53575a9773992a4cec12.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230701050720_e7f24c567dfdaa8339fc72d2b87fb98e045f9ea726ab53575a9773992a4cec12" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Homestays in Rasuwa Nepal"> <figcaption>The dining area of Pema Homestay in Gre village, Rasuwa, featuring prayer flags and traditional Tamang window carvings.</figcaption> </figure>  Profit-sharing and collective investment by homestay operators now allow development of local tourism infrastructure such as community halls for cultural performances, signposts, and footpaths. The homestay business is by definition integrated into home and family life, so homestays have lower operating costs than hotels and are thus more resilient to economic shocks. The economic impact of the lockdown may therefore not have been felt as harshly for village homestays as they were for hotels. “In the homestay sector, we own our houses and land, and it’s a family business, 99% of homestay job holders are family members,” says Krishna Chaudhary, the Homestay Federation official who is also the chair of Gabhar Valley Community Homestay in Banke district. “But many hotels must pay rent for their land and buildings, and they have to hire staff and pay them.” Chaudhary is expanding his homestay and sees some silver linings in the tourism shutdown: “Here we can grow our own vegetables, we have land and jungle. During the lockdown we could rest with our families and do renovations to create more opportunity going forward.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230701050720_c508f1fd792e470700b3d340ef037c2772a5edffe6cd8a904c0708589141493a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20230701050720_c508f1fd792e470700b3d340ef037c2772a5edffe6cd8a904c0708589141493a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Homestay in Bardia Nepal"> <figcaption>A sign marks the entrance to a homestay in Dalla village in Bardia.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230701050720_a41ffe77923e2be769b43de459e95fc2d63dd8e44c175b69eb753ebab01600ea.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230701050720_a41ffe77923e2be769b43de459e95fc2d63dd8e44c175b69eb753ebab01600ea" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Homestay in Bardia Nepal"> <figcaption>A courtyard at Gabhar Valley homestay, showcasing the traditional art and architecture of the Tharu culture.</figcaption> </figure>  Additionally, homestay tourism can provide positive spillover effects to the broader community beyond homestay operators. Salik Ram Chaudhary, who has operated a homestay in Dalla village in Bardia district for 11 years, says, “Other households in Dalla sell chicken and eggs to the homestays, and vegetable farmers sell food to us too. So other local people also benefit.” The homestay program in Dalla has also attracted outside funding to build a community hall, and tourism proceeds are used to finance conservation efforts in the village’s community forest, which is part of an important wildlife corridor on the Bardia National Park.&nbsp; “There’s a good relationship between tourism and the environment,” he says. “Conservation has improved with homestays." Husband and wife Dhanishwar and Janaki Bashyal have run their homestay in Tansen of Palpa district for 12 years. Their homestay was initially a private family business, but five years ago the Bashyals and a few other homestay operators in Tansen joined hands to form a community homestay group with government support. In addition, the homestay committee in Tansen collaborates in knowledge sharing and in hosting joint cultural programs for tourists which is educational even to the locals. Says Bashyal: “Young people in Tansen also see the traditional culture and dress… because of the homestays, our culture is preserved.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230701050728_eb90f96870bc6f48f123254fc544baee25efc9c793bbe354b768ccc8963338f2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20230701050728_eb90f96870bc6f48f123254fc544baee25efc9c793bbe354b768ccc8963338f2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1230" loading="lazy" alt="Homestay in Palpa Nepal"> <figcaption>The view from a homestay in Tansen, Palpa.</figcaption> </figure>  There are challenges. Many foreign tourists are unaware of community homestays unless they hire a homestay-focused travel agency while domestic tourists view homestays as a downgrade to hotels. Additionally, inequality within communities can cause tension, as some homestay operators are able to afford larger investments in guest rooms and facilities, and thus end up with a greater share of revenue than others. Promotion and advertising, which many homestay operators see as a priority for post-pandemic growth, can be costly and difficult, especially for locations not on traditional tourism circuits. In established tourism hubs such as Ghandruk in Kaski district in the Annapurna Conservation Area, homestays can struggle to find a foothold in a highly competitive tourism environment. “Tourists see the big hotels and stay there, they ignore the homestays,” says one operator.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230701050716_cdc8fbd772e7bdc7d5dd62bf5c6acac86eb0334ff997fca2fd88c215dc4e7b1c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20230701050716_cdc8fbd772e7bdc7d5dd62bf5c6acac86eb0334ff997fca2fd88c215dc4e7b1c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Homestay in Ghandruk Nepal"> <figcaption>A view of the old town of Ghandrukin Kaski district. The town’s distinctive Gurung architecture is being replaced by concrete hotels in much of the village.</figcaption> </figure>  In contrast to the collaborative spirit often seen in smaller village homestay groups, the homestay operator in Ghandruk felt that the members of the homestay committee there did not support each other because they were competing among themselves for a limited customer base, especially in the aftermath of the lockdown. Juma, a homestay operator in Thini village near Jomsom in Lower Mustang, also noted a rise in competition. “The guest houses compete with the homestays here. The guest houses have attached bathrooms and more facilities. Here we have simple, local food. But homestays offer cultural programs and are cheaper.” The post-pandemic boom in domestic travel filled Thini’s homestays to capacity in peak tourism months, and Juma was planning to recruit neighbours into the program. “In the high season we have to turn back tourists because all the homestays are full,” she adds. “We need more houses to join.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230701050728_a1600accf79ec74442a3a6b0be356c42a79e2e624373427e20152b731124f0ee.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20230701050728_a1600accf79ec74442a3a6b0be356c42a79e2e624373427e20152b731124f0ee" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Homestay in Mustang Nepal"> <figcaption>A view of Thini village in lower Mustang, with agricultural fields and the Jomsom airport below.</figcaption> </figure>  Seeing the success of homestays in other parts of Nepal, tourism entrepreneur Rabin Karki is seeking to create a community-based homestay tourism program in his hometown of Butwal. “Right now this neighbourhood is only a residential area, it’s not a source of income for anyone,” says Karki. “But homestays could make it a business area as well.” Karki has seen enthusiasm from his fellow young people in Butwal for developing a community-centric tourism industry in the city, which is a transit hub in southern Nepal with highway links to popular tourist sites like Lumbini, Chitwan and Pokhara. Homestay operators, especially in rural areas, still must contend with the economic realities that posed difficulties even before the pandemic. In Narchyang village in Myagdi, some residents who had supplemented their income by operating homestays have moved away for better opportunities. “Before the pandemic, 20 people were on the homestay committee here,” says Hukum Pun, a homestay owner in Narchyang. “But now there are only four or five homestays. It was destroyed by corona. Some people moved abroad for work, some left the village for the city, some have gotten too old.” Narchyang is close to Tatopani, an established stop along the Annapurna Circuit and the site of many large hotels. This meant that the lockdown’s effects were less severe in Narchyang than in Tatopani. “There were no tourists here, but we are not reliant on tourism. So here it wasn’t hard. We grew vegetables…there is a lot of agriculture here. In Tatopani there is only tourism,” he explains.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230701050728_f3606186efd2dcd7870c18b17ba4a376db85011c10da2c376fc7617bd2d9cc8a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20230701050728_f3606186efd2dcd7870c18b17ba4a376db85011c10da2c376fc7617bd2d9cc8a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="2000" loading="lazy" alt="Homestays in Nepal"> <figcaption>A waterfall above terraced fields, seen from a homestay in Narchyang village.</figcaption> </figure>  Nepal recorded 600,000 arrivals in 2022 and Nepal Tourism Board has a goal of 1 million in 2023. The tourism landscape has changed drastically post-pandemic and in the age of the climate crisis. Now is the time to build a more resilient tourism industry that shares benefits at the community level. Promoting and supporting homestay tourism may provide one path forward.&nbsp; Jack Shangraw is a Fulbright scholar documenting the impacts of the pandemic lockdown on community-level tourism in Nepal.

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Home away from home in Nepal

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151116/636a64fd9c7e80680e059908jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="978"/><figcaption>A guest is welcomed at the Ayodhyapuri homestay cooperative located in the Chitwan National Park buffer zone. Photo : WWF</figcaption></figure>Hari Bahadur Pun from Madi Valley in <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/how-chitwan-was-opened,4159" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Chitwan</a> returned from Malaysia three years ago, and has been running his own homestay since then. He is thankful he made that decision, and spends his day welcoming guests into his home.“The rooms are never empty because guests keep coming and I spend my time taking care of them. This is great work for myself, and good income for the village."The boundary of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/More-trouble-in-Chitwan-National-Park,2956" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Chitwan National Park</a> is 1km north of Ayodhyapuri village and the Indian border is to the south. An ongoing problem in the village is wild animals from the park raiding crops, which is why most young people here migrated overseas for employment.But today, homestays have given jobs  to villagers. The guests are visitors from Nepal and abroad attracted by the rustic lifestyle, and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Conservation-and-tourism-Chitwan-National-Park,2957" target="_blank" rel="noopener">wildlife tourism</a> in Chitwan.Ward Chief Krishna Raj Adhikari says there is no shortage of guests, especially from October to May. Bookings need to be made by July, or visitors won’t find a room. Says homestay operator Om Bahadur Pun Magar, “Many times, we have had to send tourists to hotels after serving them meals but we don’t like it when we have to do that. It spoils the whole homestay experience.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151116/636a65009c7e80680e059909jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="392" height="500"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Many people from the area who had migrated abroad for work have returned to open their own homestays, attracted by the income that can be made in their own houses. Many earn about Rs35,000 per month. The benefits go beyond individual homes. Previously there was no electricity in area villages, and streets were filled with mud during the monsoon and dust in winter. Today, roads are paved, and in the evenings the villages light up because of new solar-powered street lamps.The locals are less dependent on Chitwan National Park as well. “Before the homestay was established, everyone owned cows and buffaloes, and when we went into the jungle for grass we used to have run-ins with army rangers guarding the park,” says Som Maya Pun. “Now, people have stopped raising livestock or stall-feed them, and are busy with running their homestays.”The homestays have also allowed locals to reconnect with their culture. Years ago,Dambar Bahadur Pun, who migrated here from his home in Myagdi in the mountains, joined the Indian Army like many of his forebears. He used to return home every year for 45 days of vacation, travelling from Raxaul through Sauraha. But that trip took at least a month. Tired of spending most of his holiday travelling, he moved to Ayodhyapuri, which is just three hours from his Indian Army base.“We didn’t know much about our culture because we had not seen much of it,” says Khil Bahadur Pun, also from Myagdi. “But after we started our homestay, everyone was interested in the Magar culture again. We reconnected with our roots, and discovered our songs, dances and festivals.”To perform for guests, locals learnt Maruni and Soreti, traditional Magar dances. Now a ‘cultural home’ has been set up so homestay visitors can gather for performances.Supporting homestays can be a way of helping not only local economies but also conservation. People who live near national parks like Chitwan are often poor and rely on farming and livestock. <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/more-rhinos-means-more-encounter,4045" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Wild animals put livelihoods at risk</a>. But by providing income from tourism, national parks can ease the burdens on those living around them.Through the Tarai Arc Landscape program, the Worldwide Fund for Nature (WWF) Nepal supported buffer zone communities to set up homestays, and the Madi cooperative is one of them. The 13 houses have hosted 11,000 visitors in the last three years, and the homestays are marketed by the adventure travel company Intrepid Travel.Tul Bahadur Pun Magar, the secretary of the cooperative and operator of one of the homestays, himself used to work as a driver and a construction supervisor in Bahrain, earning Rs70,000 a month. He is happy to be back near nature, and planning for the future.“Through the homestays, we have learned to live with wild animals. Our guests love to see them and we have realised that they are precious,” he says. With the 13 homestays fairly well-established, Pun Magar has plans to create a bird sanctuary near his village.Many operators of Ayodhyapuri’s homestays are women, who have been empowered by the income and exposure. “We never used to deal with people from outside the household,” says homestay operator Sharmila Rai. “Now we feel confident  engaging with anyone.”While only a few of Ayodhyapuri’s households host homestays, they generate income beyond lodging fees. All vegetables needed for feeding tourists is grown organically in the village, dairy products are made locally, and the fish and poultry are also raised by the village.The growth of economic disparities within the village is a problem faced by homestay programs, particularly in places where for reasons of caste, there is already a socio-economic gap. In Ayodhyapuri, at least, the distribution of income-generating activities as well as the limit of one homestay per operator, seems to be keeping these disparities in check.Read also:<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=37172&amp;preview_nonce=98944df42f&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepalis open doors to a better life,</a> Sanghamitra Subba<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/migrant-worker-finds-farming-in-nepal-more-rewarding/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Migrant worker finds farming in Nepal more rewarding</a>, Naresh Newar<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/no-need-to-migrate-for-work/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">No need to migrate for work</a>, Nepali Times

Homestays keep former migrants in Nepal

Jazz as healing music

<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/waiting-for-bipin-joshi" target="_blank">Nepali student Bipin Joshi</a>, who was taken captive by Hamas on 7 October 2023, was not on the list of those freed following the end of the bombardment and fighting in Gaza.&nbsp; On Monday morning, the Israeli military notified Bipin's family and Nepal’s ambassador to Israel Dhan Prasad Pandit, that there is no evidence of him still being alive. However, Nepal's Foreign Ministry is yet to be notified by Israel's government of Bipin's status. The news came three days after a US-brokered ceasefire between Israel and Hamas came into effect, and hostage and prisoner exchanges by the two sides started Monday morning.&nbsp; Almost 2,000 Palestinians held in Israeli prisions are expected to be released by Israel in exchange for the hostages during the next phase of the peace deal between the two parties, and the bodies of deceased hostages remaining in Gaza are also expected to be returned.&nbsp; Bipin Joshi was among a group of Nepalis who had arrived in Israel in 2023 just weeks before 7 October 2023 as part of a ‘learn and earn’ program to work and earn in kibbutz farms there.&nbsp; Along with other students Joshi had been working on a farm in Kibbutz Alumim in southern Israel near Gaza. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/war-in-israel-earthquake-and-grief-in-nepal">Ten Nepali students were killed </a>while taking cover in shelters near their farms in two separate attacks by Hamas fighters.&nbsp; Joshi’s colleagues, fellow Nepalis who survived the attack, recall gunmen lobbing two grenades into the bunker that they had taken cover in. Bipin hurled one of the grenades out, they say, but the other one exploded, killing and injuring Nepalis inside. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Shortly after, Bipin was captured by Hamas along with a Thai national and led away into Gaza. CCTV footage showed Bipin alive and at a hospital in Gaza on the day of the attack itself after he was taken hostage.&nbsp; Thirty-one Thai citizens, who like Nepalis worked in farms in Israel, were taken hostage during the Hamas attack, the highest number of foreign captives in October 2023.&nbsp; <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/deft-diplomacy-freed-thai-hostages">Deft Thai diplomatic engagement</a> with officials from Iran, Egypt, and Qatar brought about the release of 23 of its nationals in 2023. Five more Thai nationals were released earlier this year.&nbsp; In August, Joshi’s family visited Israel at the invitation of the government and urged the international community to push for his return. Bipin’s mother Padma and sister Pushpa have been at the United Nations to lobby for his release.&nbsp; His family last week also released a video clip of Bipin briefly speaking on camera, reportedly obtained by Israel and said to be filmed in November 2023, around a month after he was taken captive. Joshi looks healthy in that video.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251013091028_d551c7f88204c52217152fb5db655bb5a5f8bf2cff1e6a055326ebf64453ff9f.png" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251013091028_d551c7f88204c52217152fb5db655bb5a5f8bf2cff1e6a055326ebf64453ff9f" data-rendition-name="original" width="2848" height="1528" loading="lazy" alt="Bipin Joshi NT"> </figure>  More than 67,000 Palestinians have been killed during the last two years of the genocide in Gaza. About 1,200 people were killed during the Hamas attack on 7 October 2023, while more than 251, including Bipin Joshi, were taken as captives.&nbsp; This is the third ceasefire implemented in Gaza since 7 October 2023 after previous ones in November 2023 and January 2025. This 20-point deal facilitated by intermediaries US, Qatar, Turkey, and Egypt included terms for Hamas to give up its arms, and for a devastated Gaza to be governed by a Palestinian body of independent technocrats, while Israeli troops will withdraw in stages from Gaza.&nbsp; Hamas has agreed to relinquish control of Gaza, but has rejected the demand for disarmament, saying the group will demobilise but is prepared to resume fighting if Israel breaches the ceasefire.&nbsp; Following the ceasefire, Palestinians in Gaza have begun long journeys back to homes reduced to rubble by Israel’s two-year assault on the strip. The flow of humanitarian aid in the city has also increased following the peace deal.&nbsp; Israel's closure of humanitarian corridors in the past months had blocked the entry of food and medicine into Gaza, causing widespread famine. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) has said that the restriction of aid into the beseiged city has left as many as <a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/news-releases/gaza-unrwa%E2%80%99s-lancet-study-reveals-alarming-surge-child-malnutrition">54,600 children acutely malnourished</a>.&nbsp; Meanwhile, US president Donald Trump landed in Israel on Monday as hostages were being released, and world leaders are expected to head to Egypt for an international summit to discuss the next steps in Gaza, Israel, and West Asia.&nbsp;

Nepali hostage in Gaza not alive: Israel

Already trying to balance youth demands with legal provisions in the Constitution, Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s interim government faced yet another challenge over Dasain: a receding monsoon dumped unseasonal rain unleashing floods and landslides that killed at least 60, mostly in eastern Nepal.&nbsp; The government was rated positively for its early warning and the ‘visibility’ of its disaster response, with many comparing it to the inaction of the NC-UML coalition during last year’s floods.&nbsp; Government agencies and police proactively closed off hazardous sections of highways as Kathmandu was marooned from the rest of the country in the peak holiday season. Stranded passengers were taken care of, with police, army and local governments in Ilam coordinating rescue and relief efforts. Many of the problems were structural and inherited from decades of neglect and corruption in highway contracts. Shoddy bridges and encroachment of settlements along river banks have increased risk from more frequent extreme weather caused by climate breakdown. With Dasain over Tihar around the corner and the worst of the disaster behind, the Karki administration is trying to balance the separate demands of GenZ movers and shakers who installed her in office with constitutional provisions. It has not helped that the badly-mauled political parties are spoiling for a fight, and the three top leaders show little signs of stepping down. “Nepal’s movement did not happen in a democratic vacuum, so this government walks a very fine line in political legitimacy," says Bidushi Dhungel of the National Democratic Institute in Nepal. "In this fragile space, whatever the work done — or not done— by the interim government within its limited mandate, it may open up avenues for further dissent from old and new actors. They are &nbsp;caught between a rock and a hard place.” Civil society activists issued a statement on Wednesday calling on the main political parties to heed the writing on the wall and reform themselves. Signed by professor Krishna Khanal and former ambassador Keshab Mathema, the statement said: 'The main leaders of the main parties should say sorry, and voluntarily resign ... they must respect public sentiments and work to reform and transform their parties to be more accountable to the public, or risk being irrelevant.'&nbsp; Complicating matters further are the sometimes contradictory demands of various GenZ factions on punishing those responsible for the carnage and rampage of 8-9 September, Constitution and elections. Karki faces calls to immediately detain former PM KP Oli and Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak for their involvement in the massacre outside Parliament. Under pressure from GenZ delegates, Home Minister Om Aryal fired off a letter to the police to arrest Oli and Lekhak. But later at a confrontational midnight meeting at the prime minister’s residence in Baluwatar, all four security chiefs advised Karki that arresting the UML and NC ex-ministers could unleash violent confrontation on the streets. The interim government is in a bind. It has formed a committee headed by Gauri Bahadur Karki to investigate the killings last month as well as the arson and vandalism that followed. The question is: should it wait for the committee to submit its report before punishing perpetrators, or let police arrest those who can easily be identified in social media posts setting fire to Singha Darbar, the Supreme Court and other sites.&nbsp; GenZ’s Sudan Gurung faction has gone beyond its original demand to submit an 8-point ultimatum that includes the sacking of the Chief Justice and officials of the anti-corruption bureau.&nbsp; The Prime Minister is caught in the crossfire between managing the expectations of a movement that appointed her, and working within the framework of her interim government’s mandate and Constitution. But it is not just the government that faces challenges. The lack of clear consensus among youth factions and their outspoken collectives is surfacing.&nbsp; &nbsp;“This has been a leaderless and decentralised movement, and the traditional variables typically seen in a political revolt seem missing here," notes political scientist Sucheta Pyakuryal. “There is no organised structure, nor any ideological pull factor, therefore a big question is how much bargaining power does a movement like this have, and how sustainable will it be.” GenZ leaders seem to be in two main camps. Demands like the one for a directly elected prime minister, and the constitutional processes that can make for such an outcome, have emerged as a major point dividing the movement.&nbsp; Nepalis both within and outside the youth movement are watching Hami Nepal’s Sudan Gurung closely — especially after his recent interview with Al-Jazeera during which he expressed his interest to run for Prime Minister and seemed to not accept a win by political parties in the March elections.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251009201044_fcba7e92bb9a8812fd0ad4e9770d6f4d4189972de5229f91e9a832a26e388901.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251009201044_fcba7e92bb9a8812fd0ad4e9770d6f4d4189972de5229f91e9a832a26e388901" data-rendition-name="original" width="2916" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="One month on NT"> <figcaption>GROUND ZERO: The destroyed centre of Nepal's government with Singha Darbar (in green scaffolding), the Attorney General's Office, Supreme Court, and in the distance, Parliament building. Also seen are the nearly finished new Parliament Complex and the new Supreme Court buildings. Drone shot taken on Thursday morning. Photo: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption> </figure>  Gurung’s participation in the NDRRMA’s disaster management meeting and manner of his interaction with officials at the event was met with both bouquets and brickbats. Interestingly, some of the criticism was youth activists themselves. &nbsp;“There's a lot of self-involvement and self-importance that seems to be guiding a fragmented young leadership, as opposed to constructively engaging in how to concretise reforms,” says Dhungel. “There seems to be very little stocktaking of what's happened in the past, and what's happened in other countries to try identify where lapses could be before they occur."&nbsp; In the absence of unified positions and level-headed leadership, the youth who spearheaded post-protest negotiations, as well as the GenZ movement in general, risk losing public goodwill already dented by the destruction of state property on 9 September. This also leaves an opening for political parties which are on the defensive and licking their wounds to capitalise on youth discord.&nbsp; Says Pyakuryal: “Post revolution, the political landscape becomes extremely unpredictable and therefore there is a risk of co-optation from several Machiavellian political actors including political parties, monarchists, as well as other forces, and that is concerning.” The immediate and visible transformation that Nepal’s youth expect will not manifest right away, and while there is a need for long-term political planning, the caretaker government must also undertake measures that have a palpable impact on the daily life of citizens. &nbsp;&nbsp; “While youth frustrations must be addressed urgently, statecraft isn’t just about fulfilling short-term goals,”says Pyakuryal. &nbsp; Many, including the youth themselves, now see the need for GenZ to have a more united stance and to move beyond making demands that the interim government cannot fulfil and start mobilising for elections — even by forming its own party.&nbsp; A strong showing in elections can enable them to enact the changes they want to strengthen Nepal’s democracy, and make future governments more accountable.&nbsp; This week, the Election Commission announced 16 November as the deadline to register new parties for the 5 March polls.&nbsp; Youth representatives have said that they want to be active participants in the political process, particularly in national-level politics. The Constitution defines ‘youth’ as being between the ages of 16-40. In the 2022 elections, the Election Commission stated that over 41% of locally-elected representatives were from ages 21-40 years.&nbsp; If young Nepalis are to contest the election outside the banner of mainstream parties, this leaves electoral aspirants little more than a month to decide whether to form a loose coalition with existing parties, a separate political party, or to contest elections independently. “This is first of a kind movement, where political language is digital, not ideological, where organising is done through online platforms and where there is no one leader spearheading the movement,”says Pyakuryal. “I don’t know if ‘anti-corruption’ or ‘political reform’ have a strong enough ideological pull to band people together in the long run.” Indeed, the RSP was formed only four months before the 2022 elections and cashed in on anti-incumbent and anti-corruption sentiments of voters — mainly driven by social media. But controversy and strife within their party means it has largely lost its public trust.&nbsp; Nepal’s September Uprising and its aftermath have shown that a majority of young people are entirely disillusioned with establishment parties and politicians, even using ‘ex-political parties’ as a phrase of reference. Any new young political figures that emerge from this movement and this election will have to work with mainstream parties in a multiparty democracy.&nbsp; &nbsp;“The reality of politics is that change is not possible without engaging with existing political institutions and actors,” says Dhungel. “To say that they do not want to engage, negotiate, or identify allies or proactively seek out input from at least the reform-minded individuals within each of those outfits is political naivety, and may lead to a lack of institutionalised reform.” However, Dhungel notes that the youth leadership would have more agency if they are clear not just on what they want to change, but about whether they are interested in active politics or civic engagement. “The window of opportunity that is fast closing is to really negotiate hard and push for internal reforms within political parties and across the electoral system,” she adds. Pyakurel also adds: “GenZ are smart and politically mature, I hope they see these loopholes. I am optimistic about the direction they take.”

One month on

7:30pm Tuesday, 9 September.&nbsp; I was driving my daughter back from a relative’s house in Baneswar where she had taken refuge after a curfew was declared the previous day while she was in school. She was riding pillion on the back of my moped. We drove past Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">where 19 people had been killed by police </a>the previous day. We passed Thapathali, where the Kantipur highrise was on fire. The sky had gone dark, and the stinging smoke made it hard to breathe. A gas cylinder exploded, and the crowd dispersed briefly. The blast provided a moment to escape the raging mob. By myself I may not have been so scared, but my daughter’s safety made me more afraid. I had never been this frightened in my journalism career, even while covering the Maoist insurgency 20 years ago. At the Tripureswor intersection there were more angry crowds. The further we got from the epicentre of the GenZ demonstration, the more elderly the protesters looked. Many were muscular gentlemen with tattooed arms. Prime Minister K P Oli had just <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-burns-despite-pm-resignation">resigned</a>, but the crowd was still chanting “के पी चोर, देश छोड”. Soon, we were surrounded by an enraged mob. &nbsp;My survival instinct took over, and I started shouting “के पी चोर” and my plucky daughter screamed from behind “देश छोड”. Father and daughter waved at the &nbsp;protesters, and gave them a thumbs up. &nbsp;We finally got home, scared and smelling of burning rubber and smoke.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251007031028_c5c04095cdb6f0b24cdc2cc60bf627f49c15e0cf9b509ad149df35a2e73e1d3f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251007031028_c5c04095cdb6f0b24cdc2cc60bf627f49c15e0cf9b509ad149df35a2e73e1d3f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Reporter's diary of 8-9 September"> <figcaption>A building in Baneswar was damaged by protesters. </figcaption> </figure>  ARSON AND LOOTING I was born in the remote mountains of western Nepal in Rukum, the district that was the stronghold of the Maoist guerrillas after they launched an armed struggle in 1996. I moved to Kathmandu for higher studies, and as a student witnessed the popular uprising of 2006 against Gyanendra’s absolute monarchy. I have covered violence and chaos. I have been caught in the crossfire between the rebels and state security. I covered the violent <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-historic-youth-dissensus">street protests</a> of the 2006 People’s Movement that ended the war, the Madhes movement and the Indian blockade of 2015.&nbsp; But never was I more scared than during the 30-minute drive home through the city with my daughter at the back of my moped.&nbsp; Last month’s protests were initially led by youth groups which had loosely banded together as GenZ to protest corruption and impunity. On 8 September, I drove to the Mandala in my trusty moped to cover the rally, some protesters were in school uniform. There was singing and chanting. Just before noon, a slightly older group of protesters peeled off from the sit-in in front of Everest Hotel, broke through the half-hearted police cordon and moved towards the intersection outside Parliament. Most of the original young demonstrators remained at the sit-in, while the grownup protesters who were clearly not a part of the GenZ, started to break the perimeter wall of the Parliament complex. The young protesters looked a bit confused about what to do next as they also neared the Parliament gates. Violence was not a part of their plan, and the infiltration had begun in earnest. A group of organised older rioters broke through the western wall, even as police were concentrated along the main south gate. These agitators seemed focused on a single mission: to burn down the Parliament building, and they went about it purposefully.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251007031032_1fcd474774c8e110e833485cf54a7e63e8c8388ec78c2b4d3ae6e830c203c183.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20251007031032_1fcd474774c8e110e833485cf54a7e63e8c8388ec78c2b4d3ae6e830c203c183" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Reporter's diary of 8-9 September NT"> <figcaption>Blood seen in Baneswar.</figcaption> </figure>  Too late, the police used water cannons to disperse those by the south gate. I went closer, my press card dangling from my neck. A tear gas canister whizzed past my head. I was not able to see clearly, and backed away to safety. The police opened fire at point blank range, killing 19 protesters. Hundreds of injured were carried to the nearby Civil Hospital. There are many video clips on social media of task force police kneeling, taking aim with SLR rifles and shooting, they show protesters being hit and falling. The riot police fled, and the Armed Police Force and Nepal Army soldiers came out, but remained close to the trucks that had transported them to the intersection. Seeing that the security forces were not stopping them, the crowd then went on an arson rampage — it became a free-for-all as government buildings were set on fire one after another. Most of the arsonists were not GenZ, they were in the mid-30s, and I heard many shouting slogans for the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/why-the-monarchy-still-sways-nepal-s-republic"> restoration of the monarchy</a>. Others were there simply to vandalise and loot. After having chased the police away from the Parliament building, they posted pictures and videos, having the run of the premises, instigating new arrivals to continue with the arson, and also brandishing looted automatic weapons. A curfew was declared, but this did not stop the rampage throughout that evening and into the night. Unable to return home, I spent the night in a friend’s office, and returned to the Parliament area the next morning. The black asphalt was dyed red with blood. Shoes, slippers and pieces of clothing littered the street. The next day, 9 September the much-feared and expected revenge attacks ignited. There was hope that the Army would be able to protect government buildings and provide public security, but the arson, vandalism and looting went unchecked — even when the seats of government were set on fire. The military did make an appearance, but only after 10pm to enforce the curfew, but by then the mob had already gone home.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251007031032_578cfa7c9e56f6ffcf1ca9b148e114a87b5332268cf97720584b70906823c074.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20251007031032_578cfa7c9e56f6ffcf1ca9b148e114a87b5332268cf97720584b70906823c074" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Reporter's diary of 8-9 September NT"> <figcaption>A protester receiving treatment at Civil Hospital.</figcaption> </figure>  That was the moment I asked myself: Where have the students gone? Has the GenZ movement been hijacked? I could not see any of the GenZ-ers anywhere on 9 September. It was around midday of 9 September that millennials, including from groups like Hami Nepal came forward to the media, claiming to speak for the GenZ. They claimed to have led the protests. Others claiming to be GenZ said they were for the restoration of the monarchy, but they did not look the age.&nbsp; Mobs were out of control, burning down the prime minister’s office, the Supreme Court, the CIAA and the official and private residences of ministers. Within 27 hours Nepal became a country without a government, and leaders without homes. Important official documents went up in flames with the buildings that housed them. PM Oli resigned, too late to save the day. The Army occupied itself airlifting ministers from their official residences. Former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife foreign minister Arzu Rana Deuba were dragged out, beaten up and their home set on fire. They were rescued and taken to an army base. It became hard to tell over the next few days if the Army was providing them security, or keeping them incommunicado in detention. The Army was negotiating with GenZ as well as pro-monarchists at its headquarters, but moved the talks to President Ram Chandra Paudel’s office on 11 September.&nbsp; Former chief justice Sushila Karki was nominated interim head of government by GenZ delegates voting on Discord, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/march-to-5-march">mandated to hold elections</a> on 5 March.&nbsp; Will that happen? Things are too fluid at the moment. And my mind is still reeling from the fear and panic of that moped ride with my daughter through rampaging mobs. Did all that really happen in front of my eyes, or was it just a nightmare?&nbsp; Bhadra Sharma is a reporter for The New York Times based in Kathmandu.