In May 2020, India inaugurated a strategic link road connecting a disputed part of Nepal’s Kalapani region to Tibet via Lipu Lek Pass. This triggered protests in Nepal, and Parliament passed Nepal’s new map. India has since fast tracked the project and is looking at completing the link road by 2024 allowing Indian pilgrims easier access to the holy <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16604#.ZEjoi3ZByJA">Kailas-Mansarovar</a> pilgrimage route, completely bypassing Nepal. Even so, the link through Hilsa is more convenient if Nepal can get its act together. Nepal is one of the primary gateways for Indian tourists on the pilgrimage to Mansarovar Lake and Mt Kailas in Tibet. Until Covid ended the route, tens of thousands of Indian pilgrims transited Nepal to either fly to Lhasa, or fly to<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/faith-to-reality"> Hilsa</a>. Each pilgrim paid anything between $2,500 to $3,500. But even as China plans to reopen the Hilsa border post in Humla starting 1 May, there is an alternative: the Lapcha Bhanjyang. The Indian yogi Sadhguru in 2021 visited Limi-Lapcha in northern Humla two times with his followers to pay his respects to Kailash-Mansarovar, the only accessible point in Nepal from which the holy lake and mountain are visible.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230426120456_a075abad4a4f09ffe9da0f7f4c69ff71aede6b7d304c3d995859e2342aa681a2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230426120456_a075abad4a4f09ffe9da0f7f4c69ff71aede6b7d304c3d995859e2342aa681a2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="mansarovar nt 2"> <figcaption>Local Tibetans and visitors circumbulating the outer kora of Mt Kailas</figcaption> </figure>  It takes four days on foot to reach Limi-Lapcha valley from Simkot, the district headquarters of Humla. During the first leg of the trip, unofficial homestay services are available but after that pilgrims manage their own tents and food.&nbsp; On top of the direct economic benefit to the travel companies, hotels, transport services and tour guide en route to Humla, the pilgrims also benefit the locals in Pashupati, Boudha, Swayambhu or Budhanilkantha which they visit in Kathmandu before departing for Kailas-Mansarovar. But the biggest draw for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepalganj-gets-moving">the Nepal route</a> is that, unlike Indian tour companies, their Nepali counterparts are exempt from the Indian quota system. Any number of pilgrims of any nationality can visit Mount Kailas and Lake Mansarovar through Nepal if they can acquire Chinese visas and permits.&nbsp; By contrast, the agreement between the governments of India and China had stipulated that only 1,080 Indian pilgrims in 18 groups of 60 each could visit the sacred site in Tibet Autonomous Region through Lipu Lek every year before the road was built.&nbsp; This was before 2015 when a new route to Tibet via the Nathu La in Sikkim was opened, making the journey significantly safer and more comfortable, although longer. The Lipulek route at 5,500m meant pilgrims had to trek at high altitude, cross over to the Chinese side to take buses to the circumambulation. When the border road is finished next year, things could be easier.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230426110420_be521d653e54b38389ba90f7db0df01e77df3977bb075a4e5d67543bb1d3f9bf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20230426110420_be521d653e54b38389ba90f7db0df01e77df3977bb075a4e5d67543bb1d3f9bf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1769" height="973" loading="lazy" alt="kailas-mansarovar map"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230426120456_24d19a700526da31a590668b9d23e7954f738ad36199dc506857473f6e829655.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230426120456_24d19a700526da31a590668b9d23e7954f738ad36199dc506857473f6e829655" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="mansarovar nt 3"> <figcaption>Stone near Dolma La pass where the picture of the dead are kept in remembrance and reverence</figcaption> </figure>  The new agreement to open the Nathu La pass allowed at first for 250 pilgrims in five groups of 50 each to visit <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/north-of-the-border">Mount Kailas and Mansarova</a>r, and then 500 people in 10 groups of 50 each soon after.&nbsp; Many Indian pilgrims, however, say that they find it preferable to travel to the sacred site through Nepal. And if Nepal can improve roads and facilities, it could get much more of the pilgrim traffic. Then the quota system set by the Chinese government means that there is a lucky draw and they must also pass the various health-related criteria at each stage of the selection. If a family wishes to visit Kailas-Mansarovar together, the chances of everyone passing and winning the lottery are slim. However, private companies operate the tour on Nepal and China sides for all pilgrim groups. &nbsp; &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230426120456_0b0625268aa018973bb2b4291bd13b3b9630124bc4803cd41555e1c13f49153c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20230426120456_0b0625268aa018973bb2b4291bd13b3b9630124bc4803cd41555e1c13f49153c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="mansarovar nt 4"> <figcaption>Mt Kailas from the south face</figcaption> </figure>  &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230426120456_c9ebfe48c38eb4419a1939ee141a4fbe28d44c89855be7069c42174b9db3abbc.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20230426120456_c9ebfe48c38eb4419a1939ee141a4fbe28d44c89855be7069c42174b9db3abbc" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="mansarovar nt 5"> <figcaption>A view of Mt Kailas from Lake Mansarovar</figcaption> </figure>  Nepal can use its geographical location and geopolitics with long historical and cultural relationships with both countries to its advantage. India and China have had border disputes for a long time, with violent skirmishes at the border. However, the two countries depend on each other for trade.&nbsp; Nepal stands in a unique position to perform facilitative roles between the world’s two biggest economies. Connecting the followers of Hindu, Buddhist, Jain and Bön faiths to the spiritually sacred Mount Kailas and Lake Mansarovar is one such opportunity, which Nepal is yet to tap adequately. &nbsp; The Department of Immigration in Kathmandu does not even keep a record of Indian pilgrims visiting Tibet through Nepal because ‘Kailas-Mansarovar does not fall within Nepali borders’ — even though these visitors were bringing in millions of dollars every year. Nepal will not always have this advantage. After the Indian and Chinese governments signed an agreement in 2015 to develop trade and pilgrimage to Kailas-Mansarovar through <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/territorialism">Lipu Lek</a>, the Indian authorities inaugurated a link road in the disputed region in May 2020. If China relaxes quota restrictions on Indian pilgrims, New Delhi may also impose restrictions on its citizens going via Nepal. It is urgent that Nepal think how best it can reap economic and geopolitical benefits of the Hilsa route with better connectivity and facilities.&nbsp; Nabraj Lama is a research scholar and his work focuses on geopolitics, indigenism, international affairs. <a href="mailto:mail@nabrajlama.com" target="_blank">mail@nabrajlama.com</a> Read also:&nbsp; <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/northwestern-tip-of-nepal-Humla,3430">Remote corner of Nepal’s remotest district</a>, Bharat Bandhu Thapa <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/setis-gorgeous-gorges">Seti's gorgeous gorges</a>, Hermann Warth <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/trails-less-travelled/" target="_blank">Trails less travelled</a>, Joy Stephens <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/review/a-survival-strategy-for-nepal">A survival strategy for Nepal</a>, Kunda Dixit

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The geopolitics of pilgrimage

<figure><img width="1500" height="900" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181116/636be1049c7e80680e083e25jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: DIWAKAR CHETTRI</figcaption></figure>India is making calculated moves to rebuild relations with Nepal that were damaged by a border dispute earlier this year, while at the same time sending a subtle message to Kathmandu not to cosy up to China.After ignoring Nepal’s overtures for talks to resolve a thorny border dispute, New Delhi has been dispatching to Kathmandu a slew of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334289000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGiac1o5B1XOVTuOJ5F-jl99pneoA">intelligence</a>, military and diplomatic emissaries – in that order. First came the head of India’s external intelligence agency on 21 October, followed on 4 November by its army chief. Now, Indian foreign secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla is scheduled to arrive on 26 November.Nepal’s media commentators have said the choice of the first two interlocutors have actually been <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHW67LjxEMbQ4Kn4FxTDOi0T1--0g">counterproductive to normalising relations</a>, and they raised even more suspicions in Kathmandu about the kind of message New Delhi was sending Nepal. Read more:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHW67LjxEMbQ4Kn4FxTDOi0T1--0g">New Delhi’s new dealings in Nepal</a> by Kanak Mani Dixit“It is quite natural for Nepalis to be taken aback by India selecting the head of its spy agency as the first visitor, after all it is quite clear that it was not an ordinary visit,” wrote Surya Nath Upadhyay, a member of the Indo-Nepal Eminent Persons’ Group (EPG), in <a href="https://nagariknews.nagariknetwork.com/opinion/379641-1605072399.html?click_from=category" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://nagariknews.nagariknetwork.com/opinion/379641-1605072399.html?click_from%3Dcategory&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNE-eisVVEXS9b_SG-f58-45y3JJ4A">the Nagarik newspaper</a> on Tuesday.
Modi has been sitting for the past two years on the EPG’s report on revising the 1950 Indo-Nepal Treaty and other bilateral issues. But Upadhyay had even more serious objections about Indian Army Chief Manoj Mukund Naravane’s three day visit to Nepal to be conferred the ceremonial title of honorary general of the Nepal Army. 
Gen Navarane is the same person who caused a ruckus in May after Nepal strongly objected to the Indian road to Lipu Lek, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/gorkhas-on-the-frontline-between-india-and-china/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/gorkhas-on-the-frontline-between-india-and-china/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFg5obXnutCkcO64t80UTpX1qrbsQ">insinuating that Nepal was being put up to it by China.</a> There was an uproar in Nepal, and Naravane was criticised even in India for a remark many saw as being insensitive.
Upadhyay went on to speculate if the real reason Samant Goel of R&amp;AW met for three hours late at night in Baluwatar with Prime Minister K P Oli on 21 October was to undermine his nationalist image among Nepalis. This theory carries some credence since although Goel also met other political leaders in Kathmandu, those were kept under wraps.
Indeed, the prime minister immediately came under fire from other leaders, including his rivals in the Pushpa Kamal Dahal faction of his own party, for having met an Indian spy-in-chief. Oli had to then clarify that he had agreed in his phone conversation on India’s Independence Day in August with Prime Minister Narendra Modi to receive an emissary, but that he did not know it would be the head of R&amp;AW.
<a href="https://ekantipur.com/opinion/2020/11/11/160506277628759749.html" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://ekantipur.com/opinion/2020/11/11/160506277628759749.html&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFLUiT98uCKhqnzzOzn-XPidMEPZA">Writing in Kantipur newspaper</a> on Tuesday, strategic affairs expert Geja Sharma Wagle said Oli agreeing to meet Goel was ‘not just unfortunate but objectionable’. Wagle was also critical of Gen Navarane wearing a Nepali dhaka cap and engaging in ‘religious and cultural diplomacy’ by visiting Pashupati and the Kumari temple in Kathmandu.
‘The Goel and Naravane visits have at least ended the absence of communication between the two countries, but Modi sending a spy chief and an army general instead of a political or diplomatic emissary have raised questions about India’s perspective, policy and intentions in Nepal, especially given the border dispute,’ Wagle wrote.
Gen Naravane’s visit came a week after US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Defence Secretary Mark T Esper (since fired by Donald Trump) held a ‘2+2’ meeting with Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh to sign the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-Spatial Cooperation (BECA). The strategic pact is said to be aimed at countering China’s increasing <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/from-mt-everest-to-the-indian-ocean/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/from-mt-everest-to-the-indian-ocean/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGo_dnfkt6569YBk9I0ZaJ-bm35qQ">military clout in the Indian Ocean.</a>
This has raised speculation that the Goel and Naravane visits to Kathmandu had more to do with China than Nepal, because it came at a time when New Delhi’s relations with Beijing are at their worst since the 1962 war. Some analysts say there could be a realisation in Prime Minister Modi’s circle that India might have gone too far with the 2015 Blockade and the Kalapani issue, prompting Prime Minister Oli to lean towards China. 
Interestingly, the visits also came at a time when Prime Minister Oli himself <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-communists-on-verge-of-split-again/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-communists-on-verge-of-split-again/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHdkImqPzp77UeqYehrtTJvJkI0bw">is on shaky ground</a> with a vigorous challenge from the Dahal faction of the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) to clip his wings. Oli ignored Dahal’s effort to call a Secretariat meeting, and spent the whole of Tuesday visiting eastern Nepal by helicopter.
Even that visit was an indication of the fine balancing act Nepal has to tread between its two giant neighbours. Oli visited Kimathanka on the Chinese border, as well as the 900MW Arun III hydropower project being built by the Indian public sector company, SJVN.
Foreign Secretary Shringla’s visit to Kathmandu later this month is expected to put India-Nepal relations on a more even keel. Although no analyst expects New Delhi to back down from its claim to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/untangling-the-kalapani-knot/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/untangling-the-kalapani-knot/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNF35Xiuy9ZlpdS0nCPZz9TuBkPGPQ">Limpiyadhura-Lipu Lek</a>, Nepal will try to allay Indian concerns about China in the Himalayan region.
Relations soured after India unveiled an official map last year that showed the Kalapani region of northwestern Nepal as a part of India, and then made a high-profile inauguration of a military road through that territory to the Chinese border.
Nepal retaliated by getting Parliament to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/lines-on-a-map/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/lines-on-a-map/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHYQOrlON1cO-EodrvlzvjpPnP--g">pass a new map</a> that included not just Kalapani but the entire east bank of the Kali River within its boundary, citing the 1816 Sugauli Treaty with British India.

India’s multi-pronged line to right Nepal ties

The dispute over the tri-junction of India, China and Nepal on the remotest northwestern tip of the country is the latest strain on bilateral relations.The <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2014/01/05/double-centennial/">Sugauli Treaty of 1816</a> between the East India Company and the defeated Gorkhalis clearly stated that the main channel of the Mahakali River would form a shrunken Nepal’s western border with British India. But the Survey of India maps of 1850 and 1856 slyly tucked the area back into Garhwal.Successive rulers in faraway Kathmandu were either unaware or did not care that the boundary had been moved. After the Chinese annexation of Tibet in the 1950s, Nepal allowed India to put up 17 military checkpoints along its northern border. China and India fought a fierce Himalayan war in 1962 during which the Indian military set a base on the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=2049#.Xcp6ktIza70">strategic Lipu Lekh Valley</a>. That base is still there. In 1969, Prime Minister Kirti Nidhi Bista got Delhi to remove all its checkpoints on the Nepal-China border, except the one in Kalapani. Was Lipu Lekh a quid pro quo for the removal of the other bases? <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/from-nepali-press-his-highness-gave-us-Kalapani,2570">Did King Mahendra sacrifice the region</a> in return for Indian support for his takeover? Historians are divided.Whatever the case, the elected rulers of Nepal after 1990 used anti-Indian nationalism for political benefit, but did little to press Nepal’s legitimate claim over the territory. K P Oli, who now heads the united NCP in government, was one of the most vocal in Parliament demanding that India return the area. Current Tourism Minister Yogesh Bhattrarai even led a student group to Kalapani to raise the Nepali flag in the tract occupied by India.  <img width="624" height="718" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181144/636a95af9c7e80680e05dc20jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Many field reports from the area have just gathered dust in Singha Darbar. No action was ever taken, except when it was politically expedient to raise an anti-Indian drum beat. Nepal’s own official map in 1975 showed Lipu Khola as the boundary between Nepal and India, and not the Mahakali River. Ultra-nationalists cry themselves hoarse about ‘big bully’ India, but why would a neighbour respect your boundary if you yourself do not really care where it is? New Delhi has not really been bothered about winning the hearts and minds of Nepalis, either. It believes in carrying the big stick and showing who’s boss. And all this is convenient for Nepal’s India-bashing pseudo-nationalists who have a handy excuse to take to the streets every time the border dispute flares up.For Prime Minister Oli the brouhaha could not have been better timed. It has allowed him to distract public attention away from his administration’s non-performance, and once more drape himself in the flag. But what good is it to work ourselves into a frenzy of territorialism over this tiny strip of land when our rulers do not seem to care what happens to the rest of the country over which they enjoy full sovereignty?This is also not one where Nepal can play India off against China. In fact, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/PM-task-in-China,2929">Beijing seems to be on the same page as New Delhi</a> on the issue. As far back as 1954, India and China agreed to allow Indian pilgrims to use Lipu Lekh Pass on their holy trek to Lake Mansarovar. Lipu Lekh was discussed during visits by Indian External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh to Beijing in 1999, by <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=289#.Xcp8z9Iza70">Chinese Premier Wen Jiaobao to Delhi in 2005</a>, and by Chinese President Xi Jinping in India in 2014. A joint communiqué between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi in 2015 in Beijing listed Lipu Lekh as one of the Sino-Indian border passes through which the two countries agreed to conduct trade. <img width="3455" height="1679" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181144/636a95b19c7e80680e05dc21jpeg.jpg" alt="">One of the few instances in Nepali history when anti-Chinese protests broke out in the streets of Kathmandu was four years ago after that India-China joint communiqué on Lipu Lekh. Yet, Nepal’s governments since then did not dare broach the subject with the Chinese, it was not even raised last month during <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/president-xi-in-kathmandu/">President Xi’s state visit to Kathmandu</a>.Nepal cannot go to war with India over this. (For one thing, our men are enlisted in their army.) How about first revising our own official map, and take up the matter at the highest level in every future bilateral? And they may as well also talk about disputes along the Tarai caused by rivers changing course, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/borderline-disorder/">border pillars mysteriously moving under cover of darkness</a>.The time is right for dialogue: there is a government in Kathmandu with a solid two-thirds majority, we have rare all-party unity over the matter, and Nepal’s international stature is higher than it has been in a while.

TERRITORIALISM

One Friday night last month, we were swapping stories about Vipassana, a rigorous <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/practicing-mindfulness-in-schools?fbclid=IwAR2X1T9SNG1tWe61UPqMUgHjOWNZ4U1foJyURLJMrjYAsUdr4u_mz1rmC1U">meditation</a> technique of silent observation, over dinner. We spoke of its ten days of noble silence, of respiration, observation, and sensation.&nbsp; I told them about my first retreat in Lumbini last year when my mind kept getting distracted: ‘What is happening in the outside world? Is <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/those-were-the-days-knea0341">K P Oli still prime minister</a>? When I emerged ten days later, he was still PM. During my second Vipassana in February this year, I reassured my mind that nothing dramatic could unfold in ten days. Still, my gut knew this country was always one headline away from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trial-by-fire">revolution</a>. By my third retreat, I was confident, even cocky.&nbsp; At that dinner, I joked: “What could possibly change? If Oli survived my first two meditation retreats, the world can hold steady for a third.” I should’ve known better. On 1 September, I was back at Shivapuri for the second time, my third retreat, with no expectations — only hope that ten days of noble silence would peel yet another layer from my mind.&nbsp; Vipassana is a paradox: brutally difficult, yet infinitely generous. It is the tool needed to tame and know your unconscious mind, and to know yourself even a little through it is a profound achievement. My room at Z House had the best view of the Kathmandu Valley. I developed a ritual: press my hands against my cheeks and stare down at the city. The city below looks chaotic, but somehow beautiful in its stubbornness, where pollution and pride coexist. From up there, it looked like no one was free, trapped in their egos, pettiness and misery.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250913090920_9e77930ed911289c05a731605157f402c06249347e33964dc59c58d32dc2a6d6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250913090920_9e77930ed911289c05a731605157f402c06249347e33964dc59c58d32dc2a6d6" data-rendition-name="original" width="3000" height="1300" loading="lazy" alt="Vipassana during Nepal revolution"> <figcaption>Those undergoing Vipassana in Sundarijal had no idea of the chaos and mayhem the country was undergoing. Photos: AARSALA ADHIKARI(Photo: Sonia Awale)</figcaption> </figure>  Then, softer thoughts of Metta and compassion would emerge. If only every single person could sit in silence and know their breath, just once. Blessed with ten days of Dhamma teachings on universal law, I imagined our 334 patriarchal parliamentarians and the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/house-of-cards?%2F">Oli, Deuba, Prachanda trinity</a>. UNSEEN CHAOS On the seventh and the eighth days of Vipassana (8–9 September) there was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-burns-despite-pm-resignation">black smoke rising from the Valley </a>below. Why were people burning all that garbage? There was no traffic on the straight road down from Budanilkantha. There were gunshots, and I assumed locals were shooting at marauding monkeys. I mistook the sound of helicopters at night for flights circling after takeoff.&nbsp; On the ninth day and in the morning of the tenth, it rained heavily. I tried to spot Dharara like I did every day, but the city was shrouded in a blanket of thick black smog. Even after two days of heavy rain, the smoke had not been washed down. This did not make sense, but my mind had returned to the safe harbour of my meditation. Nothing to see here. On the morning of 9/11, the tenth day, as we emerged from silence, the hall outside filled with chatter. Many people left, weeping, overwhelmed by the experience of the past ten days. We joked about our hardships and dreamt of delicious food, feeling a wave of accomplishment after a documentary about how Vipassana had transformed Tihar Jail in New Delhi.&nbsp; The hall radiated with inspiration and hope. Then, as the film ended an assistant teacher made an announcement: “There are serious protests going on in the Valley. K P Oli has resigned as prime minister. There are no cabinet ministers. The military has taken over, and a curfew has been imposed.”&nbsp; The news hit like a lightning bolt. Mental tranquility gave way to gasps of “What the f**k?” In the main Dhamma Hall, some women erupted in applause. We had spent ten days cultivating Metta, only to step out and realise the world had erupted into chaos. We huddled, trying to piece together fragments of what was happening. The Valley was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-turmoil-will-hit-tourism">still covered in black smoke</a>, the main road was still quiet. A neighbour turned up the radio, reporting deaths, destruction and curfew.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250913050944_ce09e04207ef5eb72ea55800b76df0c16a9d46a3eea957a4ecb0d67e978c2595.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20250913050944_ce09e04207ef5eb72ea55800b76df0c16a9d46a3eea957a4ecb0d67e978c2595" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Meme doing the rounds on social media"> <figcaption>Meme doing the rounds on social media. </figcaption> </figure>  A first-time meditator, Shivani Karn, overheard a neighbour from wall cross telling his son that people had been shot and that he should not go to school any more. She had wanted to flee the Centre, but stayed on. Stranded foreigners from Argentina to China were bewildered and terrified. Volunteers debriefed us, recounting the shocking details: buildings burning, ministers’ houses ransacked, Oli fleeing, Deuba and his wife beaten up. The leaders were all in the Shivapuri barracks up the mountain. Over 15,000 inmates had broken out of prison. It was a catastrophe unfolding in real time. The city felt ripped out from a nightmare. In the common space, people complained about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-gen-z-protest-turns-deadly">corruption and the ban on social media</a>. But an understanding emerged: both those in power and those who grant it are bound by the law of cause and effect. Driving down from Shivapuri on the morning of 12 September, my heart sank. The smog I had seen was smoke from still smouldering buildings. It was not garbage burning, but the rage of the people. Those were not people scaring away monkeys, but guns that killed innocent lives. The sound of aircraft were actually helicopters rescuing politicians.&nbsp; We drove past Singha Darbar, a charred ruin. Another Vipassana meditator, Anjali Baidya, shared a chilling memory. She recalled being 12 years old in 1973, watching from her home in Makhan Tole as Singha Durbar first caught fire. History had repeated itself 52 years later.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250910140912_e6bf05bfe95f519e05ab8d9016587211b241340fd23a0f9ae728e74747fc5f29.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20250910140912_e6bf05bfe95f519e05ab8d9016587211b241340fd23a0f9ae728e74747fc5f29" data-rendition-name="original" width="8064" height="6048" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal in ashes"> <figcaption>Singha Darba, the seat of the government, set ablaze on 9th September. Photo: KAMAL PRASAI</figcaption> </figure>  One Bhatbhateni supermarket after another were scorched, police stations, government offices, once symbols of everyday life. There were soldiers everywhere, not police. &nbsp;Amidst the devastation, a deeper truth settled in. This, too, was Anicca — impermanence. Anicca teaches us that all things are constantly changing, including our thoughts, emotions, and physical sensations. Political systems, power structures, national crises are all transitory. This understanding is crucial for healing. When we cling to the idea that a leader, political system or ourselves are permanent, we set ourselves up for disappointment and anger when it inevitably changes. The Dhamma teaches that responsibility is shared. The anger and fear on the streets are similar to feelings many carry inside. We Nepalis have intergenerational trauma. What I saw was not an abstraction: the gunshots and chaos echoed the terrifying nights of 1 February 2005 in Panauti, a grim replay of the fear I knew as a child at Malpi school, huddling with friends for safety.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/what-next-nepal">What next, Nepal?</a>, Shristi Karki Our national history is a series of ruptures that become personal landmarks. I was nine years old at my aunt’s birthday party on 1 June 2001, when the celebration was abruptly called off and we were sent home into the silent shock of a royal massacre.&nbsp; This pattern must be broken, and it starts now. The path to national healing must begin with individual healing. We can learn from the story of Angulimala, a violent figure who was transformed by the Buddha’s compassion. The Buddha walked steadily toward him and said, “I have stopped, Angulimala. You must stop too.” Angulimala realised the truth, renounced violence, and was enlightened. Cycles of anger and conflict can be softened and transformed. Nepal’s long-term well-being depends on our ability to approach the Dhamma as a pragmatic tool. Inner calm can help us process collective trauma. By cultivating forgiveness and compassion, we can create a stability that begins within. True healing begins when we stop externalising our pain or intellectualising our emotions, and start nurturing our own inner peace. As the dust settles, the true noise begins: the roar within. We are left with a stark choice: remain trapped in this endless loop of rage, or we can deliberately choose to stop. The Dhamma is not some philosophy for a meditation centre; it is the raw truth of our applied wisdom. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/madam-prime-minister-of-nepal">Sushila Karki, Nepal’s first female prime minister</a>, may have emerged as a new ‘messiah’ but we must begin to take responsibility and accountability. Change cannot come from chaos, it is a conscious effort we must make precisely when it feels most impossible.&nbsp; The path forward is not through the streets, but inward — into the ruins of our own self-righteousness. The disparity and deep-seated grudges are the quiet kindling that have brought this new revolution. The rage on the streets is about suppressed dignity, and a burning hunger for justice.&nbsp; It is time to check the recesses of our minds and hearts, sit down, breathe, and to ask: “When do we stop running, and when do we start healing?”&nbsp; Alisha Sijapati is a writer specialising in cultural heritage, and a former Nepali Times correspondent.

Vipassana during a revolution

After prolonged negotiations over the weekend, Nepal’s new <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/madam-prime-minister-of-nepal">Prime Minister Sushila Karki</a> on Monday appointed three members to her Council of Ministers, but the youth group that put her in power does not like her choice. The GenZ group that initiated the movement that toppled Nepal’s government accused Karki of not being consulted about the choice of Om Prakash Aryal, a lawyer who was helping with negotiating with the Army, as the Home and Law Minister.&nbsp; GenZ’s purported leader <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/who-or-what-is-hami-nepal">Sudan Gurung</a> led a group of his supporters and families of youth killed in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/raising-nepal-from-the-ashes">last week’s demonstration</a> at a midnight protest outside the prime minister’s residence, demanding Karki’s resignation unless she listened to them. Aryal is also a legal adviser to Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah, who has supported the GenZ movement but refused their offer to lead the interim government.&nbsp; The other two ministers include former Finance Secretary Rameshore Khanal as Finance Minister, and the popular former chief of the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) Kulman Ghising as the Energy Minister, Urban Development Minister, and Minister of Physical Infrastructure and Transport. They were sworn in on Monday. While Prime Minister Karki has said she wants competent and honest technocrats in the Council of Ministers, GenZ has been pushing for candidates that do not seem to meet her criteria — including a military officer and Mayor Balen Shah’s candidate.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025091511090_f7db633bbf56c5e2a43b6cd248e522365f56cd34578d65cdeca243c65d807f6d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2025091511090_f7db633bbf56c5e2a43b6cd248e522365f56cd34578d65cdeca243c65d807f6d" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="new ministers being sworn in"> </figure>  Karki’s list is said to include retired Lt Gen Balananda Sharma, &nbsp;Magsaysay Award winner Mahabir Pun of the National Innovation Centre, former Education Minister Sumana Shrestha who quit RSP on Sunday and Dharan Mayor Harka Sampang. Karki met the government machinery on Sunday at her Singha Darbar office. Speaking without a prepared text, she admitted that there had been a “huge loss” not just to government buildings but also to official and court records during the 9 September arson attacks. “I am ashamed to say that there has been a systematic targeting of sensitive and essential government institutions, we will track down the perpetrators and investigate them,” she said. Karki also assured officials that she had no intention of staying on as prime minister beyond 5 March, the date she has set for early elections. She added: “The destruction by criminal elements has added to our challenges, but we have to choose but to unite and rebuild. This movement was about ending corruption, improving governance and equality. Help me achieve those goals.” <h2>KNOW YOUR MINISTERS</h2> Om Prakash Aryal Home Minister, Minister of Law  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250915110916_6bbaa39c523979ea1a3e85bd496232fa0dcb6152718ede106078bb5f3d069c3c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250915110916_6bbaa39c523979ea1a3e85bd496232fa0dcb6152718ede106078bb5f3d069c3c" data-rendition-name="original" width="960" height="955" loading="lazy" alt="Om Prakash Aryal"> <figcaption>Om Prakash Aryal</figcaption> </figure>  Back in 2016, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/do-gooders-to-watch-out-for,3435">Om Prakash Aryal</a> filed a writ petition against the appointment of all powerful Lokman Singh Karki to the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA), paving way for the impeachment of the head of the anti-graft body together with Prime Minister Sushila Karki, who was then Chief Justice. An advocate at the Supreme Court, Aryal gained widespread fame for his work in Public Interest Litigation. Most recently, earlier this year he filed a petition against then Prime Minister K P Oli and Minister for Land Management Bala Ram Adhikari, among others, for their alleged role in the non-implementation of Supreme Court order in the Giribandhu tea estate land scam in eastern Nepal. Aryal came from Gulmi to Kathmandu to be a singer, but ended up pursuing a career in law instead. Aryal also served four years in the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), and was based in Geneva with the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ). Rameshore Khanal Finance Minister  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250915110916_1655aeec3a17a048663b95c0dec3ab302300c51d61f6aed682b17fe5c1532c58.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250915110916_1655aeec3a17a048663b95c0dec3ab302300c51d61f6aed682b17fe5c1532c58" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="666" loading="lazy" alt="Finance Minister"> <figcaption>Rameshore Khanal</figcaption> </figure>  Former Finance Secretary Rameshore Khanal has over 30 years of experience in the civil service, and led reforms in government accounting and reporting, public procurements, tax policy and administration. He also served as Chair of the Board in Agricultural Development Bank and was Board Director in Nepal Rastra Bank, Rastriya Banijya Bank, Nepal Telecom Company, and Nepal Airlines. He also served as an economic adviser to Baburam Bhattarai when he was prime minister in 2013. In October last year, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-in-the-red">he led the government formed</a> the High Level Economic Reforms Recommendation Commission. The 440-page recommendation released last month included review of the fixed exchange rate with India and the provision for national political parties to receive grants so candidates did not have to depend on business donors at election time. He has announced that he is not going to take a salary, official residence, body guard or official car for himself. Kulman Ghising Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation Minister, Urban Development Minister, and Minister of Physical Infrastructure and Transport  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250915110920_7704ba4dd27f06d423852bc9792610cc89acdbee6ff0b380904479c095d328ab.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250915110920_7704ba4dd27f06d423852bc9792610cc89acdbee6ff0b380904479c095d328ab" data-rendition-name="original" width="1057" height="769" loading="lazy" alt="Kulman Ghising"> <figcaption>Kulman Ghising</figcaption> </figure>  The man credited for ending 18-hour-a-day loadshedding in Nepal was also considered for the post of Prime Minister before Sushila Karki was chosen by the GenZ movement on Friday. Ghising is a two-time CEO of Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) before <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/sacking-of-nea-chief-exposes-cronyism">his tenure was cut short</a> by the Oli-led governing coalition earlier this year and replaced by Hitendra Dev Shakya. Ghising’s removal was seen as being politically motivated, and outraged the public and commentators. Many expected Ghising to open his own party ahead of the 2027 elections two years later, but is seen to be close to the Maoist-Centre party. After being appointed NEA chief in 2016, Ghising cut off the dedicated electricity feeds to industries, and redistributed the saved power to the public — ending long power cuts. But he also imported electricity from India to ensure 24-hour supply during the winter dry season to meet demand. Several new hydropower plants came into operation during his tenure, and today Nepal had an electricity surplus.&nbsp; OTHER APPOINTMENTS Elsewhere, Sabita Bhandari Baral has been appointed Nepal’s first female Attorney General.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250915110920_4d60704a1e69309fdfb49a195f538c32159f27748fd2be88693c609ddb98d380.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20250915110920_4d60704a1e69309fdfb49a195f538c32159f27748fd2be88693c609ddb98d380" data-rendition-name="original" width="730" height="506" loading="lazy" alt="Female attorney general"> <figcaption>Sabita Bhandari Baral</figcaption> </figure>  By Sunday, total casualties of the nationwide GenZ protests has reached 72. Prime Minister Karki has declared that bereaved families of those killed in the protests will be compensated while hundreds of those still receiving treatment in hospitals will be treated for free. &nbsp;

Nepal interim government faces first hiccups

While protesters were torching the Special Government Attorney Office at Mandala on Tuesday, they shouted slogans <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-gen-z-protest-turns-deadly">denouncing government corruption</a>. They did not seem to know that in reality the Government Attorney’s office was carrying out active investigations and prosecuting multiple cases of government corruption. Their case files have now been reduced to ashes. While attackers ransacked the building room by room and and burnt it down, they said they were protesting the government’s inability to catch the person who raped and murdered of 13-year-old <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/justice-delayed-and-denied">Nirmala Panta </a>in Kanchanpur seven years ago.&nbsp; In reality, the District Government Attorney’s Office has been carrying out and directing<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/justice-eludes-many-rape-survivors"> investigations against rapists and abusers</a> whose victims were even younger than Nirmala. As an ordinary Nepali citizen before joining the Government Attorney’s Office, I had read about &nbsp;Nirmala’s story in the media. It was a major case that shook the nation, and the biggest rape case I had heard about.&nbsp; But once I was behind my desk as a Government Attorney myself, not a day went by when there was at least one new rape investigation file. This was a serial horror on a nationwide scale. The <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/incest-sex-abuse,2547">rapists were not faceless strangers</a>: many were fathers, brothers, stepfathers, teachers, drivers who knew the survivors. I found all age groups from all parts of Nepal on those charge sheets. And every file I carried to the courtroom was in the hope of at least someone who wanted the crime against them recognised and the perpetrator punished. Now, all those files are gone. The news from Singha Darbar that the government’s data centre was saved from arsonists this week was a relief. But we lost all our records. The evidence was never digitised, there were no backup files. They lived only on paper, in ink, in fragile white file folders with green strings.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250914120920_353c6e03fa2f4cea8992c5c02ede101b4ad9ccc102f5af8407f333f518ef7200.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250914120920_353c6e03fa2f4cea8992c5c02ede101b4ad9ccc102f5af8407f333f518ef7200" data-rendition-name="original" width="5000" height="3333" loading="lazy" alt="The day justice died"> <figcaption>Photo: HEMANTA SHRESTHA</figcaption> </figure>  When the building burned, so did the only record of those crimes and the identity of the criminals.&nbsp; Imagine entire basements filled with such files: each representing a victim, a face, a life. More than 10,000 such cases are now smouldering heaps of ash. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-burns-despite-pm-resignation">Kathmandu burns despite PM resignation</a> Singha Durbar can be rebuilt brick by brick, just as it was after the earthquake. Who is going to rebuild these case files?&nbsp; The social media is cruel: it shows homes of politicians stashed with cash and charred dollar bills. But the media did not show an entire building full of criminal case files going up in flames. The smoke that filled Kathmandu’s sky on Tuesday carried away with it the hopes of<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-chance-on-transitional-justice"> justice of thousands of victims</a>, mostly young women. Our duty as Government Attorneys is to direct criminal investigations, prosecute criminal cases, plead in courtrooms, make appeals. On a normal busy day we prosecute at least five criminal cases involving survivors and perpetrators. THAT DAY On <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">8 September</a>, when the GenZ protesters were gathering at the Mandala outside, we were at the Police Club, attending the first ever Women Government Attorneys’ Conference. We wore our brightest blue sari uniforms and pressed blouses. Our heads held high, we celebrated our success as government attorneys who had led the prosecution of the highest number of cases involving <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/not-just-16-days-against-gender-based-violence">violence against women</a>. But the day had other plans for us. By 4 pm the program was halted after protesters were shot outside Parliament. The Attorney General directed us to go home immediately. As the hall emptied, a small group of us young women officers and one senior female advocate walked together through Bhadrakali towards our office. There was an angry mob approaching us. The moment they saw us in our official dress, they turned on us with verbal abuses — words so horrendous that it would have been enough to prosecute a slander suit.&nbsp; Heads and eyes lowered we walked on. They started spitting on us. Obviously, they were pouring out their <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/genz-and-aragalaya?amp=1">anger against the government</a> on us civil servants. But they had no idea that the senior female advocate on whose coat they spat had pioneered the law granting Nepali women equal property rights. To us, she was not just a lawyer, she was a hero and a figure we had worshipped in our law books. Her name appears across Supreme Court documents for setting a precedent.&nbsp; We ran to save ourselves from their wrath and reached our Special Government Attorney Office. The mob stayed outside. We waited two hours in silence, praying fervently until the street was calm enough for us to slip away and find our way home. The next day, 9 September, was much worse. The protesters had already torched Parliament, Singha Durbar and the nearby Supreme Court. Then they came to set the Government Attorney Office alight. As a Nepali, I can understand the anger. But as a Government Attorney, I carry a deep scar. There is an immense void and sorrow. This is not about the loss of a building, or being spat at. It is about the silent victims whose stories were stored in all those thousands of files. Many of the survivors do not even know that their <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/hunger-for-justice">struggle for justice</a> has ended.&nbsp; We are government employees never affiliated with any political party, doing our work honestly and independently. In the name of demanding justice, they destroyed the very place that delivered it. Mamata Shrestha is an Assistant District Government Attorney.

The day justice died

Nepal is gradually returning to normal after curfews were officially lifted on Saturday following Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s appointment as temporary executive head following this week’s violent unrest that toppled the government.&nbsp;
Karki dissolved Parliament on Friday night immediately after she was sworn-in as per the demand of youth activists who staged the nation-wide anti-corruption demonstrations this week. The date of the election has been set for 5 March 2026.
Karki made the rounds of Kathmandu’s hospitals to meet with demonstrators who were injured during the protests on 8 and 9 September in which 52 people were killed. Karki is also drawing up a list of candidates to join the Council of Ministers to be announced on Sunday.&nbsp;
Meanwhile, the four main political parties in Parliament and their leaders have been self-reflecting, admitting their mistakes and expressing the need for reform and internal democracy.&nbsp;
But they have also issued near-unanimous denouncements of the decision by the interim government to dissolve Parliament, calling for the Lower House to be restored immediately.
‘The government formed from the streets in an undemocratic and unconstitutional manner bypassing Parliament is contrary to the spirit of the movement that has demanded good governance in accordance with Nepal’s Constitution prevailing laws,’ read a joint press statement issued by eight political parties on Saturday.
The leaders of the UML, including Prime Minister K P Oli who resigned on Tuesday, the Maoists and the Nepali Congress are still in the Shivapuri National Park military base, and appear to be incommunicado.
The parties continued: ‘We strongly demand the immediate convening of Parliament to create an environment where the demands of the people and agitating groups can be addressed through an elected institution.’
The Nepal Bar Council, the country’s legal body, joined the political parties in calling the dissolution of Parliament unconstitutional. Legal experts had expressed concern about the constitutional processes to ensure PM Karki’s appointment as executive head in the lead-up to her taking office.
‘Nepal’s Constitution is the result of a broad national consensus and reflects the aspirations of its citizens,’ the Bar’s press statement read. ‘Such acts erode public trust in democratic institutions and threaten the very foundation of our constitutional system.’
The President’s move to dissolve the House of Representatives is also contrary to the Supreme Court’s previous decision on the restoration of parliament, the Bar’s stated, referring to the top court’s verdict after former PM Oli dismissed Parliament in 2021.&nbsp;
The Federation of Nepalese Journalists echoed similar sentiments in its own statement on Saturday which read, ‘The Federation believes that the unconstitutional appointment of the Prime Minister against the Constitution and the dissolution of the House of Representatives, which is contrary to the previous precedent set by the Supreme Court, show ill will towards democracy.’&nbsp;
Meanwhile, the GenZ youth who had voted in favour of Karki to lead the transitional government welcomed the dissolution of Parliament, and continue to demand that the interim government investigate the shooting of demonstrators this week. They also want mechanisms to ensure accountability and zero-tolerance against corruption.
‘We call for an open, sustained, and participatory national dialogue with the Interim Government and all political actors, one that ensures the meaningful presence of indigenous youth and structurally marginalised communities whose voices are not only heard, respected, and embedded but are also actively consulted in the shaping of the policies, institutions, and decisions that will define Nepal’s democratic future envisioned by us,’ read a statement issued by the Indigenous GenZ collective on Saturday.&nbsp;
Across the country, authorities have also begun to launch investigations into the vandalism and looting during the protests, urging citizens to return stolen goods. A former lawmaker from the Nepali Congress, which was a part of the coalition with the UML has filed a complaint against Oli alleging that he personally issued the order to security forces to fire at protestors on 8 September.