In May 2020, India inaugurated a strategic link road connecting a disputed part of Nepal’s Kalapani region to Tibet via Lipu Lek Pass. This triggered protests in Nepal, and Parliament passed Nepal’s new map. India has since fast tracked the project and is looking at completing the link road by 2024 allowing Indian pilgrims easier access to the holy <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16604#.ZEjoi3ZByJA">Kailas-Mansarovar</a> pilgrimage route, completely bypassing Nepal. Even so, the link through Hilsa is more convenient if Nepal can get its act together. Nepal is one of the primary gateways for Indian tourists on the pilgrimage to Mansarovar Lake and Mt Kailas in Tibet. Until Covid ended the route, tens of thousands of Indian pilgrims transited Nepal to either fly to Lhasa, or fly to<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/faith-to-reality"> Hilsa</a>. Each pilgrim paid anything between $2,500 to $3,500. But even as China plans to reopen the Hilsa border post in Humla starting 1 May, there is an alternative: the Lapcha Bhanjyang. The Indian yogi Sadhguru in 2021 visited Limi-Lapcha in northern Humla two times with his followers to pay his respects to Kailash-Mansarovar, the only accessible point in Nepal from which the holy lake and mountain are visible.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230426120456_a075abad4a4f09ffe9da0f7f4c69ff71aede6b7d304c3d995859e2342aa681a2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230426120456_a075abad4a4f09ffe9da0f7f4c69ff71aede6b7d304c3d995859e2342aa681a2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="mansarovar nt 2"> <figcaption>Local Tibetans and visitors circumbulating the outer kora of Mt Kailas</figcaption> </figure>  It takes four days on foot to reach Limi-Lapcha valley from Simkot, the district headquarters of Humla. During the first leg of the trip, unofficial homestay services are available but after that pilgrims manage their own tents and food.&nbsp; On top of the direct economic benefit to the travel companies, hotels, transport services and tour guide en route to Humla, the pilgrims also benefit the locals in Pashupati, Boudha, Swayambhu or Budhanilkantha which they visit in Kathmandu before departing for Kailas-Mansarovar. But the biggest draw for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepalganj-gets-moving">the Nepal route</a> is that, unlike Indian tour companies, their Nepali counterparts are exempt from the Indian quota system. Any number of pilgrims of any nationality can visit Mount Kailas and Lake Mansarovar through Nepal if they can acquire Chinese visas and permits.&nbsp; By contrast, the agreement between the governments of India and China had stipulated that only 1,080 Indian pilgrims in 18 groups of 60 each could visit the sacred site in Tibet Autonomous Region through Lipu Lek every year before the road was built.&nbsp; This was before 2015 when a new route to Tibet via the Nathu La in Sikkim was opened, making the journey significantly safer and more comfortable, although longer. The Lipulek route at 5,500m meant pilgrims had to trek at high altitude, cross over to the Chinese side to take buses to the circumambulation. When the border road is finished next year, things could be easier.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230426110420_be521d653e54b38389ba90f7db0df01e77df3977bb075a4e5d67543bb1d3f9bf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20230426110420_be521d653e54b38389ba90f7db0df01e77df3977bb075a4e5d67543bb1d3f9bf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1769" height="973" loading="lazy" alt="kailas-mansarovar map"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230426120456_24d19a700526da31a590668b9d23e7954f738ad36199dc506857473f6e829655.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230426120456_24d19a700526da31a590668b9d23e7954f738ad36199dc506857473f6e829655" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="mansarovar nt 3"> <figcaption>Stone near Dolma La pass where the picture of the dead are kept in remembrance and reverence</figcaption> </figure>  The new agreement to open the Nathu La pass allowed at first for 250 pilgrims in five groups of 50 each to visit <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/north-of-the-border">Mount Kailas and Mansarova</a>r, and then 500 people in 10 groups of 50 each soon after.&nbsp; Many Indian pilgrims, however, say that they find it preferable to travel to the sacred site through Nepal. And if Nepal can improve roads and facilities, it could get much more of the pilgrim traffic. Then the quota system set by the Chinese government means that there is a lucky draw and they must also pass the various health-related criteria at each stage of the selection. If a family wishes to visit Kailas-Mansarovar together, the chances of everyone passing and winning the lottery are slim. However, private companies operate the tour on Nepal and China sides for all pilgrim groups. &nbsp; &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230426120456_0b0625268aa018973bb2b4291bd13b3b9630124bc4803cd41555e1c13f49153c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20230426120456_0b0625268aa018973bb2b4291bd13b3b9630124bc4803cd41555e1c13f49153c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="mansarovar nt 4"> <figcaption>Mt Kailas from the south face</figcaption> </figure>  &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230426120456_c9ebfe48c38eb4419a1939ee141a4fbe28d44c89855be7069c42174b9db3abbc.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20230426120456_c9ebfe48c38eb4419a1939ee141a4fbe28d44c89855be7069c42174b9db3abbc" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="mansarovar nt 5"> <figcaption>A view of Mt Kailas from Lake Mansarovar</figcaption> </figure>  Nepal can use its geographical location and geopolitics with long historical and cultural relationships with both countries to its advantage. India and China have had border disputes for a long time, with violent skirmishes at the border. However, the two countries depend on each other for trade.&nbsp; Nepal stands in a unique position to perform facilitative roles between the world’s two biggest economies. Connecting the followers of Hindu, Buddhist, Jain and Bön faiths to the spiritually sacred Mount Kailas and Lake Mansarovar is one such opportunity, which Nepal is yet to tap adequately. &nbsp; The Department of Immigration in Kathmandu does not even keep a record of Indian pilgrims visiting Tibet through Nepal because ‘Kailas-Mansarovar does not fall within Nepali borders’ — even though these visitors were bringing in millions of dollars every year. Nepal will not always have this advantage. After the Indian and Chinese governments signed an agreement in 2015 to develop trade and pilgrimage to Kailas-Mansarovar through <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/territorialism">Lipu Lek</a>, the Indian authorities inaugurated a link road in the disputed region in May 2020. If China relaxes quota restrictions on Indian pilgrims, New Delhi may also impose restrictions on its citizens going via Nepal. It is urgent that Nepal think how best it can reap economic and geopolitical benefits of the Hilsa route with better connectivity and facilities.&nbsp; Nabraj Lama is a research scholar and his work focuses on geopolitics, indigenism, international affairs. <a href="mailto:mail@nabrajlama.com" target="_blank">mail@nabrajlama.com</a> Read also:&nbsp; <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/northwestern-tip-of-nepal-Humla,3430">Remote corner of Nepal’s remotest district</a>, Bharat Bandhu Thapa <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/setis-gorgeous-gorges">Seti's gorgeous gorges</a>, Hermann Warth <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/trails-less-travelled/" target="_blank">Trails less travelled</a>, Joy Stephens <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/review/a-survival-strategy-for-nepal">A survival strategy for Nepal</a>, Kunda Dixit

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The geopolitics of pilgrimage

<figure><img width="1500" height="900" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181116/636be1049c7e80680e083e25jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: DIWAKAR CHETTRI</figcaption></figure>India is making calculated moves to rebuild relations with Nepal that were damaged by a border dispute earlier this year, while at the same time sending a subtle message to Kathmandu not to cosy up to China.After ignoring Nepal’s overtures for talks to resolve a thorny border dispute, New Delhi has been dispatching to Kathmandu a slew of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334289000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGiac1o5B1XOVTuOJ5F-jl99pneoA">intelligence</a>, military and diplomatic emissaries – in that order. First came the head of India’s external intelligence agency on 21 October, followed on 4 November by its army chief. Now, Indian foreign secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla is scheduled to arrive on 26 November.Nepal’s media commentators have said the choice of the first two interlocutors have actually been <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHW67LjxEMbQ4Kn4FxTDOi0T1--0g">counterproductive to normalising relations</a>, and they raised even more suspicions in Kathmandu about the kind of message New Delhi was sending Nepal. Read more:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/new-delhis-new-dealings-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHW67LjxEMbQ4Kn4FxTDOi0T1--0g">New Delhi’s new dealings in Nepal</a> by Kanak Mani Dixit“It is quite natural for Nepalis to be taken aback by India selecting the head of its spy agency as the first visitor, after all it is quite clear that it was not an ordinary visit,” wrote Surya Nath Upadhyay, a member of the Indo-Nepal Eminent Persons’ Group (EPG), in <a href="https://nagariknews.nagariknetwork.com/opinion/379641-1605072399.html?click_from=category" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://nagariknews.nagariknetwork.com/opinion/379641-1605072399.html?click_from%3Dcategory&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNE-eisVVEXS9b_SG-f58-45y3JJ4A">the Nagarik newspaper</a> on Tuesday.
Modi has been sitting for the past two years on the EPG’s report on revising the 1950 Indo-Nepal Treaty and other bilateral issues. But Upadhyay had even more serious objections about Indian Army Chief Manoj Mukund Naravane’s three day visit to Nepal to be conferred the ceremonial title of honorary general of the Nepal Army. 
Gen Navarane is the same person who caused a ruckus in May after Nepal strongly objected to the Indian road to Lipu Lek, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/gorkhas-on-the-frontline-between-india-and-china/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/gorkhas-on-the-frontline-between-india-and-china/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFg5obXnutCkcO64t80UTpX1qrbsQ">insinuating that Nepal was being put up to it by China.</a> There was an uproar in Nepal, and Naravane was criticised even in India for a remark many saw as being insensitive.
Upadhyay went on to speculate if the real reason Samant Goel of R&amp;AW met for three hours late at night in Baluwatar with Prime Minister K P Oli on 21 October was to undermine his nationalist image among Nepalis. This theory carries some credence since although Goel also met other political leaders in Kathmandu, those were kept under wraps.
Indeed, the prime minister immediately came under fire from other leaders, including his rivals in the Pushpa Kamal Dahal faction of his own party, for having met an Indian spy-in-chief. Oli had to then clarify that he had agreed in his phone conversation on India’s Independence Day in August with Prime Minister Narendra Modi to receive an emissary, but that he did not know it would be the head of R&amp;AW.
<a href="https://ekantipur.com/opinion/2020/11/11/160506277628759749.html" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://ekantipur.com/opinion/2020/11/11/160506277628759749.html&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFLUiT98uCKhqnzzOzn-XPidMEPZA">Writing in Kantipur newspaper</a> on Tuesday, strategic affairs expert Geja Sharma Wagle said Oli agreeing to meet Goel was ‘not just unfortunate but objectionable’. Wagle was also critical of Gen Navarane wearing a Nepali dhaka cap and engaging in ‘religious and cultural diplomacy’ by visiting Pashupati and the Kumari temple in Kathmandu.
‘The Goel and Naravane visits have at least ended the absence of communication between the two countries, but Modi sending a spy chief and an army general instead of a political or diplomatic emissary have raised questions about India’s perspective, policy and intentions in Nepal, especially given the border dispute,’ Wagle wrote.
Gen Naravane’s visit came a week after US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Defence Secretary Mark T Esper (since fired by Donald Trump) held a ‘2+2’ meeting with Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh to sign the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-Spatial Cooperation (BECA). The strategic pact is said to be aimed at countering China’s increasing <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/from-mt-everest-to-the-indian-ocean/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/from-mt-everest-to-the-indian-ocean/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGo_dnfkt6569YBk9I0ZaJ-bm35qQ">military clout in the Indian Ocean.</a>
This has raised speculation that the Goel and Naravane visits to Kathmandu had more to do with China than Nepal, because it came at a time when New Delhi’s relations with Beijing are at their worst since the 1962 war. Some analysts say there could be a realisation in Prime Minister Modi’s circle that India might have gone too far with the 2015 Blockade and the Kalapani issue, prompting Prime Minister Oli to lean towards China. 
Interestingly, the visits also came at a time when Prime Minister Oli himself <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-communists-on-verge-of-split-again/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-communists-on-verge-of-split-again/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHdkImqPzp77UeqYehrtTJvJkI0bw">is on shaky ground</a> with a vigorous challenge from the Dahal faction of the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) to clip his wings. Oli ignored Dahal’s effort to call a Secretariat meeting, and spent the whole of Tuesday visiting eastern Nepal by helicopter.
Even that visit was an indication of the fine balancing act Nepal has to tread between its two giant neighbours. Oli visited Kimathanka on the Chinese border, as well as the 900MW Arun III hydropower project being built by the Indian public sector company, SJVN.
Foreign Secretary Shringla’s visit to Kathmandu later this month is expected to put India-Nepal relations on a more even keel. Although no analyst expects New Delhi to back down from its claim to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/untangling-the-kalapani-knot/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/untangling-the-kalapani-knot/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNF35Xiuy9ZlpdS0nCPZz9TuBkPGPQ">Limpiyadhura-Lipu Lek</a>, Nepal will try to allay Indian concerns about China in the Himalayan region.
Relations soured after India unveiled an official map last year that showed the Kalapani region of northwestern Nepal as a part of India, and then made a high-profile inauguration of a military road through that territory to the Chinese border.
Nepal retaliated by getting Parliament to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/lines-on-a-map/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/lines-on-a-map/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1605254334290000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHYQOrlON1cO-EodrvlzvjpPnP--g">pass a new map</a> that included not just Kalapani but the entire east bank of the Kali River within its boundary, citing the 1816 Sugauli Treaty with British India.

India’s multi-pronged line to right Nepal ties

The dispute over the tri-junction of India, China and Nepal on the remotest northwestern tip of the country is the latest strain on bilateral relations.The <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2014/01/05/double-centennial/">Sugauli Treaty of 1816</a> between the East India Company and the defeated Gorkhalis clearly stated that the main channel of the Mahakali River would form a shrunken Nepal’s western border with British India. But the Survey of India maps of 1850 and 1856 slyly tucked the area back into Garhwal.Successive rulers in faraway Kathmandu were either unaware or did not care that the boundary had been moved. After the Chinese annexation of Tibet in the 1950s, Nepal allowed India to put up 17 military checkpoints along its northern border. China and India fought a fierce Himalayan war in 1962 during which the Indian military set a base on the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=2049#.Xcp6ktIza70">strategic Lipu Lekh Valley</a>. That base is still there. In 1969, Prime Minister Kirti Nidhi Bista got Delhi to remove all its checkpoints on the Nepal-China border, except the one in Kalapani. Was Lipu Lekh a quid pro quo for the removal of the other bases? <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/from-nepali-press-his-highness-gave-us-Kalapani,2570">Did King Mahendra sacrifice the region</a> in return for Indian support for his takeover? Historians are divided.Whatever the case, the elected rulers of Nepal after 1990 used anti-Indian nationalism for political benefit, but did little to press Nepal’s legitimate claim over the territory. K P Oli, who now heads the united NCP in government, was one of the most vocal in Parliament demanding that India return the area. Current Tourism Minister Yogesh Bhattrarai even led a student group to Kalapani to raise the Nepali flag in the tract occupied by India.  <img width="624" height="718" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181144/636a95af9c7e80680e05dc20jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Many field reports from the area have just gathered dust in Singha Darbar. No action was ever taken, except when it was politically expedient to raise an anti-Indian drum beat. Nepal’s own official map in 1975 showed Lipu Khola as the boundary between Nepal and India, and not the Mahakali River. Ultra-nationalists cry themselves hoarse about ‘big bully’ India, but why would a neighbour respect your boundary if you yourself do not really care where it is? New Delhi has not really been bothered about winning the hearts and minds of Nepalis, either. It believes in carrying the big stick and showing who’s boss. And all this is convenient for Nepal’s India-bashing pseudo-nationalists who have a handy excuse to take to the streets every time the border dispute flares up.For Prime Minister Oli the brouhaha could not have been better timed. It has allowed him to distract public attention away from his administration’s non-performance, and once more drape himself in the flag. But what good is it to work ourselves into a frenzy of territorialism over this tiny strip of land when our rulers do not seem to care what happens to the rest of the country over which they enjoy full sovereignty?This is also not one where Nepal can play India off against China. In fact, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/PM-task-in-China,2929">Beijing seems to be on the same page as New Delhi</a> on the issue. As far back as 1954, India and China agreed to allow Indian pilgrims to use Lipu Lekh Pass on their holy trek to Lake Mansarovar. Lipu Lekh was discussed during visits by Indian External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh to Beijing in 1999, by <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=289#.Xcp8z9Iza70">Chinese Premier Wen Jiaobao to Delhi in 2005</a>, and by Chinese President Xi Jinping in India in 2014. A joint communiqué between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi in 2015 in Beijing listed Lipu Lekh as one of the Sino-Indian border passes through which the two countries agreed to conduct trade. <img width="3455" height="1679" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181144/636a95b19c7e80680e05dc21jpeg.jpg" alt="">One of the few instances in Nepali history when anti-Chinese protests broke out in the streets of Kathmandu was four years ago after that India-China joint communiqué on Lipu Lekh. Yet, Nepal’s governments since then did not dare broach the subject with the Chinese, it was not even raised last month during <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/president-xi-in-kathmandu/">President Xi’s state visit to Kathmandu</a>.Nepal cannot go to war with India over this. (For one thing, our men are enlisted in their army.) How about first revising our own official map, and take up the matter at the highest level in every future bilateral? And they may as well also talk about disputes along the Tarai caused by rivers changing course, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/borderline-disorder/">border pillars mysteriously moving under cover of darkness</a>.The time is right for dialogue: there is a government in Kathmandu with a solid two-thirds majority, we have rare all-party unity over the matter, and Nepal’s international stature is higher than it has been in a while.

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The geopolitics of pilgrimage

India’s multi-pronged line to right Nepal ties

TERRITORIALISM