Sixty years ago, the average lifespan of Nepalis was only 28 years. It has now risen to 71.3. How did this happen, despite poor governance, conflict and the upheavals of the past decade in the country?&nbsp; Demographers cite a confluence of factors: a sharp decline in infant and child mortality rates, improvements in health care and nutrition because of a remittance-driven rise in household income from the four million or so Nepalis living and working abroad who send home Rs1 billion a month. The new figure for average lifespan came from the 2021 census data, which also shows that women in Nepal live on average 5.6 years longer than men. Worldwide, women tend to live longer than men because of higher mortality among young men due to lifestyle reasons, disease, profession and accidents.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/more-equal-than-others">More equal than others</a>, Editorial  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240516110512_a8c66d01c8d99b0ff8e51a3ffb9026c6df6aeb55a4d289cf871e438b0201ee23.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20240516110512_a8c66d01c8d99b0ff8e51a3ffb9026c6df6aeb55a4d289cf871e438b0201ee23" data-rendition-name="original" width="593" height="727" loading="lazy" alt="71.3 NT"> </figure>  Three decades ago, the average life expectancy of Nepalis was 54.3. Going further back, to 1961, the average lifespan was only 28. These are average national statistics, and do not necessarily mean that the current generation of Nepalis are living longer — it just shows that many fewer babies are dying.&nbsp; Meaning: if the mortality rate of children and adults goes down, the average lifespan goes up. And there has been a dramatic reduction in the infant mortality rate.&nbsp; In 1991, 97 out of every 1,000 babies died before their first birthday. Today, the national average is down to 17. Similarly, while the child mortality rate in 1991 meant that 28 out of every 1,000 died before age five, today it has dropped to six.&nbsp; Nepal’s total mortality rate has also dropped by half from 13.3 per 1,000 in 1981 to 6.8 today. Education is a factor: Nepal’s literacy rate was 14% in 1971, now there is almost 100% enrollment.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/not-rising-nepal">Not rising Nepal</a>, Editorial <div class="embed-block"> <iframe title="Life expectancy around the world" aria-label="Map" id="datawrapper-chart-b3LVL" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/b3LVL/3/" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" style="width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;" height="413" data-external="1"></iframe><script type="text/javascript">!function(){"use strict";window.addEventListener("message",(function(a){if(void 0!==a.data["datawrapper-height"]){var e=document.querySelectorAll("iframe");for(var t in a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var r=0;r<e.length;r++)if(e[r].contentWindow===a.source){var i=a.data["datawrapper-height"][t]+"px";e[r].style.height=i}}}))}(); </script></div> Literacy does not just mean being able to read and write, it is directly correlated with higher income, broader knowledge and lifestyle improvements, leading to greater awareness about health-related issues. All this adds up to longer life expectancy. Although there are still problems with access and affordability of medical care, in general the health and nutrition status of Nepalis has improved. There is a drop in the prevalence of gastric infections caused by contaminated drinking water. The incidence of tuberculosis, pneumonia and other communicable diseases have also gone down.&nbsp; Instead, the main cause of death now are chronic ailments like cardio-vascular diseases, stroke, respiratory complications and highway accidents.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/census-or-consensus">Census or consensus?</a>, Editorial <div class="embed-block"><iframe title="GDP per Capita and Life Expectancy" aria-label="Scatter Plot" id="datawrapper-chart-zzFRF" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/zzFRF/2/" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" style="width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;" height="456" data-external="1"></iframe><script type="text/javascript">!function(){"use strict";window.addEventListener("message",(function(a){if(void 0!==a.data["datawrapper-height"]){var e=document.querySelectorAll("iframe");for(var t in a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var r=0;r<e.length;r++)if(e[r].contentWindow===a.source){var i=a.data["datawrapper-height"][t]+"px";e[r].style.height=i}}}))}(); </script></div> Three decades ago, Nepal’s total fertility rate was 5.3, today a Nepali mother on average gives birth to only 1.94 children - this is below replacement level. It is directly the result of the greater survival rate of babies — the higher the infant mortality, the greater the tendency of parents to have more children to ensure that at least some of them live.&nbsp; The decrease in the poverty rate of Nepalis also means that their nutrition level in general has gone up, although there are still pockets in the Karnali and Madhes Province where wasting and stunting among children is dangerously high.&nbsp; There seem to be anomalies in the census report because it shows that Karnali Province has the highest lifespan at 72.5 and very low infant and child mortality rates. This goes against the generally accepted belief that it is the province with the lowest human development ranking. Demographers have put forward various explanations for this, including that the 2021 census was conducted towards the tail end of the pandemic when many elderly Nepali workers had come home from India. But it could also be that Karnali families under-reported deaths to census enumerators.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-demographic-dividend">Nepal’s demographic dividend</a>, Shristi Karki <div class="embed-block"><iframe title="Province Wise Life Expectancy" aria-label="Map" id="datawrapper-chart-BiK7n" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/BiK7n/1/" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" style="width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;" height="433" data-external="1"></iframe><script type="text/javascript">!function(){"use strict";window.addEventListener("message",(function(a){if(void 0!==a.data["datawrapper-height"]){var e=document.querySelectorAll("iframe");for(var t in a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var r=0;r<e.length;r++)if(e[r].contentWindow===a.source){var i=a.data["datawrapper-height"][t]+"px";e[r].style.height=i}}}))}();</script></div> A longer average life expectancy is good news, but it has introduced the brand new problem of ageing. By 2021, the population of Nepalis older than 75 had grown to 640,000, making up 2.2% of the population. Nepal has a demographic dividend window, but a rapidly ageing population is going to undermine that advantage in the coming decades. As in countries like Korea, Japan and parts of Europe, even in Nepal there will be fewer able-bodied citizens, leading to a reduction of tax revenue, higher insurance and health costs for the state in the coming decades. &nbsp;&nbsp; Nepal’s policy-makers must not just have a plan for the here and now, but also for the time our children themselves become senior citizens. Hemraj Regmi of the National Statistics Office puts it this way: “In the 1960s, a few people lived long lives. Now more people are living longer.”&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/the-migration-myth">The migration myth</a>, Brabim Bikram Thapa Ramesh Kumar

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<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108131140/636a4ef69c7e80680e04fce2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="1050"/><figcaption>TOO POOR TO MATTER: The bamboo shed that serves half the 124 students enrolled at Uma Primary School in Rautahat district. PHOTOS: Gargee Pradhan Shrestha</figcaption></figure>From afar, a little bamboo and mud hut looks like the many cowsheds that dot this district in central Tarai.But it is actually a classroom for some of the 124 students enrolled in Uma Primary School and their two teachers. A nearby cement building that houses a single, tiny furniture-less classroom looks less than inspiring. On the best days, the hut struggles to hold all the children, but <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-tarai-learns-from-past-floods/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">with monsoon rains in full swing</a>, the children are always wet.“Where do I even begin with the list of problems our school faces,” says Principal Munni Kumari Pandey, “a proper school building with desks and chairs, classrooms in which students actually fit, a compound wall so children are safe from the road, and we want more teachers.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/after-quantity-nepals-education-needs-quality/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">After quantity, Nepal’s education needs quality</a>, Prakriti Kandel<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108131140/636a4ef99c7e80680e04fce3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="1050"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Uma Primary School is a fitting snapshot of the state of education in Rautahat, which ranks as the worst district in Nepal for school performance. Scoring low in other Human Development Indicators like health, life expectancy, and gender equity, Rautahat trails even remote mountain districts like Humla, Bajhang and Bajura. Its literary rate (42%) is lowest in the country, only half of the men and a third of the women in Rautahat are literate.“The largest section of our budget is devoted to building roads and canals, and to help flood victims. We support schools through salaries, but upgrading their buildings is beyond our budget, and so we have to ask the central government,” explains Arun Kumar Saha, mayor of Durga Bhagawati rural municipality where the school is located.But Gokarna Dhwaj Karki, DEO of Rautahat, passes the buck right back: “Since the country went federal, the central level does not do local budgeting. The District Education Office only has enough budget to operate its own office. Municipalities have to make their own budgets, and our task is only to oversee and approve it.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/lowest-common-denominator/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Lowest Common Denominator</a>, Editorial<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108131140/636a4efd9c7e80680e04fce4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="1050"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Indeed, two years after local governments were elected in Nepal’s new federal structure, there has been no palpable improvement in schools here. <a href="https://cijnepal.org.np/roadmania/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A report by Rudra Pangeni for the Center for Investigative Journalism</a> (CIJ) indicates that this is not an exception but the rule across the Tarai, as local budgets ignore the social sector and focus on infrastructure. In Rautahat and Sarlahi, several municipalities allocate half their budget to construction, and less than a fifth to education and health combined.As the country is still figuring out a new working mechanism, it is still not clear what rights and responsibilities each level has, and so real local priorities continue to get overshadowed by more showy instant development work, like roads.Officials are happy to blame Rautahat’s grinding poverty for its low school performance. Indeed, Uma Primary School serves children from the Chamar community, the lowest of the Dalits according to the traditional social hierarchy, and Muslims. Children from Dalit families often drop out of school to help out at home, and Rautahat’s Muslims who make up 20% of the population <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-muslims-on-the-margins/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">mostly send children to madrasahs</a>.As elsewhere in Nepal, families that can afford it, send their children to private schools. But government schools have reported increased enrolment and improved attendance when the children are provided school bags, scholarships, and lunches. But these programs are sporadic and occur only if NGOs step in.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/class-struggle-2/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Class Struggle</a>, Prakriti Kandel

The last and least in Rautahat

Samsung Nepal has opened pre-orders for the Galaxy A57 5G and A37 5G. Both phones run Samsung’s One UI 8.5, featuring AI capabilities like voice transcription, Circle to Search, and photo editing. They feature a 50MP triple-camera system, a Super AMOLED display, and six years of OS and security updates.

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‘One early morning, we heard the ambassador’s wife cry out, “Ram, Ram, Ram!” A disaster has befallen Nepal!” She had heard on the radio that a fire had consumed Singha Durbar." This is not about the arson attack on 9 September 2025, but the one on 8 July, 1973. It started in the South Wing of the then single-largest building in all of Nepal. It took two days to bring the blaze under control, requiring the use of explosives to demolish one wing to protect the imposing western facade. As Bhekh Bahadur Thapa recalls in the English translation of his memoir A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy, he was then on leave from the Nepal government serving with the IDRC in Ottawa.&nbsp; He had already served as Nepal’s Finance Secretary at age 25, went on to be Finance Minister and Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank. He was already younger than some of the GenZ ministers in Nepal’s present RSP government. Thapa, now 89, was at the launch of the book in February which was attended by former diplomats and bureaucrats. After speeches by panelists, there was a question from the audience about how Thapa had managed to be the diplomat he was, managing Nepal’s international relations on the world stage.&nbsp; Writer and journalist Akhilesh Upadhyay, who was moderating the panel, responded by going into the section of the book where we see Thapa as an ambassador to the US, playing tennis with White House officials, cultivating a network of contacts to project the identity and welfare of Nepal, and making it possible for a state visit by King Birendra to Ronald Reagan’s America. The book is full of anecdotes that suggest Thapa was a clever and strategic diplomat, always calm and unruffled, easily making friends in high places with his maturity and engaging sense of humour. Thapa’s memoir is heavy on details about Nepal’s administrative history during the years he was active in public service, serving as minister and ambassador under three kings: Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra, and alongside five prime ministers.&nbsp; Aside from an insider look on how certain treaties, development deals and research projects in Nepal came into fruition, Thapa goes into great detail about his personal and professional relationships with the kings, ministers, ambassadors, foreign leaders and politicians.&nbsp; As a reader, one is struck by the level of detail around the events that unfolded in Nepal over the years during Thapa’s tenure. Was Thapa recording a journal over the years of the events and the conversations that transpired, or were they committed to his phenomenal memory? Either way, the reader gets a glimpse of Nepal’s recent history from the early days of the Panchayat, through the People’s Movement and the democracy period, the Maoist insurgency, Royal Palace massacre of 2001, and Gyanendra’s coup of 2005.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1584" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="How to win friends and influence nations NT"> </figure>  Not enough is said about the political parties of the time whose presence led to the way Nepal’s multiparty democracy came to be shaped. The book keeps its focus on the administration and the key figures around it, mostly those in the Panchayat era. Towards the second half of the book, we do start to hear about political parties, but not in great depth. Another figure whose presence in the book is conspicuously less prominent is that of his wife, Rita Thapa — the person who seems to have rescued him every time financial quandary or family care became a challenge. Yet, we do not see her as a full person. Perhaps because of the personal tragedies in his life, the children are also barely mentioned.&nbsp; The book is therefore less personal and more technical. Throughout, we learn about Thapa’s thinking as he navigated the world of diplomacy to win him the trust of those who mattered. There are tips here for a new generation of Nepali officials and diplomats about how much commitment and focus is needed to be good at one’s job and serve the national interest. This book adds to tomes that have been written on Nepal’s fragile relationship with India. ‘India has always wished for Nepal to remain dependent on it,’ writes Thapa, who served as Nepal’s ambassador to India and later in the Eminent Persons Group &nbsp;on Indo-Nepal relations that has been allowed to languish. The book has several insights into the Indo-Nepal trysts with diplomacy and agency.&nbsp; China’s role is also recorded, viewed through conversations during a visit to Beijing, but all that was before Nepal’s neighbour to the north emerged as a world economic and military power. The book also has such sudden instances of quirkiness and humour. For instance, we see a young Thapa in America explaining to a government official why he would like to return to Nepal instead of settling down in the US. “Because, Nepal is beautiful,” he said. The text is immaculate and does not read much like a translation, credit for which clearly goes to the team that put the edition together: translator Prawin Adhikari, &nbsp;Anagha Neelakanthan and Bhekh Thapa’s daughter, Manjushree. As Nepal enters a new era of governance and diplomacy, A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy should be essential reading for students of political science, economics and foreign affairs who can gain a fresh perspective on the country’s trajectory.&nbsp; There are dozens of forgotten state secrets recorded in the book, but the reader must also remember this is a story told from one person’s perspective and there may be others.&nbsp; So, what really made Thapa the diplomat he was? I met him in 2004 at the Kantipur TV studio when he was serving as king Gyanendra’s foreign minister. He was there for a studio interview, and I was just done with my English newscast.&nbsp; He surprised me at the door: “Pratibha! I’ve been reading your articles in The Kathmandu Post. You must keep writing.” I thanked him, glad to have been noticed for my work by a stranger. That was perhaps one of the things that set Thapa apart — he excelled at staying close to those in power, while also noticing those who were not.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Book details"> </figure>

How to win friends and influence nations

Prime Minister Balendra Shah on Wednesday broke tradition and met with 17 foreign envoys collectively, a move that was a notable departure from how his predecessors operated.&nbsp;
Shah had already set himself apart by talking less, listening more, and delegating to trusted friends. But by meeting all ambassadors at one go in the presence of the Foreign Ministry, he signalled a paradigm shift in how he wants Nepal to be seen: no longer just balancing India and China, but as a country confident about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/tripolar-contestation-over-nepal">strategic importance and place in the world</a>.
In just two weeks, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rsp-dos-and-don-ts">RSP has sprung into action </a>on multiple fronts to implement its ambitious 100-point, 100-days action plan. It has taken short-term measures to mitigate the impact of the Gulf war, as well as medium- and long- term measures to streamline the bureaucracy. A few high-profile figures have been made examples of to drive the message home.
Earlier this week, the government recalled six politically appointed ambassadors, the most notable being long-serving Shankar Sharma from New Delhi. The Kathmandu District Court issued arrest warrants against former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his former foreign minister wife Arzu Rana on charges of money laundering and corruption.
Each ministry has been trying to clean up the accumulated rot from the past three decades: regulatory overhaul of microfinance, education, health and service delivery.&nbsp;
These actions widely disseminated campaign-style on YouTube and TikTok have made most Nepalis hopeful that the party they installed in power means business.
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BACKLASH
But such attempts to overhaul a long-entrenched political culture were bound to face backlash. In their impatience and enthusiasm to get things done, some of Prime Minister Shah’s ministers have over-reached.
It was common knowledge that government-paid advertising in the mainstream press was kickback-driven, but the PMO’s directive that official notices be published or broadcast only on state-run media has been denounced — especially as the media industry struggles to stay afloat.
More serious are some recent appointments by ministers of relatives and figures closely associated with the RSP to key positions. This has rankled because this party built its political plank on ending nepotism and graft.&nbsp;
News that Home Minister Sudan Gurung allegedly had not paid rent on leased land, which illegally encroached on the lake in Pokhara did not help. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Shah himself has come under scrutiny for appointing a kitchen cabinet full of male buddies from his time as Kathmandu mayor. To douse criticism he brought in as adviser investigative journalist Deepa Dahal, who has exposed corruption in high places of the previous coalitions.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment of another political adviser Asim Shah to the head Constitution Amendment Task Force, is also seen as problematic. He is a filmmaker and former lawmaker, but does not have a background in constitutional law.&nbsp;
Even more controversial is the Cabinet’s decision to appoint RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane’s legal counsel, Narayan Kandel, as Attorney General. Kandel used to be a UK permanent resident, and does not have as much experience practicing law in Nepal.&nbsp;
Kandel’s appointment drew flak and raised eyebrows, and with the pending legal cases against Lamichhane this appointment represents a flagrant conflict of interest.
Health Minister Nisha Mehta was also accused of favouritism after reappointing Junu Shrestha, wife of Labour Minister Dipak Kumar Shah, as member of the Health Insurance Board which had earlier suspended her. The Labour Minister’s rambling rant at the Board’s meeting on Tuesday has not helped the RSP’s image.&nbsp;
(UPDATE: On Thursday, Prime Minister Shah sacked the Labour Minister after the RSP found him in breach of the party's code of conduct and discipline. He served 14 days in the Cabinet, one of the shortest tenures for a minister in Nepal )
It is hard to know what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Balendra Shah is thinking</a>, and how Rabi Lamichhane is going to justify some of these moves. After all, making politics, governance, and bureaucracy a meritocracy has been the core tenet of the RSP, and it risks alienating its mainly youth base if these missteps persist.
But at least for now, most RSP supporters seem to be giving the party the benefit of doubt.

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The last and least in Rautahat

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Nepal’s new government springs into action