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Remove barriers to life-saving drug to prevent maternal deaths

<img width="1400" height="934" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110151112/636d07729c7e80680e0a5fbfjpeg.jpg" alt=""/>In one of his moves to shore up public support, former Prime Minister K P Oli <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/govt-not-employers-responsible-for-employees/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">launched his much-vaunted Social Security Fund (SSF)</a> in November 2018 amidst much fanfare.  The government bought full-page ads in the national media, and Oli’s face was on SSF posters all over the country. Oli was trying to ride a populist wave <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/social-insecurity/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">ahead of the 2023 elections</a>, and pushed a project actually designed under a previous government.  The SSF was billed as a ‘birth of a new era’ while promising the ‘protection of the working class’.  Now, with Oli no longer prime minister, the future of the scheme has been thrown into doubt. Most of its supposed beneficiaries are not convinced about it, the private sector is taking a wait-and-watch approach, and there have been few takers.  Earlier this month, trade unions of 22 commercial banks filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court demanding a repeal of mandatory listing in the SSF, citing that it was less beneficial to workers than existing welfare funds.   “We have been receiving government-set assistance from appointment to retirement, it makes no sense to opt for SSF, slashing our current benefits,” says Padmaraj Regmi of the Financial Institutions Employees Union Nepal (FIEUN). The employees argue that they have been in service before the implementation of the Labour Act 2017 and hence are covered by the regulations of Section 133(1) of the Bank and Financial Institution Act 2017. Moreover, they add that banks and financial institutions have also set up a separate welfare fund for their employees, which they find more beneficial and practical.  On 9 April, SSF issued a notice to the employers who had missed the listing for compulsory registration by mid-July. The fund had similarly written letters to the Nepal Bankers’ Association on 16 March and 31 May calling for their registration. While banks and employers were willing to take part, the backlash and workers’ agitation have made them reconsider. Says CEO of Sanima Bank and chairman of Nepal Bankers’ Association Bhuwan Dahal: “Legal arrangements, government plans and policies are on our side, and we work within government guidelines. However, we cannot move forward knowing that our employees have doubts about it.”  Banks and employers in fact stand to gain from the SSF, as compensation in a case of a death of a worker would then be solely managed by the fund.  <img width="1050" height="700" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110151112/636d07759c7e80680e0a5fc0jpeg.jpg" alt="">When Sanaj Khatiwada of Sunrise Bank died in August 2020, his family approached the SSF for compensation. The fund ordered the bank to pay Rs4.3 million in restitution, derived from 60% of the employee’s monthly salary as decreed by the Social Security Scheme Operating Procedures 2018. Global IME Bank was also ordered to pay Rs10.5 million to a victim’s family in a similar case in March. Both banks were not part of the SSF at the time and bore full financial responsibility. SSF spokesperson Bibek Panthi claims that the fund was designed with workers and employees at its centre, and that no benefits will be stripped away upon joining it. “The SSF was set up to ensure that workers couldn’t be exploited and to secure post-retirement life. All benefits outlined in Article 178 of Labour Act 2017 are enshrined by SSF,” he says.However, upon closer inspection of the provisions, one can see why the workers and businesses are up in arms. Entirely contribution-funded, 31% of the basic salary of each employee (11% by workers and 20% by company) must be deposited into the SSF, but some companies are making workers deposit up to 20% out-of-pocket. These are significant financial undertakings in times of slashed income due to the pandemic-induced economic collapse and job losses.When inflation and interest are taken into account, subscribers will in fact lose money. Even so, one must wait until age 60 to receive monthly pensions, but any amount accrued before 60 cannot be withdrawn post-retirement. Monthly accumulations cannot be withdrawn all at once post-retirement, either.Also, funeral costs, accident insurance and medical coverage are not covered after three months of retirement. Moreover, the dependent spouse will receive only 50% compensation if the employee dies after 15 years of receiving the pension. “Saving 30% of salary in the current economic climate is difficult for many, people must have the freedom to choose when it comes to safeguarding their money,” says the former chief of the investment department of Employees’ Provident Fund Arjun Gautam. “It is counterproductive to force customers to leave government-run funds and join another one.” There are also doubts about whether the government can handle sole responsibility for the social security of private workers, especially as the informal sector has not even been factored in. The government plans to cover over three million social taxpayers with the SSF. But as of now, only 14,738 employers and 257,817 contributors are registered from an estimated 923,000 private institutions across the country. With current contributions standing at Rs6.65 billion, experts fear the fund may be financially incapable of handling the tenfold increase in outlays and deposits if and when the informal sector is roped in.  In fact, the SSF is serving the same purpose, but only worse, that existing government schemes provide. The Citizens’ Investment Fund and Employees’ Provident Fund provide hybrid and public sector coverage respectively, with the former already offering 11 service pensions and insurance schemes.  <img width="723" height="398" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110151112/636d07789c7e80680e0a5fc1jpeg.jpg" alt="">“So far no one has come to us to close their accounts and move to the SSF,” says Managing Director of Citizens’ Investment Fund, Raman Nepal. The SSF has issued dozens of notices and extended deadlines for listing multiple times since 17 July 2019 until now, but to no avail.   Private institutions however have no alternative but to sign up for it, says spokesperson Panthi, who blames misinformation and rumour-mongering for the scheme’s failure to meet the expectation.   “The government created this scheme for the workers’ benefit, but they themselves are finding excuses to not join and be at a disadvantage,” he adds. To be sure, there are some progressive clauses in the SSF. In the event of a workplace accident, it will provide full coverage on treatment costs. The SSF also covers occupational hazards and illness as well as monthly funds for the education of dependent children of a deceased employee.  However, the SSF is complicated and unattractive for the general public. It is split into the medical treatment, health and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/who-will-save-nepals-poor-new-mothers/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">maternal care</a> plan, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-plans-to-reintegrate-returning-workers/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">accident and disability protection</a> plan, dependent family protection plan and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-future-is-older/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">elderly </a>protection plan. Contributors who have deposited for three months can cash in on the healthcare and maternal plan, which lasts for three months from the most recent deposit date, but can only be claimed by one spouse.   The dependent family protection plan is further split into education funds, spousal retirement funds, elderly parents' support and final rites expenditure. No matter the cause of death, the subscriber’s spouse is guaranteed to receive monthly stipends of 60% of the deceased’s basic salary. However, if the claimant has alternate sources of income, they are not eligible. This applies to the deceased’s spouse and elderly parents.  The accrued amount and returns from the SSF deposit are added then divided by 180 to be handed out as monthly pension, for which the subscriber must be above 60 and should have contributed for at least 180 months (15 years). Experts say that this time period is too long and impractical, especially when money cannot be withdrawn at will.  It is clear that the planners designed the SSF without taking the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/not-just-social-security/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">economic reality and situation of the country</a> into account, say experts, but nonetheless there is a space for improvement. Says Gautam: “We copied a foreign product without considering our economy and quality of public education and health facilities. As it may erode public faith in similar schemes, the fund must be restructured, made more competitive and optional, which will then attract workers.

Nepalis insecure about new Social Security Fund

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109111144/636b84729c7e80680e067796jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1125"/><figcaption>Rita Khatri, 21, is the only skilled birth attendant in her village of Phediguth of Okhaldhunga district, where she has helped to promote institutional birthing despite the challenges posed by the pandemic. All photos: NARESH NEWAR</figcaption></figure>Unlike many of her nursing colleagues who yearn to go abroad or find a job in a city hospital, Rita Khatri returned to her home village in Okhaldhunga after completing her training as a skilled birth attendant in Kathmandu.It was not easy for the 21-year-old to be taken seriously by her own community in Phediguth village of Champadevi Municpality, she had to earn their trust and respect one safe delivery at a time.But just as families in surrounding villages came to depend on her for vital <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/3-nepali-mothers-still-die-daily-at-childbirth/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">prenatal care and safe deliveries</a>, the Covid-19 pandemic hit. Now, on top of all the other health challenges in rural Nepal, there is the additional danger of being infected with this contagious new strain of the coronavirus that has spread across the country.Because of its remoteness and lack of connectivity, the pandemic has not affected this scenic district of eastern Nepal as seriously as other parts of the country. Still, there are 90 active Covid-19 cases in the district and a dozen people on average test positive every day.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109111144/636b84769c7e80680e067797jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1125"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Being a trained midwife, Rita Khatri’s main worry is that restrictions on travel and fears about the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/birth-and-death-during-a-pandemic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">virus will affect maternal and neonatal health services</a> as most villagers are afraid to visit her birthing centre for check-ups and deliveries.“I am scared that the pandemic will set back all the work we have done here to reduce home deliveries and to improve maternal and infant survival,” Khatri says. “We had finally managed to convince families to opt for institutional birthing, but that might now change.”Staff at the centre are also worried about their safety, since this <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/this-is-war/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">second wave is much more deadly</a> than the one in 2020. Last year, Khatri had helped mothers even when most government health posts had shut down in the districts, many staff were afraid to come to work, and if they did were afraid to even touch their patients.But Khatri kept the birthing centre open, and carried out 32 deliveries in 2020, some of them complicated ones where the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/birth-and-death-during-a-pandemic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">mothers’ life would have been in danger</a> if they had given birth at home.“Closing down would have meant risking the lives of many mothers,” says Khatri, who has been trying to convince as many families as possible who are under her care that it was safe to visit the birthing centre.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ESmZURVRyN4It is much more difficult this year to convince both mothers and staff. Still, Khatri says, “I am also apprehensive about being infected, but I am the only SBA around here, and I want to ensure as many <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/infant-deaths-up-during-nepal-lockdown/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">institutional deliveries</a> as possible and save mothers and their babies from risking home births.”Khatri says that for her, nursing is not just a job. It is an occupation through which she wished to serve her community where there is no doctor for miles around. There is a steely determination in her thin voice as she says, “I will keep my doors open no matter how bad the pandemic is, this is what I was trained to do.”The community has a new esteem for Rita Khatri because of the dedication and hard work she displayed last year, and villagers are glad that they have her to go to for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/newborn-deaths-and-a-vision-for-a-post-pandemic-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">safe motherhood</a>.It has not been easy for Khatri to earn this trust. When she first returned home to Okhaldhunga to join Phediguth Health Post, villagers heard that a new ‘doctor’ had arrived. But when they came to visit, they were visibly disappointed that it was just a girl they knew from the village.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109111144/636b847a9c7e80680e067798jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1125"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>But within a few months, Khatri proved herself through her profesionalism and ability to handle the most complicated maternity cases at the birthing centre which was upgraded with help from the non-profit, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-can-be-more-fulfilling-than-saving-lives/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">One Heart Worldwide</a> (OHW).Not every delivery goes right, there are some which need specialist treatment or caesarian sections, others suffer post-partum haemorrhage and some mothers are already in a critical condition because they are brought to the centre too late. When the mother or child cannot be saved, Khatri has sometimes been slapped, kicked and verbally abused by angry relatives.“I could understand their frustration, but I did not let anything demoralise me,” says Khatri. “I was trying to the best of my ability to save their lives.”Today, everyone respectfully calls Khatri ‘Sister’, and some even call her ‘Doctor’. Many also have apologised for mistreating her in the past, and come bearing gifts to show their gratitude. “I refuse to take them because I am just doing my duty,” Khatri tells us.Champadevi Health Post has upgraded its maternity room, but there are many others across Nepal that are struggling with <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/this-is-how-to-upgrade-nepals-rural-health/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">proper buildings, equipment and staff</a>. The biggest challenge is the lack of nurses trained as skilled birth attendants.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109111144/636b847d9c7e80680e067799jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1125"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>When Rita Khatri joined the Phediguth Health Post, its birthing centre did not have proper equipment, not even a maternity bed for deliveries. Most deliveries happened late at night without electricity, and mothers were in prolonged labour sometimes lasting 16 hours. Some of Khatri’s patients preferred lying on the floor to give birth because they found the table that served as a maternity bed so uncomfortable.Without electricity, staff had to stumble in the dark during deliveries, and it was difficult to keep the maternity room warm without heaters. Khatri tried unsuccessfully with the local government to get power supply, but it was One Heart Worldwide that installed solar-powered lights. Little by little, the facility was improved to be the clean and bright birth centre it is today.Khatri is modest about her accomplishment: “This is the least I could do for my birthplace, so giving birth is safe."To donate to Phediguth Health Post: Account name: Phediguth Health PostRastriya Banijya Bank, OkhaldhungaAccount number 207000290101

Saving Nepali mothers on Mother’s Day

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111152/636cd8879c7e80680e092e49jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1125"/><figcaption>Phediguth village in Okhaldhunga where poor roads make access to health facilities difficult for complicated maternity cases. All photos: NARESH NEWAR</figcaption></figure>Stories of birthing are not the kind of conversation that children in Nepal usually have with their mothers. Surya Bhatta’s career path, however, took a new turn when his mother shared her own story of how she survived a near-death complication when she was giving birth to his elder sister.His mother was married at 11, and had her first baby at 16. Access to health services in their home village in Dhading was limited at the time, and she suffered from severe postpartum complications.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111152/636cd88b9c7e80680e092e4ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="364"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“Luckily, my mother survived but we all know many Nepali mothers still face similar risks due to poor maternal health,” says Bhatta, now executive director of One Heart Worldwide (OHW), a US-based organisation working in Nepal.At 34 Bhatta is proud to be playing a role to save the lives of mothers like his mother. Although the country has made vast improvements in reducing the maternal mortality rate from 539 per 100,000 live births 25 years ago to 240 today, it is still unacceptably high.An estimated 2,000 new <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/who-will-save-nepals-poor-new-mothers/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/who-will-save-nepals-poor-new-mothers/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1615874753197000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEu5wCZ54G1e7vKzay3LB7DTXI7mA">mothers still die</a> in Nepal every year —  most of them because health posts are not properly equipped and staffed. The maternal mortality rate also went up in 2020 because the lockdown and pandemic prevented many mothers from getting to hospitals or birthing centres.Bhatta and his colleagues have been working to improve maternal neonatal health care, and with a 70-strong team is setting up birthing centres and hospitals in Nepal’s most remote districts to upgrade care for mothers and babies.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111152/636cd88e9c7e80680e092e4bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="200" height="191">Starting from five villages of Baglung in 2010, One Heart has expanded to 21 districts and helped renovate and equip more than 500 birthing centres in 164 municipalities where road access is still limited. The centres work with local municipalities on a cost-sharing public-private-partnership formula.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tVA--CRk3nMMany government health posts in rural municipality wards are under-resourced and often struggle to even buy standard maternity delivery beds and lifesaving equipment. There is inadequate <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/federalism-leaves-nepals-medical-sector-ailing/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/federalism-leaves-nepals-medical-sector-ailing/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1615874753197000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEX5KH1MBkZwv3gDbQd0uKEItLdXg">infrastructure</a> for pre-natal, delivery and post-natal care, and a chronic shortage of trained midwives in rural areas.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111152/636cd88f9c7e80680e092e4cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1710"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Nurses are not trained to handle complicated cases during and after delivery, and as frontline maternity workers face the wrath of local communities when mothers and babies die.Bhatta and his team have zeroed in on training nurses at health posts to become skilled birth attendants, an intervention that directly saves lives. One Heart’s trained nurses and renovated birthing centres now care for more than 72,000 pregnant women across Nepal annually.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111152/636cd8929c7e80680e092e4djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1125"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“Even during the pandemic rural municipalities were able to find resources to share half the cost of construction to renovate the birthing centres,” says Bhatta who works in partnership with local governments and community groups.Bhatta sets program priorities after consultation with local elected representatives, tries to raise money locally, and then tops it up by competing globally for international grants. He says, “We can’t make our people always dependant on international aid. We need to be innovative by taking risks with new ideas.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111152/636cd8959c7e80680e092e4ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1125"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The partnership approach for upgrading birthing centres through cost-sharing is innovative, and one that encourages local ownership, clearly outlining outcomes. It went ahead because local governments under Nepal’s new federal structure were willing to start implementation immediately.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111152/636cd8989c7e80680e092e4fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1125"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“Entrepreneurship is needed in the social sector not for profit making, but for creating quality service that can go up to scale,” explains Bhatta. “Social entrepreneurship is all about evidence-based work that guide organisations to reduce risks and help improve through sustainable local health systems. There are challenges in Nepal, but there are so many opportunities to overcome them through partnerships like this.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111152/636cd89b9c7e80680e092e50jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="964"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Bhatta makes a case for Nepalis to return home after higher education overseas, just as he himself did after graduating from Dartmouth in the United States, fulfilling the promise he had made to his mother that he would make a difference for as many Nepali mothers like her as possible.He says, “I am proud of the team we have built, I feel we are making a difference especially for rural communities. What can be more fulfilling than helping save lives?

“What can be more fulfilling than saving lives?”

Robert Redford was an A-list megastar who had dominated Hollywood throughout the 1970s, generally considered the high water mark of American cinema.&nbsp; In those days Nepal was a fashionably remote destination, so it was not unusual for us to be looking after celebrity visitors. But Robert Redford was huge by any standards.&nbsp; “Call me Bob,” was the first thing he said to me, with that wonderful embracing smile that had lit up screens and quickened heartbeats around the world throughout the previous decade.&nbsp; We met over a cosy Mountain Travel dinner in Al Read’s brick and stucco house in Dhobighat. The floors were traditional terracotta tiles, the low beams darkly varnished and a cheerful fire warmed the October chill.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250921110940_32dd66ba4b578a843bbbf6a74bca7d47f9ac7083c3bf50f8213ac3e5322974fd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250921110940_32dd66ba4b578a843bbbf6a74bca7d47f9ac7083c3bf50f8213ac3e5322974fd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1396" height="920" loading="lazy" alt="Robert Redford in Nepal"> <figcaption>Robert Redford in 1982 at Meghauli airfield in Chitwan with young Kirsten Annapurna Read, the daughter of Al Read, managing director of Mountain Travel Nepal.</figcaption> </figure>  Our heroes often seem diminished in real life and Redford was shorter than expected, though taller than his friends and co-stars Paul Newman and Dustin Hoffman. But most striking was his pock-marked skin which must have challenged makeup artists over the years.&nbsp; I was disappointed he was not wearing his trademark cowboy boots, but Bob’s fame infused the room with his gentle politeness and low-key glamour. Next morning I picked him up from the Malla Hotel for some light sightseeing around the Valley. Under strict instruction from ‘his people’ that any fuss from fans was to be minimised, I was surprised to see him wearing a Sundance tee-shirt – just in case no one recognised him.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250921040916_1674398340a9501127e9f8b6b775f41b35703253f772ee05c6ab064819cd0abb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250921040916_1674398340a9501127e9f8b6b775f41b35703253f772ee05c6ab064819cd0abb" data-rendition-name="original" width="840" height="1280" loading="lazy" alt="Robert Redford in Nepal"> <figcaption>Robert Redford exploring the Kathmandu Valley in 1982. Photo: GALEN ROWELL </figcaption> </figure>  Unmolested, we walked the ancient streets of Bhaktapur, and Bob was duly entranced by the visual impact of Malla Newar’s enduring culture. Robert Redford’s main purpose in Nepal was to trek in the Khumbu with his friend Galen Rowell, an adventure photographer, conservationist and mountaineer who met a premature death in 2002 in a small plane crash in Bishop, California.&nbsp; There may have been some talk of a film about Everest, but nothing came of it. After the trek, Bob and Galen explored the grasslands and forests of Chitwan, staying with us at Tiger Tops Jungle Lodge to view wildlife from the back of a well-trained elephant.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250921110948_7c2339d73cedfcc9e659169d1d1bc2239d3d9973f6c4b1a945bfeb74b9b74d19.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20250921110948_7c2339d73cedfcc9e659169d1d1bc2239d3d9973f6c4b1a945bfeb74b9b74d19" data-rendition-name="original" width="723" height="958" loading="lazy" alt="Robert Redford in Nepal"> <figcaption>Robert Redford in Chitwan, with Tiger Tops Manager KK Gurung on 9 December 1982. Photo: GALEN ROWELL</figcaption> </figure>  Confiding that he was not much of a traveller, Bob told us Nepal was one of his first trips outside the USA. Bob preferred his homes in Malibu on the Pacific coast and the wide open spaces of Utah, which he named Sundance after his favourite role.&nbsp; SOARING GRANDEUR With his strong affinity for the outdoors, Redford’s horizons must have been significantly expanded by the soaring grandeur of Nepal's sublime mountains, untamed rivers, and tiger and rhino infested lowlands. Galen’s knowledge and enthusiasm for all things Himalayan made him the perfect person to introduce this prominent novice tourist to Nepal’s wild places. Framed photographs of Bob taken by Galen’s skilled camera still grace tourist lodges on the Everest trail, and I confess to having one hanging in our downstairs loo.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250921070932_7bff2986293742e6e97c91c879f2549f2a99095f1f4a98c50e3b74c7f91f7b84.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250921070932_7bff2986293742e6e97c91c879f2549f2a99095f1f4a98c50e3b74c7f91f7b84" data-rendition-name="original" width="1076" height="1624" loading="lazy" alt="Rovert Redford in Nepal"> <figcaption>Robert Redford in snowbound Namche Bazar in 1982.</figcaption> </figure>  His movie classics that defined our youth included the iconic Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid, The Sting, All The President’s Men and The Way We Were. With many Oscar nominations, his personal best was Ordinary People, his directing debut which swept the award board in 1980, shortly before his Nepal trip. But Robert Redford was more than just an all American action man actor and successful film director. He chose roles that highlighted his political and social outlook. He was admired as an active environmental campaigner, using his fame to fight for clean air and pure water, serving as a trustee of the Natural Resources Defence Council.&nbsp; Redford once said: “The danger of success is that it forces you into a mould. I prefer independence.” Choosing the wilds of Utah over the jungles of Hollywood, in 1981 he started the Sundance Institute to cultivate controversial and independent movie talent.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250921040916_081aa6b2c1f9f82f3ea6a550c6887d9a991f2983a0a976456d627d711ae8a2e2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250921040916_081aa6b2c1f9f82f3ea6a550c6887d9a991f2983a0a976456d627d711ae8a2e2" data-rendition-name="original" width="2448" height="3264" loading="lazy" alt="Robert Redford in Nepal"> <figcaption>Robert Redford being shown around Bhaktapur by Lisa Choegyal on 21 Nov 1982. Photo: GALEN ROWELL</figcaption> </figure>  Festival screenings and workshops gave thousands of film people a chance of artistic freedom, nurturing a galaxy of filmmaker greats. At the end of his long life, Redford’s Sundance is widely recognised as having profoundly influenced American cinema.&nbsp; I like to think that Robert Redford’s rare overseas holiday amidst the stunning natural beauty of Nepal’s high mountains, Sherpa villages, living heritage and endangered animals might have opened his eyes and perhaps even sparked his lifelong concern for social and environmental issues.&nbsp;

The Sundance Kid in Nepal

This text has been updated. Ten days after being nominated caretaker, Prime Minister Sushila Karki has added four more members to her Council of Ministers: Magsaysay winner Mahabir Pun, tv anchor Jagadish Kharel, former Justice Anil Kumar Sinha and Samata Foundation chair Madan Pariyar. Karki was under pressure to complete her compact Cabinet quickly. But it appears that her attempt to find professionals with non-political background, integrity, a record of professionalism while making the selection inclusive has not been easy.&nbsp; Several candidates that Prime Minister Karki had approached is said to have refused to join the interim government. Some have political ambitions and were worried that they would not be able to campaign ahead of early elections called for 5 March 2026.&nbsp; Among those who opted out for various reasons include famed ophthalmologist Sanduk Ruit who said his main responsibility was running his Tilganga Institute of Ophthalmology. Also considered for the role of the Health Minister was cardiologist Bhagwan Koirala who is thought to have declined because of his association with Min Bahadur Gurung, owner of Bhat-Bhateni supermarket chain who had pledged Rs410 million to his Kathmandu Institute of Child Health. Twelve Bhat-Bhateni stores across the country were looted and set on fire during the GenZ protests on 9 September.&nbsp; The Prime Minister had finalised public health expert Sangita Kaushal Mishra for Health Minister, sending her name to the President's office along with the other Cabinet picks on Sunday evening. But the PM withdrew Mishra's name from the list on Monday after it emerged she was under a corruption investigation.&nbsp; Mahabir Pun of the National Innovation Center is the new Minister of Education, Science and Technology. Tv talk show host Jagadish Kharel who runs a popular current affairs program will lead the Ministry of Communication, while Anil Kumar Sinha seems set to be named Minister of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs. Sinha and Mishra are from the Madhes. The new ministers will be sworn in on Monday. The names of the new ministers were finalised in consultation with the representatives of the GenZ protesters. Appointments of new ministers last week, especially of advocate Om Prakash Aryal as Home Minister, was rejected by Sudan Gurung of Hami Nepal, one of the GenZ campaigners, who even demanded resignation of the newly appointed Prime Minister Sushila Karki because his group was not consulted. Last week, advocate Om Prakash Aryal was appointed Home Minister as well as Minister of Law, while former CEO of NEA Kulman Ghising as Energy Minister Urban Development Minister and Minister of Physical Infrastructure, and former finance Secretary Rameshwore Khanal as Finance Minister last week and were sworn in on 15 September. The new ministers have their work cut out as Prime Minister Sushila Karki has set elections for the House of Representatives for 5 March 2026. Electoral reform such that Nepalis outside the country could vote remains a challenge due to time limitation and because of the dissolution of Parliament. The interim government could ask for two more months beyond the initial six to prepare for voting.&nbsp; KNOW THE MINISTERS Names of possible ministers and their portfolios: Mahabir Pun, Minister of Education, Science and Technology  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250921150956_5e04418c4d79e283ac66932fbe9cffa8bfdccb8973c7ba867b3a241d0a5c19a4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250921150956_5e04418c4d79e283ac66932fbe9cffa8bfdccb8973c7ba867b3a241d0a5c19a4" data-rendition-name="original" width="2365" height="3143" loading="lazy" alt="Mahabir Pun"> </figure>  He is the founding chair of the National Innovation Center which was set up in 2012 and most recently restored 484 medical devices including ventilators, dialysis machines, X-rays and autoclaves worth Rs243 million in government hospitals.&nbsp; Pun, 70, is the recipient of the prestigious Ramon Magsaysay Award for community leadership in 2007 for his effort in connecting rural Nepal with wireless internet. Jagadish Kharel, Minister of Communications and Information Technology  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250921150956_25b90f5febc65782a3e74a288212175d075b4078802cdd1c0fe16767cf9dd95c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250921150956_25b90f5febc65782a3e74a288212175d075b4078802cdd1c0fe16767cf9dd95c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="Jagadish Kharel"> </figure>  He is a tv journalist with nearly 20 years of experience. He is currently the news head of Image Channel as well as the host of the show Hot Seat, and is known for in-depth political and government policy analysis and commentary. Kharel was previously thought to have been invited to join Rabi Lamichhane’s Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) after it emerged as the fourth biggest party in Parliament after the last elections. Anil Kumar Sinha, Minister of Industry, Commerce and Supply; Minister of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs; Minister of Land Reforms, Cooperatives and Poverty Alleviation  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250921150956_ba224a8c2d4c4434ed6e08e858d798b382a06c8606583841c935f927acb5d2f4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20250921150956_ba224a8c2d4c4434ed6e08e858d798b382a06c8606583841c935f927acb5d2f4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="710" loading="lazy" alt="Anil Kumar Sinha"> </figure>  Anil Kumar Sinha was appointed as a Supreme Court Justice in 2016, and retired in 2023, after reaching the age limit of 65. Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal was formerly also given the responsibility of leading the Ministry of Law. Sinha specialises in tax and corporate law. Most recently, Sinha was a member of the Supreme Court bench that issued a verdict allowing an investigation into misappropriation of government land at Lalita Niwas in Baluwatar. Sinha played a significant role in the eventual impeachment of the then chief of the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) Lokman Singh Karki ion 2016 over legality of his appointment. He also resolved the dispute concerning the first dissolution of the House of Representatives by then-Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli on 20 December 2020. Madan Pariyar, Minister of Agriculture&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250921180928_83a9a885704826f04b439cf5096063a0596544a750f78b5ff02ee82df43ca0cf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250921180928_83a9a885704826f04b439cf5096063a0596544a750f78b5ff02ee82df43ca0cf" data-rendition-name="original" width="640" height="640" loading="lazy" alt="Madan Pariyar"> </figure>  Madan Pariyar is a scholar with notable research contribution in several fields including poverty alleviation, inclusion, good governance, agriculture, industry resource management. He obtained his doctorate and master'sin enginerring from the Asian Institute of Technology in Bangkok and Bachelors of Science in Agricultural Engineering from the Allahabad Agricultural Institute in India. Bcck in 2011, the government appointed Pariyar the chair of the State Restructuring Commission (SRC) which was tasked with advising the Constitutional Assembly on the best possible model of federalism to be adopted for Nepal. Pariyar is also the chair of Samata Foundation that advocates for the rights of the Dalit people and their capacity building.&nbsp; OTHER NAMES Ajaya Bhadra Khanal, research director of the thinktank Center for Social Innovation and Foreign Policy (CESIF Nepal) is likely to be appointed the chief adviser to the Prime Minister. GenZ campaigners have also suggested the name of veteran Nepal Airlines aptain Vijay Lama for the Minister of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation. Rights activist Mohna Ansari, heritage conservationist Ganapati Lal Shrestha and Mansi Bhattarai, daughter of former Maoist prime minister Babauram Bhattarai have also been floated for various ministries. PM Karki has said she will limit her cabinet to 11 members for 22 ministries. Karki is likely to handle two or more ministries herself. At present, Kulman Ghising is leading three ministries while Om Prakash Aryal has two.&nbsp;

Nepal PM expands her Cabinet

Last week’s GenZ protest in Nepal was one of the shortest violent movements to topple a government in modern times. Social media played a crucial and unprecedented role in it. It was the digital space that documented, fuelled, rallied and magnified the protests on 8-9 September, as well as the negotiations to form an interim government afterwards. Even a week after, netizens are posting memes, real and AI-generated videos and jokes. This has been a powerful display of the power of ridicule and free speech that also reflects the resilience of the Nepali people and their ability to bounce back. Last week, as the Nepal Army held negotiations with wannabe leaders, the joke going around was about people being worried to venture out into the streets because they might be caught and made interim prime minister of the country.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025092004094_5cdfca4511a64facbf6a95c62a5abfb367a60e658d68ad502213516c7943f7dc.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2025092004094_5cdfca4511a64facbf6a95c62a5abfb367a60e658d68ad502213516c7943f7dc" data-rendition-name="original" width="617" height="487" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal's meme revolution NT"> </figure>  Another video showed protesters making pretend calls on landline phones outside the burning Parliament. A British tourist’s clip about why his country could not defeat Nepal in 1814 went viral.&nbsp; Public disillusionment with the corrupt political parties was at an all time high, and the ban on 26 social media platforms on 5 September was the last straw. This did not just infringe on freedom of expression, but was important for business and trade, and it cut off the Genz’s vital communication channels.&nbsp; Everybody perceived the ban which apparently was not popular within K P Oli’s CPN-UML as the prime minister’s authoritarian ways. The government failed to understand that social media was also distracting the public with entertainment, and it was an effective way to let off steam.&nbsp; When apps like Instagram, Messenger, YouTube, X, and Reddit were blocked, youth banded together calling for an anti-corruption rally via TikTok which was functioning. &nbsp;&nbsp; TikTok exploded with users sharing #NepoBaby clips of the children and relatives of politicians showing off their extravagant lifestyles funded by corruption. It was there for ordinary Nepalis to see: the vacations, fancy restaurants, designer bags, and opulent villas.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250920030952_f8d7a287c3c472c67ac45089e5588a4ba6e615e19119222a130710f7ef660a65.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250920030952_f8d7a287c3c472c67ac45089e5588a4ba6e615e19119222a130710f7ef660a65" data-rendition-name="original" width="1570" height="1446" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal's meme revolution NT"> </figure>  Put to Nepali music, these clips were edited to be juxtaposed with the lives of impoverished Nepalis leaving as migrant workers. Some tried to defend the children of politicians, but most were enraged. In response, one Instagram handle called genz.nepal was set up. Its bio says: ’Fu*k this system!! Let’s slay and stay woke!!’ and made its first post on 6 September. It was an AI generated poster featuring a raised fist calling for a national protest two days later under the banner ‘Youth Against Corruption.’ Despite the ban on social media, they were still semi-functional with workarounds such as VPNs. News of the time and venue of the protest spread rapidly through cybersphere. ‘Let it be clear, our fight is not against one party or another, it is against the system itself,’ said one of the posts. ‘We mean the government, the opposition, the bureaucracy, the judiciary, and every structure that has betrayed the people.’ Other posts called on all to keep the protests peaceful, with no party flags or symbols, no leader, and no damage to property.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025092004094_f22baab05910305ea435045824b25b796d5630715e2e17c3f3c0991e8371843c.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2025092004094_f22baab05910305ea435045824b25b796d5630715e2e17c3f3c0991e8371843c" data-rendition-name="original" width="974" height="1156" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal's meme revolution NT"> </figure>  While noble, the decentralised nature of the protest also made infiltration possible, and violence inevitable. Loot and arson followed. With no clear leader, no one person could be held accountable. But perhaps if the protests had not escalated after the massacre on 8 September outside Parliament, the government would not have fallen at all. Past peaceful protests at Mandala never materialised into anything. Even the 8 September protests had started peacefully, with organisers urging participants not to indulge in violence. Outside Parliament, the commando unit of the APF were seen in wide-shared videos kneeling down to take aim at protesters with automatic weapons. With the social media ban lifted, online posts showing the dead with live round bullet wounds on heads and chests, some in college uniform, were shared widely especially through Instagram stories. Anger was boiling over at police brutality and many posts showed PM Oli with blood on his hands. All of this exemplified the brutality of the state against innocent students, and added fuel to the anger against the state. It was only a question when anger turned to revenge, and that came the next day with the targetted arson and looting.&nbsp; Social media took away any possibility of the government denying or censoring the truth as might have happened in the past at Tiananmen Square and other pre-Internet protests. Nepalis saw it all live on their phones, and the reaction was immediate.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025092004098_609488466dd350924f972b3c6bc7004bebe229d21281db2f8ca7468df5cce353.png" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2025092004098_609488466dd350924f972b3c6bc7004bebe229d21281db2f8ca7468df5cce353" data-rendition-name="original" width="1268" height="772" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal's meme revolution NT"> </figure>  On 9 September, the shocking visuals kept playing on loop. By mid-morning all three branches of the government were burning. Politicians chased and beaten, their houses set ablaze — and all this was also streamed in real-time.&nbsp; Social media was also where relatives and friends mourned the dead, came to terms with the reality, and shared their opinions about the days ahead. Nepal now has an interim government with Sushila Karki as the Prime Minister but in the days up to the announcement and even now, social media is rife with conspiracies from India’s involvement to military-royalist collusion, as well as a potential coup. DISCORD&nbsp; To the surprise of everyone, including the GenZ, the next prime minister of Nepal was being decided on Discord, a social media platform popular among gamers during Covid for its ability to host large groups with stable voice communication.&nbsp; Amidst much chaos, people memed, reacted, and spoke in the server which quickly grew to almost 150,000. Social media, for better or worse, is now a way of life with far reaching implications. Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah, RSP chair Rabi Lamichanne and others appealed to their voter base using social media in the last election, but the same platform was shown to also build and destroy political careers.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025092005090_a1961c27e714ddb18b916c718724f235eb7ec3380487c7dc555c4395882d0c15.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2025092005090_a1961c27e714ddb18b916c718724f235eb7ec3380487c7dc555c4395882d0c15" data-rendition-name="original" width="1333" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal's meme revolution NT"> </figure>  False narratives that are intelligently crafted using deep fake go viral in no time, and can be more damaging than other forms of communication. With high-stake early elections announced for March next year, the campaigning will be more on the digital platforms than door-to-door. There is a strong possibility for it to be used to disinformation and hate speech to incite voters, but equally it can be an interactive medium where citizens can raise their voices. &nbsp; Some candidates with digital-savvy backrooms designing memes and AI-generated visual content will be trying to set false narratives to fan populism. Because of global connectivity, the diaspora will have an unprecedented influence on how folks back home vote.&nbsp; So far, populist candidates have managed to ride on widespread public anger against the main parties and gather protest votes. This time, they may find that you cannot fool all the people all the time.&nbsp; Candidates can no longer hoodwink an unaware, docile populace anymore. People may not be able to read, but they have smartphones. And that gives them a say, an opinion and there must be space for them all as we build back stronger.

Nepal’s meme revolution

The videos are everywhere. K P Oli is lifted to safety by an Army helicopter as protesters amass at the gates of Baluwatar. The Deuba couple is bloodied by an angry crowd. Stashed with cash, homes of party leaders were were <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-burns-despite-pm-resignation">ransacked and set ablaze</a>.
Nepal went from an Oli-garchy to a youth-led caretaker government in two days. The idealistic anti-corruption GenZ campaign was penetrated by an array of forces intent on inflicting <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-day-justice-died">maximum damage on state institutions</a>.
Whatever their motivation, these disparate groups were all enraged by the kleptocracy. The state had looted the people for so long, many felt it was ok to loot the looters.
Prime Minister Sushila Karki has vowed to go after the corrupt, confiscate their ill-gotten wealth and confiscate property. As a former Chief Justice, Karki is known for her no-nonsense attitude and zero tolerance for corruption. The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-interim-government-faces-first-hiccups">three ministers appointed </a>so far also have impeccable records for delivery and performance.&nbsp;
Young turks like Gagan Thapa of the Nepali Congress and Yogesh Bhattarai of the UML have <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/what-next-for-nepals-big-3-parties">pledged to clean up their own parties </a>with generational change in leadership. There are similar, but more subdued, voices within the Maoists and even the RSP.
For a spectacularly successful movement against corruption and for good governance, there could not have been a better outcome — even though in the public perception the GenZ revolt has been tainted somewhat by the infiltration and wanton destruction of government installations. Still, there is hope this catharsis will shake up the system and clean it up.
PARTNERS IN CRIME
Nepal’s development was systematically hollowed out by malfeasance for the past decades. But it was not just politicians and senior party leaders who were corrupt, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/slapping-democracy">usually they were hand-in-glove</a> with the civil service. Bureaucrats largely escaped the wrath of the people last week although many were partners in crime.&nbsp;
The debate in Nepal for many years has always been, who is more corrupt: politicians or bureaucrats? Or, who corrupted who? Padmini Pradhananga, who headed Transparency International Nepal, says the two complement each other.
“Politicians and bureaucrats are two sides of the same coin,” she told us. “In fact, the bureaucracy, political parties, the judiciary, security apparatus, and government agencies were all colluding in state capture.”
The Land Revenue Office, the Departments of Survey, the Department of Roads and Tax Offices were all seen as dens of thieves, so protesters torched them all. The Department of Transport Management, long seen as being in the grip of middlemen, has shut all services.
To be sure, burning down a building does not reform make. It will take much more to uproot corruption because its tentacles have burrowed deeply into every sector of the state. When the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/protest-grows-against-nepal-s-social-media-ban">government banned social media </a>earlier this month, Elon Musk posted on X that he would not register to pay taxes to a corrupt country like Nepal.
Corruption had undermined development,<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/relocate-reallocate-recover"> hurt Nepal’s investment climate, and contributed to the cost of doing business</a> which was passed down to consumers in terms of higher prices.&nbsp;
Diksha Kandel, a corporate lawyer, has seen it all. “Government offices created unnecessary hurdles every step of the way in everything from getting FDI approval to setting a date for a hearing. Everything has a rate,” she says. Even minor chores like share transfers and company address changes have taken her team months.
She adds: “The level of corruption at all levels of bureaucracy was frankly terrifying. At least with local political representatives, they are accountable to the people and get things done, even if it is to get re-elected.”
There is no shortcut to ending corruption, it has become a way of life. It was the main factor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">fuelling youth rage</a>, and added to the increasing outmigration of Nepalis.
Pradhananga says impunity was institutionalised because the guilty never got punished because of corruption in the judiciary. She says: “If judges were to honestly prosecute criminals, corruption would go down by 75%.”&nbsp;
Pradhananga thinks if corruption is under control, it will only take two years to kick start development, for Nepal’s international image to improve, and foreign investment to start flowing in. “But for that we need to be run by efficient managers, not career politicians who have mistaken politics for a profession instead of a public service.”
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/crime-and-or-punishment-in-nepal">Political interference</a> has defanged the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA). The Special Court that presides over corruption and money laundering arising from public procurement cases also needs to be overhauled.
Revolutions often start with an agenda to eradicate corruption, only for it to be further entrenched with regime change, eroding public trust in democracy. The outcome of Nepal's GenZ protest, especially after the March election, should reward candidates with demonstrable efficiency and integrity.&nbsp;
Sonia Awale

maternal-care