The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/axiata-may-find-breaking-up-hard-to-do">divestment by Malaysia’s Axiata from Nepal’s Ncell</a> mobile operator has overshadowed a more persistent problem concerning imported handsets. &nbsp;
It has been nearly a month since Nepal’s telecom authorities enforced its on-again-off-again rule on the use of imported mobile phones, but it has left confusion and frustration among tourists and Nepalis returning with their phones from abroad.&nbsp;
The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/think-twice-about-bringing-your-mobile-to-nepal">Mobile Device Management System (MDMS)</a> is ostensibly supposed to deter tax evasion, enable tracking of stolen phones, and even geolocate users in emergencies. In theory. But many believe it is being implemented under pressure from powerful phone importers who are losing out on sales to Nepalis bringing phones for themselves and relatives. &nbsp;
The policy was first tested in 2018 but immediately withdrawn after protests mainly from the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/migration-not-a-wish-but-necessity-for-nepalis">migrant worker community</a>. They ran a #NoRemittances campaign on social media prompting the government to allow Nepalis working abroad for at least six months to bring home a maximum of two new mobile phones, avoiding the 13% VAT and 5% excise duty.
Foreigners visiting Nepal who wish to connect to the local telecommunication network or make and receive calls during their stay are now required to register their cellular devices. If they do not do so within 15 days, they can only use their phones to connect to wifi and not to local cell networks.&nbsp;
The Nepal Telecommunications Authority's <a href="https://nta.gov.np/uploads/contents/MDMS-ByLaws-2022-For-public-Consultation.pdf">MDMS Bylaws, 2079 (2022)</a> explicitly states that it ‘shall not apply to the mobile devices of subscribers to non-Nepali mobile networks operators while roaming in Nepal’. But a majority of visitors to Nepal get a local sim to reduce roaming costs and would be impacted by this new system.
“A lot of tourists are not as equipped with technology nor are they familiar with the Nepali language or with this convoluted system," says Giancarlo Cattaneo, a Swiss journalist who has been coming to Nepal twice a year for the past ten years. “In fact, a lot of tourists already begin trekking in remote locations upon their arrival and are unable to even register their phones.”
MDMS has not been widely publicised abroad, and most arriving passengers at Kathmandu airport have no idea that there is such a policy. This week, there were unprecedented crowds at SIM card counters of cell phone providers at the airport which are doing brisker than usual business.&nbsp;
The only mention of MDMS that is readily available to tourists is an automated text that one receives upon arriving in the country, but it is entirely in Nepali and contains no link or information regarding the registration process. Unless tourists are familiar with the Nepali language or were previously made aware of the policy, their phones can be blocked with no prior warning.
Cattaneo described his own experience of the MDMS registration process as being cumbersome and confusing. After being told of the policy by a Nepali person, Cattaneo tried thrice to register his phone, but in vain.&nbsp;
The registration process involves the detailed disclosure of both personal and cellular data. Visas and passport information need to be uploaded as JPEGs, however, the maximum file size that the system allows for is 512kb meaning that the majority of photographs taken on most mobiles are beyond the upload limit and therefore cannot be submitted.
&nbsp;“I am a friend of Nepal, I’ve been coming here twice a year for over a decade and it is incredibly disheartening to see these kinds of systems being created. It leaves a bad taste,” adds Cattaneo. Other recent visitors echoed similar sentiments.
MDMS software allows the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18395">NTA to manage and monitor </a>all mobile devices in Nepal through each device’s unique International Mobile Equipment Identity (IMEI) number. MDMS was implemented after strong lobbying by smartphone importers to help control the grey market of imported phones. They convinced the government that it was losing taxes because of the unauthorised imports. The system is supposed to make it easier to trace stolen phones or geolocate criminals by tracking IMEI numbers.&nbsp;
According to the Nepal Mobile Distributors Association (NMDA), the grey market accounts for 25% of the smartphone market in Nepal. All foreign-bought devices, regardless of the owner’s nationality, must be officially registered through the MDMS system within 15 days of entry into the country. Devices imported by designated importers of iPhones and Android brands already have IMEI numbers and do not need to go through the MDMS process.
Imported devices not registered within the 15-day window can be ‘blacklisted’, meaning these handsets will be blocked by Nepal’s cellular operators. While wifi use is still possible, users with blocked devices cannot receive or make phone calls or text messages even with local SIM cards.&nbsp;
There are some 5 million <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-interface-with-information">mobile phones in Nepal</a> that are yet to be registered through the MDMS system. Ncell contacts blacklisted users asking to register their devices, but the state-owned NTC blocks the phone with no prior warning.
However, the NTA appears to have put the cart before the horse because it does not have the necessary equipment to enforce MDMS automatically. It has to ask operators like NTC and Ncell to manually block users.
“Tourists have been dragged into this which leaves a very bad impression indeed, at the very least there could have been an information counter at the immigration so that the visitors are made aware of this provision,” admits a mobile phone company executive.
Some tourists interviewed for this article said they have a similar policy back home where imported phones stop functioning after a certain period of time, and that in the longer term, the system can regulate the import of the illegal phones.
But the question is not if it is a good system but rather how well communicated it is. Tourists could unwittingly have their connections cut off without even realising that they need to register their phones. Others suggest excluding tourists entirely from the provision.
“How about extending the registration period to 100 days, that way most of the tourists are exempt from having to register their phones,” says Giancarlo Cattaneo. “Or at least have the automated message in English and with clickable links to where one could register, among other things.”
Given that the system is currently manual, there are also concerns over<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/privacy-is-power"> data privacy</a>.

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Mobile rule makes Nepal immobile

Samsung Nepal has opened pre-orders for the Galaxy A57 5G and A37 5G. Both phones run Samsung’s One UI 8.5, featuring AI capabilities like voice transcription, Circle to Search, and photo editing. They feature a 50MP triple-camera system, a Super AMOLED display, and six years of OS and security updates.

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‘One early morning, we heard the ambassador’s wife cry out, “Ram, Ram, Ram!” A disaster has befallen Nepal!” She had heard on the radio that a fire had consumed Singha Durbar." This is not about the arson attack on 9 September 2025, but the one on 8 July, 1973. It started in the South Wing of the then single-largest building in all of Nepal. It took two days to bring the blaze under control, requiring the use of explosives to demolish one wing to protect the imposing western facade. As Bhekh Bahadur Thapa recalls in the English translation of his memoir A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy, he was then on leave from the Nepal government serving with the IDRC in Ottawa.&nbsp; He had already served as Nepal’s Finance Secretary at age 25, went on to be Finance Minister and Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank. He was already younger than some of the GenZ ministers in Nepal’s present RSP government. Thapa, now 89, was at the launch of the book in February which was attended by former diplomats and bureaucrats. After speeches by panelists, there was a question from the audience about how Thapa had managed to be the diplomat he was, managing Nepal’s international relations on the world stage.&nbsp; Writer and journalist Akhilesh Upadhyay, who was moderating the panel, responded by going into the section of the book where we see Thapa as an ambassador to the US, playing tennis with White House officials, cultivating a network of contacts to project the identity and welfare of Nepal, and making it possible for a state visit by King Birendra to Ronald Reagan’s America. The book is full of anecdotes that suggest Thapa was a clever and strategic diplomat, always calm and unruffled, easily making friends in high places with his maturity and engaging sense of humour. Thapa’s memoir is heavy on details about Nepal’s administrative history during the years he was active in public service, serving as minister and ambassador under three kings: Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra, and alongside five prime ministers.&nbsp; Aside from an insider look on how certain treaties, development deals and research projects in Nepal came into fruition, Thapa goes into great detail about his personal and professional relationships with the kings, ministers, ambassadors, foreign leaders and politicians.&nbsp; As a reader, one is struck by the level of detail around the events that unfolded in Nepal over the years during Thapa’s tenure. Was Thapa recording a journal over the years of the events and the conversations that transpired, or were they committed to his phenomenal memory? Either way, the reader gets a glimpse of Nepal’s recent history from the early days of the Panchayat, through the People’s Movement and the democracy period, the Maoist insurgency, Royal Palace massacre of 2001, and Gyanendra’s coup of 2005.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1584" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="How to win friends and influence nations NT"> </figure>  Not enough is said about the political parties of the time whose presence led to the way Nepal’s multiparty democracy came to be shaped. The book keeps its focus on the administration and the key figures around it, mostly those in the Panchayat era. Towards the second half of the book, we do start to hear about political parties, but not in great depth. Another figure whose presence in the book is conspicuously less prominent is that of his wife, Rita Thapa — the person who seems to have rescued him every time financial quandary or family care became a challenge. Yet, we do not see her as a full person. Perhaps because of the personal tragedies in his life, the children are also barely mentioned.&nbsp; The book is therefore less personal and more technical. Throughout, we learn about Thapa’s thinking as he navigated the world of diplomacy to win him the trust of those who mattered. There are tips here for a new generation of Nepali officials and diplomats about how much commitment and focus is needed to be good at one’s job and serve the national interest. This book adds to tomes that have been written on Nepal’s fragile relationship with India. ‘India has always wished for Nepal to remain dependent on it,’ writes Thapa, who served as Nepal’s ambassador to India and later in the Eminent Persons Group &nbsp;on Indo-Nepal relations that has been allowed to languish. The book has several insights into the Indo-Nepal trysts with diplomacy and agency.&nbsp; China’s role is also recorded, viewed through conversations during a visit to Beijing, but all that was before Nepal’s neighbour to the north emerged as a world economic and military power. The book also has such sudden instances of quirkiness and humour. For instance, we see a young Thapa in America explaining to a government official why he would like to return to Nepal instead of settling down in the US. “Because, Nepal is beautiful,” he said. The text is immaculate and does not read much like a translation, credit for which clearly goes to the team that put the edition together: translator Prawin Adhikari, &nbsp;Anagha Neelakanthan and Bhekh Thapa’s daughter, Manjushree. As Nepal enters a new era of governance and diplomacy, A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy should be essential reading for students of political science, economics and foreign affairs who can gain a fresh perspective on the country’s trajectory.&nbsp; There are dozens of forgotten state secrets recorded in the book, but the reader must also remember this is a story told from one person’s perspective and there may be others.&nbsp; So, what really made Thapa the diplomat he was? I met him in 2004 at the Kantipur TV studio when he was serving as king Gyanendra’s foreign minister. He was there for a studio interview, and I was just done with my English newscast.&nbsp; He surprised me at the door: “Pratibha! I’ve been reading your articles in The Kathmandu Post. You must keep writing.” I thanked him, glad to have been noticed for my work by a stranger. That was perhaps one of the things that set Thapa apart — he excelled at staying close to those in power, while also noticing those who were not.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Book details"> </figure>

How to win friends and influence nations

Prime Minister Balendra Shah on Wednesday broke tradition and met with 17 foreign envoys collectively, a move that was a notable departure from how his predecessors operated.&nbsp;
Shah had already set himself apart by talking less, listening more, and delegating to trusted friends. But by meeting all ambassadors at one go in the presence of the Foreign Ministry, he signalled a paradigm shift in how he wants Nepal to be seen: no longer just balancing India and China, but as a country confident about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/tripolar-contestation-over-nepal">strategic importance and place in the world</a>.
In just two weeks, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rsp-dos-and-don-ts">RSP has sprung into action </a>on multiple fronts to implement its ambitious 100-point, 100-days action plan. It has taken short-term measures to mitigate the impact of the Gulf war, as well as medium- and long- term measures to streamline the bureaucracy. A few high-profile figures have been made examples of to drive the message home.
Earlier this week, the government recalled six politically appointed ambassadors, the most notable being long-serving Shankar Sharma from New Delhi. The Kathmandu District Court issued arrest warrants against former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his former foreign minister wife Arzu Rana on charges of money laundering and corruption.
Each ministry has been trying to clean up the accumulated rot from the past three decades: regulatory overhaul of microfinance, education, health and service delivery.&nbsp;
These actions widely disseminated campaign-style on YouTube and TikTok have made most Nepalis hopeful that the party they installed in power means business.
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BACKLASH
But such attempts to overhaul a long-entrenched political culture were bound to face backlash. In their impatience and enthusiasm to get things done, some of Prime Minister Shah’s ministers have over-reached.
It was common knowledge that government-paid advertising in the mainstream press was kickback-driven, but the PMO’s directive that official notices be published or broadcast only on state-run media has been denounced — especially as the media industry struggles to stay afloat.
More serious are some recent appointments by ministers of relatives and figures closely associated with the RSP to key positions. This has rankled because this party built its political plank on ending nepotism and graft.&nbsp;
News that Home Minister Sudan Gurung allegedly had not paid rent on leased land, which illegally encroached on the lake in Pokhara did not help. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Shah himself has come under scrutiny for appointing a kitchen cabinet full of male buddies from his time as Kathmandu mayor. To douse criticism he brought in as adviser investigative journalist Deepa Dahal, who has exposed corruption in high places of the previous coalitions.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment of another political adviser Asim Shah to the head Constitution Amendment Task Force, is also seen as problematic. He is a filmmaker and former lawmaker, but does not have a background in constitutional law.&nbsp;
Even more controversial is the Cabinet’s decision to appoint RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane’s legal counsel, Narayan Kandel, as Attorney General. Kandel used to be a UK permanent resident, and does not have as much experience practicing law in Nepal.&nbsp;
Kandel’s appointment drew flak and raised eyebrows, and with the pending legal cases against Lamichhane this appointment represents a flagrant conflict of interest.
Health Minister Nisha Mehta was also accused of favouritism after reappointing Junu Shrestha, wife of Labour Minister Dipak Kumar Shah, as member of the Health Insurance Board which had earlier suspended her. The Labour Minister’s rambling rant at the Board’s meeting on Tuesday has not helped the RSP’s image.&nbsp;
(UPDATE: On Thursday, Prime Minister Shah sacked the Labour Minister after the RSP found him in breach of the party's code of conduct and discipline. He served 14 days in the Cabinet, one of the shortest tenures for a minister in Nepal )
It is hard to know what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Balendra Shah is thinking</a>, and how Rabi Lamichhane is going to justify some of these moves. After all, making politics, governance, and bureaucracy a meritocracy has been the core tenet of the RSP, and it risks alienating its mainly youth base if these missteps persist.
But at least for now, most RSP supporters seem to be giving the party the benefit of doubt.

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Mobile rule makes Nepal immobile

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How to win friends and influence nations

Nepal’s new government springs into action