<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111412118/6372219c9c7e80680e0c02c6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="662"/>This year’s health budget kept the contribution to health insurance of the previous year's allocation of Rs7.5 billion. However, the plan to hand over the institutional management of health insurance programs to the private sector through the Ministry of Finance defeats the fundamental goal of the health security.This is not entirely surprising, of course, because the Health Ministry had passed a <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/national-health-insurance-not-as-easy,4028">narrow and poorly thought model of health security</a> for Nepal, and there were already concerns that it would eventually be handed over to the private sector and traded as a commodity.A private company can contribute to a health insurance program. But can they really contribute to national public health security, understand equity, expand <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/poor-health-makes-nepalis-poorer/">access to the poorest and the most marginalised</a> population, and negotiate with the government providers for quality services? Are they fundamentally designed to serve the poor?Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/national-health-insurance-not-as-easy,4028">National health insurance not as easy</a>, Sonia AwaleThe private sector has a role in contributing to achieving Universal Health Coverage by mainly serving the affluent. The poor neither can afford private health insurance nor access expensive private hospitals. Even if they are admitted to hospitals, they have to bear <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/is-free-health-care-possible-in-nepal/">catastrophic expenses</a> pushing them into the vicious cycle of poverty.The private insurance companies only pool the resource, they do not share the risk for those who cannot afford to pay the premium. It will be naïve to assume that such companies could be easily maneuvered to deliver services as a fair-price approach. There are around 20 registered private health insurance companies and 366 private hospitals in Nepal, and some are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-tries-to-ensure-covid-19-insurance/">selling health insurance at exorbitant premiums</a> many times higher than the current premium cap.There are six national health security indexes: prevent, detect, response, health, norms, and risk. During the pandemic, insurance companies got richer by <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-tries-to-ensure-covid-19-insurance/">selling fake insurance schemes</a> while the hospital profits bulged through expensive Covid treatment. Very few hospitals treated Covid patients with a humanitarian approach. None of their technical advancements helped effectively prevent, detect, and respond to the pandemic.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111412118/6372219f9c7e80680e0c02c7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1641" height="1000"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The current health insurance program has identified the elderly, completely disabled, leprosy, Multi-Drug Resistant TB patients, people living with HIV, and ultra-poor as target populations to waive their premium. Though not adequate, this is an equity approach.But none of these target populations are <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/national-health-insurance-not-as-easy,4028">eligible for private health insurance</a>, or they will have to pay a much higher premium. It will be unwise to assume that these companies will change overnight and be equitable. They are powerful enough to influence government policy and have the power to bend them to suit their commercial interests.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/poor-health-makes-nepalis-poorer/">Poor health makes Nepalis poorer</a>, EditorialInstead, the government should <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/health-tip-editorial,4032">strengthen the Health Insurance Board</a> and explore ways to integrate health security with the broader social security scheme. In the short term, there are urgent but straightforward reforms like recruiting adequate and skilled human resources, strengthening the organisational systems, revising the design of service purchase strategy and equity, and gradually, having effective providers/purchasers split for better implementation.Ultimately, the program will benefit by forming a broader and more robust social security structure, co-incidentally introduced at the same time by the government. It would be able to absorb costs by pooling tax-based health care contributions and merging subsidies given to the treatment of cancer, renal failure, and other chorionic diseases under one integrated umbrella.But the current government does not appear serious about <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/health-insurance-must-be-an-election-agenda/">reforming health insurance</a>, and simply does not understand the fundamental principles of health security. Health insurance is not just limited to providing health care, but is a part of broader health security.Read also:  <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/health-tip-editorial,4032">Health tip</a>, EditorialThe idea that health security can be strengthened by passing the buck to the private sector amounts to abandoning the constitutional commitment to provide health care, not as a service but as a citizen's fundamental right. The Nepal government is a signatory to achieving the health targets of the Sustainable Development Goals.As argued by Nepali Congress leader Gagan Thapa, who is one of the pioneers who <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/health-tip-editorial,4032">pushed health insurance</a> in Nepal, they contribute to strengthening the health system, strive for healthy populations, cushion the poor and provide them access to health services. It is a vehicle for mobilising adequate health resources, enhancing health security, and ultimately achieving Universal Health Coverage.These goals cannot be met by trading the people's health as mere commodities.Gaj Gurung has a PhD in public health from Chulalongkorn University and Sushil Koirala is a public health expert. Both are based in Bangkok.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/is-free-health-care-possible-in-nepal/">Is free health care possible in Nepal?</a> S P Kalaunee

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Dangers of privatising health insurance in Nepal

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/6372175d9c7e80680e0ba9e2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI/NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE</figcaption></figure>If Nepalis are to vote on issues rather than personalities in this year’s elections, they should pay attention to the manifesto of the Nepali Congress (NC) which has put an emphasis on the 2017 National Health Insurance Act.It was the NC’s firebrand leader <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/Reviving,3589" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Gagan Thapa</a> who pushed that legislation when he served as Health Minister. He is now the party’s general secretary, and sees <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/national-health-insurance-not-as-easy,4028" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">health insurance</a> as a way to improve the access and affordability of quality health care in Nepal.Even for a country like Nepal, universal health coverage is not a distant dream if there is the necessary political will. The Covid-19 pandemic has already made it evident that investing in health care and prevention is central to the well-being of the society with added economic benefits.Many countries in the region have health insurance for their citizens. An example is <a href="https://www.social-protection.org/gimi/gess/RessourcePDF.action?ressource.ressourceId=54059" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Thailand's Universal Health Coverage Scheme</a>, lauded as the best model for a developing country.The Nepal Health Insurance program was initiated to achieve universal health coverage and was one of the key agendas in the 2015 election with widespread political support. The program actually started in 2016 and the Health Insurance Act was enacted in 2017.With Ministry of Finance (MoF) funding, it offers monetary protection to people by paying directly to the service providers’ on-behalf of insured members.In a few years, Nepal’s health insurance program has had a scalable impact. Our 2020 study in the Kaski district showed that in patient expenses of insured families was less than that of non-insured ones, and were also better protected against catastrophic expenses than the non-insured.Broadly, the program aimed to improve the health quality through provider and purchaser split, and by employing a strategic purchasing approach. For instance, in Thailand, the National Health Security Office purchases services for 43 million people independently which has played a large role in improving health care services.Health insurance generates an additional health budget, as it is a pooling mechanism. The MoF has allocated the insurance budget without curtailing the current national health budget.Unfortunately, the insurance scheme design and implementation have been drowned out by political rhetoric resulting in operational ambiguity and erratic implementation. Without a serious political will to strengthen the program, it is likely to come to grief before long.Insured people are dissatisfied with service providers for their historically low-quality services. In fact, the quality of care has worsened in places after the insurance scheme was introduced, resulting in a high drop-out rate.In turn, service providers are frustrated over the Health Insurance Board (HIB)’s sluggish reimbursement process and some have even stopped their facilities. The HIB does not have adequate skilled human resources to speed up the reimbursement, nor has it formulated an efficient service purchase mechanism.The Board has not been able to function as a prudent insurance manager because of the lack of basic organisational policies on human resources, finance, monitoring and evaluation, communication etc. There are also crucial design errors in the insurance program, such as reimbursement strategy, un-equitable premiums, and provider/purchaser split, to name a few.The current program primarily employs fee-for-service (FES) which is a traditional, retrospective and input-based approach with a cumbersome process to review, validation of cost, and payment. The FES was selected despite other programs including <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/is-free-health-care-possible-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">free health service</a> and safer motherhood implementing relatively efficient, output-based and prospective approaches such as capitation.There are also traditional and cultural problems within the MoH, and HIB as a semi-autonomous body does not have the influence or muscle to monitor and negotiate with service providersThe premium amount and benefit package was fixed through very limited study which was a modest Rs2,500 and Rs 50,000 respectively in the beginning, later increased to Rs 3,500 and Rs100,000 but with no scientific basis.This benefit package is quite small for a family of five. The amount gets smaller with increased cost for the high prevalence of non-communicable and chronic diseases in the general population.Apart from the targeted groups (with premium subsidy), the flat premium amount of Rs3,500 for the rest is largely unbalanced. The richest 10% of Nepal's population has more than 26 times the wealth of the poorest 40%. What this means is that while Rs3,500 is peanuts for some households, it could be a monthly household food expense for others.Despite this, the HIB claims that there is no clear provider and purchaser split between MoH and HIB, the former has a high influence on the latter’s organisational structure, as such, many staffing decisions are still pending the ministry’s approval years later.The majority of the HIB staff are seconded from the Ministry of Health,  none of them are health economists or have financial background. Learning by doing is a costly, ineffective and inefficient approach for a high-priority national program.Similarly, the Health Insurance Board is incapable of coordinating with line ministries for the program's effective implementation. For example, the Act has delegated the NIB’s members to standardise service providers' quality control. However, its board is dominated by MoH members.This results in poor service quality, leading to dissatisfaction amongst insured populations and in the high dropout rate and under-utilisation of the services.Nepal’s health insurance program must undergo a serious and urgent reform to prevent it from becoming obsolete:Short to medium term recommendations:<ol><li>HIB needs to develop organisational guidelines to streamline reimbursement. The focus must be on demand generation to enrol rich, healthy and poorest groups equitably.</li> 	<li>The health service purchasing strategy must be reviewed, and this should also guide the structure and human resources needed.</li> 	<li>Private health service providers will inevitably be integrated into the program given the access gaps created by the limited number of public providers. But private providers are often more politically placed and vested interest can put HIB in a weaker negotiating position.</li> 	<li>HIB should develop standards for hospital/PHCC preparedness, provide additional training and incentives for the health workers and develop monitoring tools.</li> 	<li>Integration with other social security funds and health programs will improve efficiency and reduce duplication and wastage. Coordination with these funds will help access data on informal, and formal sector populations and cross-share promising practices particularly on investment.</li> 	<li>HIB should partner with existing research agencies and health economists to conduct studies and use ground-up feedback to reform.</li></ol>Long term recommendations:<ol><li>Premium-based pricing won't be fair or sustainable because of poverty and amidst high informal sector employees. So HIB should look into the possibility of fully tax-funded schemes for the informal sector populations.</li> 	<li>Provider and purchaser split: The provider and purchase split might go through lengthy technical and political discussion after HIB fulfils the majority of short and medium plans eventually. It requires having clear roles and responsibilities between MoH and HIB, understanding of the scope of work and mutual trust.</li></ol>Gaj Gurung is a public health practitioner currently based in Bangkok, Thailand. He has PhD in public health from College of Public Health and Sciences, Chulalongkorn University. His PhD evaluated the Nepal Health Insurance Program implementation fidelity and its effectiveness in reducing the out-of-pocket health expenses amongst insured populations.

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Health insurance must be an election agenda

Nepal has shut down dozens of social media platforms in a move that is widely seen as an effort to tax the revenue they generate in the country, and to control content critical of government. The sites were blocked as of midnight on Thursday, 4 September and affects all Meta products including WhatsApp and Messenger, Threads, and others. Although YouTube, Google and X are also on the government’s list, they were still working as of Friday midday.&nbsp; The government says it took the action after repeated warnings to the platforms to open offices in Nepal, a Cabinet decision last month setting a deadline, as well as a 17 August Supreme Court ruling also requiring them to register and pay requisite taxes. However, the Bill cited in the ban, ‘The Operation, Use, and Regulation of Social Media in Nepal’ has not yet been passed by Parliament. Some social media platforms which were already paying taxes in Nepal even though they are not officially registered, have also been blocked. The move is the latest in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/big-beautiful-bills" target="_blank">a slew of draft legislations</a> designed to undermine Nepal’s open society. A Bill amending the Print and Publications Act would allow district bureaucrats to shut down media. Another draft Bill would allow political appointees to head a new Media Council with the power to revoke the licenses of journalists.&nbsp; A counter-intelligence Bill would let just about anyone in government to arbitrarily tap phones, read emails and trail citizens. On Wednesday the government announced new immigration requirements that would allow it to track the movement of all foreigners in the country. Yet another draft Bill has been set to Parliament to dissolve the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=10675" target="_blank">Social Welfare Council (SWC)</a> and move registration and monitoring of non-governmental organisations, nonprofits and charities to the Ministry of Social Welfare. Seen in this light, the blockage of social media platforms this week is seen as the latest government attempt to constrict freedom of press. Nepal is one of the few remaining open societies in Asia, and now appears to be drifting towards authoritarianism. The government’s sudden shutdown of social media has been greeted with howls of protest on platforms that still remain open, like Viber and TikTok, as well as in Nepal’s mainstream press. Even senior members of the ruling UML-NC coalition have sharply criticised the move, asking if the government is trying to “turn Nepal into North Korea”.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090508098_a2ab330e403e8418a7006cd5e915607382628dd6984524332bf7b99c74743656.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2025090508098_a2ab330e403e8418a7006cd5e915607382628dd6984524332bf7b99c74743656" data-rendition-name="original" width="4280" height="5187" loading="lazy" alt="social media ban in Nepal"> </figure>  The Regional Director of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) Beh Lih Yi said in a statement: ‘Nepal’s sweeping ban on social media sets a dangerous precedent for press freedom. Blocking online news platforms vital to journalists will undermine reporting and the public’s right to information. The government must immediately rescind this order and restore access to social media platforms, which are essential tools for exercising press freedom.’ Besides undermining press freedom, blocking social media platforms will also hurt commerce and the economy since so many small and medium business trade through Instagram, Facebook and other platforms. Nepal’s vibrant social media has also been a boost or citizens to assert identity, build solidarity against injustice and play an adversarial role when the mainstream media does not do it. Social media platforms have also become the tenuous link for Nepali families scattered across the world to keep in touch with each other — its importance growing with the increasing size of the diaspora. The government wants social media platforms to register, pay taxes and remove posts on their sites that ‘undermine the national interest and Nepal’s territorial integrity, disturb social and religious harmony’.&nbsp; In response, rights activists have said while there is need for the government to regulate extreme content and hate speech, officials appear to be more intent on clamping down on free speech and trying to force platforms to share the revenue. On Friday, the government had allowed WhatsApp back online, but there were reports that it had instructed the Nepal Telecommunication Authority (NTA) to instruct mobile and internet service providers to block by Friday night all platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, Messenger, WhatsApp, X (Twitter), YouTube, LinkedIn, Reddit, Threads, Snapchat, Pinterest, Signal, Clubhouse, Rumble.&nbsp; Platforms that have registered and are allowed include TikTok, Viber, Nimbuzz, Popo Live, WeTalk, Global Diary and the Nepali portal Hamro Patro. TikTok was banned last year for ‘disturbing social harmony’ and it was lifted after the platform registered its office in Nepal. But even while it was banned, many users simply switched to VPN. Telegram was also banned for ‘financial crimes’ and it has since also been allowed back. NTA officials confirmed that some Asia-Pacific regional offices of platforms, including Meta had been in touch overnight inquiring about the registration process.&nbsp; Nepal is not alone in regulating social media. China bans most Western platforms, Russia and Turkey regulate their and require platforms to locate their data servers in the country. Gulf countries allow social media but keep a tight control on dissent.&nbsp; Experts have said even the government will not dare close down YouTube since so many Nepali individuals and companies make money with posts on that platform, and closing it would also impact on Google and Gmail. Facebook had also just launched a monetisation scheme for videos and reels, and Nepalis uploading content would lose revenue.&nbsp; Blocking the platforms has already hit content creators, influencers and cut small businesses from reaching customers. A survey of social media use in Nepal by Sharecast Initiative showed that 94% of those with smart phones used YouTube, followed by Facebook (92%) while TikTok was in the 50-60% range. X and Instagram were in the single digits. A YouTube ban will also hurt the mainstream media since up to 20% of the revenue of Nepal’s main tv channels came through YouTube. Some 11.1 million Nepalis watch YouTube content every day, the survey showed. ‘For global giants like Meta or Google, Nepal is a small market, and they may not even flinch — but for millions of Nepalis, these platforms are central to daily life, livelihoods, and connections across the world,’ wrote AI consultant Naresh Newar in a LinkedIn post. Some experts said the government’s sweeping ban on social media networks was untenable and the government would be forced to rollback sooner or later. Said editor Shiva Gaunle: “The platforms had given citizens a voice and broken the monopoly of the government, legislators, the courts and journalists over public opinion. This is an effort to reassert that monopoly, but Nepal can never be turned into a North Korea.”

Protest grows against Nepal’s social media ban

As arson and violence swept Nepal’s capital, Prime Minister K P Oli resigned on Tuesday. However, this did not stop angry protesters from setting fire to the Parliament building, homes of ministers, hotels and other property. Singha Darbar is also in flames. Meanwhile, former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife, Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba were also attacked in their house. As protests spread, Police withdrew from guarding official buildings, and thousands of protesters entered the federal government secretariat at Singha Darbar, ransacking and setting fire to buildings.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250909120916_a86227e5556356134565053699ed9599f8b268d0c22815fa94410ffac52a49fa.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250909120916_a86227e5556356134565053699ed9599f8b268d0c22815fa94410ffac52a49fa" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1042" loading="lazy" alt="de-escalation"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250909120916_995f368b8c372bf2f99b6a9c25c2816e941413b3c19d0f94458c07604391b039.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250909120916_995f368b8c372bf2f99b6a9c25c2816e941413b3c19d0f94458c07604391b039" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1042" loading="lazy" alt="Kathmandu protests"> </figure>  Kathmandu Valley was shrouded in smoke under heavy monsoon clouds on Tuesday afternoon with an acrid smell covering the capital. The minister’s quarters in Bhaisepati were set on fire, the convention centre in Godavari, the Hilton Hotel and Chhaya Centre in Thamel, and the headquarters of all three main parties were also burning.&nbsp; The widespread arson was sparked by the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">killing of at least 19 young protesters</a> as they tried to storm Parliament on Monday. A peaceful rally by youth against corruption and nepotism by Nepal’s GenZ movement in Kathmandu escalated after the killings. With the prime minister out of the picture, the government not visible and the security forces in retreat, protesters have had the run of the three cities of Kathmandu Valley.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250909120916_207c3c25f8aa9bd0934b8c98ccee1221e3a062815cfcb1e211deddb4dccd6511.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250909120916_207c3c25f8aa9bd0934b8c98ccee1221e3a062815cfcb1e211deddb4dccd6511" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1042" loading="lazy" alt="Kathmandu protests"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250909120920_bb2c0f273dc95ef62c58b5f55045c58cbddc4b3b8f619e938be76ef2cda69468.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250909120920_bb2c0f273dc95ef62c58b5f55045c58cbddc4b3b8f619e938be76ef2cda69468" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1042" loading="lazy" alt="Kathmandu protests"> </figure>  Nepal’s celebrity cricket captain Paras Khadka has appealed to to call off the agitation, saying: “The prime minister you wanted to kneel has already knelt.” Former prime minister and Maoist ideologue Baburam Bhattarai called for the formation of an interim government that included some young student leaders. He called for the agitating groups to find a solution from within the Constitution and a directly elected presidential system. All members of the opposition RPP and the RSP have resigned from Parliament, while party supporters entered the Nakkhu Jail and freed the RSP leader Rabi Lamichhane who had been detained for the past 8 months by the Oli government on charges of embezzlement. Some of the protesters also want an end to federalism, which was also the demand of opposition parties like the RSP and the pro-monarchist RPP. Chief Minister Satish Kumar Singh has stepped down. Many of the protesters have voiced support for Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah, who &nbsp;posted on Facebook calling on the GenZ protesters to “be ready to talk to the Army … but only after Parliament has been dissolved”. Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel and the heads of security agencies have called on the protesting groups to excercise restraint and to find a solution through talks.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250909120912_cd93a827631d987ee52723aa270faf45aa42e4322eb8f06304b28215e3cea28a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20250909120912_cd93a827631d987ee52723aa270faf45aa42e4322eb8f06304b28215e3cea28a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1042" loading="lazy" alt="Kathmandu protests"> </figure>  Although the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-gen-z-protest-turns-deadly">protests were sparked by the GenZ campaigners</a>, disparate groups, including monarchists, anti-federalists, disgruntled Maoists, dissidents from the mainstream parties, and others have joined the protests. But one thing that united them is extreme frustration with the mainstream parties and their leaders past and present who have taken turns running and ruining the country.

Kathmandu burns despite PM resignation

A rally organised by young Nepalis across the country against corruption, impunity and restrictions on freedom of expression on Monday turned into one of the deadliest days in the country's recent history. As of Monday evening, the death toll from the protest had reached 19, with 17 killed in Kathmandu and two in Itahari. More than 350 people were injured. Police have arrested more than 40 protesters. Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak of the Nepali Congress resigned, and there have been calls from opposition parties for the entire NC-UML coalition to step down and announce early elections. The protest followed a growing online movement led by young Nepalis exposing the ostentatious display of privilege by the offspring and relatives of politicians and other public figures, which had sparked discourse about nepotism, corruption and the wealth gap in Nepal. Confronted with joblessness and corruption, Nepali youth looked to the recent street movement in Bangladesh, where a student uprising against quota-based recruitment for government jobs expanded last year and toppled the autocratic Sheikh Hasina government. In Indonesia, public frustration with government apathy boiled over into a national movement last month after it emerged that elected officials and the political elite enjoyed perks while citizens faced a cost of living crisis. In the Philippines, as disaster mitigation-infrastructure projects failed to work, citizens began to question where the funds for such projects were actually going. This prompted social media users to look deeper into the lives of the politically-connected figures who flaunted their lavish lifestyles online. In Nepal public outrage has been building up against nepotism, corruption and impunity in government. Facing unemployment at home, nearly 10% of Nepalis, mostly youth, toil overseas or leave Nepal in search for better lives abroad. Meanwhile, the well-connected posted images online of themselves enjoying holidays abroad paid with the ill-gotten wealth of relatives in high places. Young GenZ Nepalis, frustrated with establishment politicians, had called for an anti-corruption, anti-government movement across the country. This coincided with the Nepal government’s decision on 5 September to ban 26 social media sites for failing to register and pay taxes in Nepal.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250908120956_53f97cf0de3ddc8d5c823686f56e71981df922d0ecd2989ad842245acdf71aa6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250908120956_53f97cf0de3ddc8d5c823686f56e71981df922d0ecd2989ad842245acdf71aa6" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Gen Z protest"></figure>  Faced with the government's social media blockade, the protests took to the street. The movement was supposed to be apolitical, and focused against corruption. It garnered support from public figures and opposition leaders, some of whom conveniently forgot that they had been in government when the TikTok ban was imposed in Nepal in 2023. On Monday morning, protesters showed up at Maitighar with slogans and placards, many of them college students, even school children. The organisers had called for young Nepalis to join in their uniforms, believing that it would protect them from violence that might occur during the course of the day. By mid-morning, thousands of Nepalis had gathered at the Mandala intersection, playing music and chanting slogans. The mood was almost festive. Shortly after noon, however, a rally that had begun peacefully descended into violence after protesters broke the police barricade in Baneswor to storm Parliament. Police first began firing tear gas and water cannons, and then live ammunition at demonstrators. The Kathmandu district administration is said to have authorised full use of force against protestors who vandalised public property after protestors infiltrated the Parliament grounds.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090818090_84e4a5bdcf19aa3cbf03831140120c88d9f3fe5a12d47041588fea7409988e67.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2025090818090_84e4a5bdcf19aa3cbf03831140120c88d9f3fe5a12d47041588fea7409988e67" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Gen Z protests"><figcaption>Photo: SUDIKSHA TULADHAR</figcaption></figure>  Organisers Hami Nepali had requested demonstrators to go home as the protests turned deadly, saying that those who stormed Parliament were not associated with them, hinting that the rally had been infiltrated by radical groups. But by that time, the demonstration had got too large to contain. In the ensuing violence, hundreds were left injured, including journalists, and 17 dead so far in Kathmandu. Nepal’s leadership and security forces do not seem to have learnt their lessons about managing mass protests after the pro-monarchy demonstrations in March in which two people were killed. The indiscriminate use of force against unarmed Nepalis turned into a massacre. The emergency wards in Kathmandu are filled with those with bullet wounds on their legs, arms and heads. Hospitals have called for blood donations. At the time of publishing, there has been no statement from the Prime Minister, who before the protest on Monday had belittled GenZ youth as being naive, wet behind the ears, and their movement being ‘led by provocateurs’. Oli has presided over a slew of Bills to constrain the press, social media, and civil society, he has silenced and mowed down competitors and critics within his own party. This week, the UML got rid of age and term limits for party chairmanship, effectively clearing the way for 74-year-old Oli to head the party for the foreseeable future. Also feeding into the anger in the GenZ protest was a CCTV clip of a young woman being hit on Saturday at a zebra crossing by the car of a provincial minister in Godavari. The video of the car speeding away without stopping went viral on TikTok, one of few social media platforms still functioning.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090818090_35799a98e5a7f5f865bb6f94633059d2baa66ec57ea0d396ab020f2f8f912387.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2025090818090_35799a98e5a7f5f865bb6f94633059d2baa66ec57ea0d396ab020f2f8f912387" data-rendition-name="original" width="854" height="641" loading="lazy" alt="Gen Z protest"><figcaption>Photo: SANGYA LAMSAL</figcaption></figure>  Oli fuelled the outrage by dismissing the victim’s injury as “minor”, and accusing political rivals of magnifying the issue. Opposition leaders and members of civil society have called for the government to resign en masse, and the fourth-largest party in Parliament, the RSP, has called for a snap election. As per his agreement with the NC, Oli is supposed to hand over power early next year to its leader ’s Sher Bahadur Deuba. Some analysts have suggested that if Oli did the handover now, he could help defuse the situation and earn brownie points ahead of the 2027 elections. But such political calculation would belittle the tragedy that has befallen the families of the 19 who were killed on Monday. Nepal’s political leadership cannot think that just reshuffling its three-card prime ministerial deck will quell public anger now. Nepal’s next generation wants to uproot the rot of corruption from politics, governance, and the bureaucracy. It wants elected leaders to deliver services, provide jobs and raise living standards. Monday’s massacre has only made them angrier, and bolstered their resolve to lead from the front.

Nepal’s 8 September massacre

Many had never heard of <a href="https://www.haminepal.org/">Hami Nepal</a>, the organisation that is part of the GenZ movement that did not just topple the government this week, but <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/what-next-nepal">pushed Nepal’s political system into new, uncharted territory</a>. It was part of an organic coming together of various youth groups fed up with Nepal’s corruption, mismanagement and lack of accountability. Hami Nepal and its GenZ comrades are now part of the negotiations with the Army to form an interim government. Hami Nepal is a non-profit dedicated to supporting communities and individuals in need, guided by its motto ‘For the People, By the People’. Its core mission is to assist individuals and communities in need, particularly during emergencies and crises, with a focus on directly connecting donors with recipients, and delivering aid efficiently and transparently. It was set up after the 2015 earthquake, but was formally registered and gained recognition in 2020 during the Covid-19 pandemic. Hami Nepal is led by 36-year-old civic activist Sudan Gurung, and mentored by renowned ophthalmologist Sanduk Ruit. Gurung started the organisation after he lost his own son in the 2015 earthquake, and now has over hundreds of thousands of members, growing by the hour.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250911090920_34e57abe26d5b243a6c2d0c01215d2e7b55c7b36a3c13b9f82d421b9588482b9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20250911090920_34e57abe26d5b243a6c2d0c01215d2e7b55c7b36a3c13b9f82d421b9588482b9" data-rendition-name="original" width="707" height="647" loading="lazy" alt="Who, or what, is Hami Nepal?"> </figure>  Leading up to the events this week, it played a central role in guiding the demonstrations, using its Instagram and Discord platforms to circulate protest information and share guidelines. Other GenZ groups used their own WhatsApp groups and other fora.&nbsp; Among the 20 or so volunteers is Ronesh Pradhan, who spoke to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-gen-z-protest-turns-deadly">Nepali Times on 8 September </a>morning during the GenZ rally, before the violence escalated.&nbsp; “The voices of young people matter. We can’t keep being ruled by the same old men,” Pradhan said. “Our generation is the future and if there are older leaders in government, they need to be competent and accountable. We are ready to lead this country forward.” Hami Nepal’s earliest visible campaigns include donating more than 400 blankets to Bir Hospital’s Covid unit in 2022, creating a plasma and oxygen bank during the pandemic, and distributing school jackets to children in rural districts. More recently, it mounted a relief effort in response to the 2023 Jajarkot earthquake, reaching over 13,000 families with shelter, food, and medical support. The organisation was also associated with the two-month ‘Save Ghopa’ campaign, demanding effective and smooth administration of the BPKIHS (B P Koirala Institute of Health Sciences) in Dharan. The organisation was also actively engaged in providing rescue and relief during the Kagbeni and Sindhupalchok floods this year. It even sent aid to Turkey after its 2023 earthquake. After the Kavre floods last year, Hami Nepal donated solar lights. Funding for Hami Nepal comes directly from public donations, with a policy of channeling 100% of received funds for aid distribution. Volunteers self-finance administrative costs, and the group publishes detailed expenditure figures, regularly sharing updates and transparency reports through their social media and website which it launched at its Annual General Meeting in Bhaktapur last year.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250911090920_cd40c472bd7e06cc038a2d77a431cba777b6f53e4374a0216c9af2c4feb56c88.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250911090920_cd40c472bd7e06cc038a2d77a431cba777b6f53e4374a0216c9af2c4feb56c88" data-rendition-name="original" width="1080" height="719" loading="lazy" alt="Who, or what, is Hami Nepal?"> </figure>  Following the death of Nepali student Prakriti Lamsal at KIIT University in India earlier this year, Hami Nepal advocated for justice using its Instagram account, raising concern about the safety of Nepali students. Its advocacy platform started with rescue and relief, and Hami Nepal managed to develop a track record for efficient campaigns and transparency in Nepal’s humanitarian landscape. But its work pushed the group to realise that there was a deeper malaise in Nepali society. Its #youthsagainstcorruption campaign on social media platforms gained rapid momentum, and that led to the rally on 8 September. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">Nepal’s 8 September massacre</a>, Shristi Karki The international #Nepobaby trend on TikTok propelled the rally even more, and young Nepalis used it to expose the scions of powerful politicians and politically-connected influencers who were exhibiting their flashy lifestyles on social media while citizens struggled with joblessness, corruption and poor service delivery. Public anger reached a tipping point when the UML-NC coalition led by Prime Minister K P Oli announced a sweeping ban on major social media platforms citing tax revenue, cyber security, and lack of content moderation. Netizens, civil society and media, however, saw it as the latest authoritarian attempt by the government to clamp down on free speech, increase surveillance of citizens and constrict Nepal’s open society. Susmita Khadka, 22, told us at the rally: “Politics is everywhere. Gen Z has the most platforms, and we want a revolution.” Leading up to 8 September, the GenZ movement disseminated information and reassured participants with volunteers readily available for help, medical support, and assistance. It put up a protest support helpline so that students needing assistance could get help. As the protests intensified, leaving at least 20 dead outside Parliament, and forcing Prime Minister K P Oli to resign, Hami Nepal shifted into a mediator role, engaging in talks with officials and seeking GenZ’s views on future leadership.&nbsp; Influencers like TikToker Nimesh Shrestha publicly backed the group, amplifying their voice in ongoing negotiations with the Nepal Army alongside other GenZ representatives. However, as the protests escalated on 9 September, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-burns-despite-pm-resignation">resulting in massive arson and vandalism of public and private property</a>, many GenZ activists disavowed association with the attackers, saying their movement had been infiltrated. The group backtracked, with Gurung saying he was not the leader of the protests.&nbsp; Meanwhile, others accused Hami Nepal for singlehandedly speaking with the Army chief, and said that they did not represent GenZ’s collective voice. Most GenZ supporters backed <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Legalese/justice-in-chief,804">Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki</a> as their candidate for interim prime minister in an online group. Not everyone in the GenZ movement agrees with that choice, with support for Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah, even though he has endorsed Karki’s appointment. Dharan Mayor Harka Sampang rushed to Kathmandu on Wednesday to push his own candidacy. Hami Nepal has supported Balen Shah to lead the country for the next five years, not just during the interim period, and have called on the public to share their posts supporting Shah to amplify the message. With the old guard gone, there is a power vacuum with multiple actors with competing interests to fill it. GenZ’s youth-led activism has brought new energy for political reform, but its real test begins now — whether it can unite Hami Nepal and other sections to negotiate with the Nepal Army.&nbsp;