<img width="1508" height="900" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141124/636cfbb39c7e80680e0a0b49jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>The heads of the Nepal Stock Exchange (Nepse) and Securities Board of Nepal (SEBON) as well brokers and industrialists have been found to have profited from insider training and conflict of interest, eroding the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/despite-politics-nepals-stock-market-is-bullish/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">public’s trust in the country’s stock market</a>.   Documents show that they were engaged in ‘front running’ in contravention of existing rules governing the role of regulators and brokers in stock valuation and transactions. An investigation by <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/125318">Himal Khabar</a> this week found Nepse CEO Chandra Singh Saud and SEBON Chair Bhishma Raj Dhungana bought shares for family members in Sarbottam Cement at far lower prices just before its Initial Public offering (IPO). The board of directors of Sarbottam Cement decided to sell 6 million shares in the company through a book building process. The shares were valued at Rs750 per unit to raise Rs4.65 billion, of which only 12.9% were included in the initial public offering.  However, many of the shares were sold pre-IPO for less than Rs250 per unit even before the public offering, and others are believed to have been given for free as ‘presents’ to important people. Benefiting were close family members of SEBON’s Chair Dhungana, Nepse CEO Saud, as well as Global IME Capital which was handling Sarbottam’s IPO. <img width="2284" height="1512" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141124/636cfbb69c7e80680e0a0b4ajpeg.jpg" alt="">Says share market expert Rabindra Bhattarai: “This is a clear case of an attempt by insiders to unethically influence the market price of a company offering premium shares.”Global IME Capital’s parent company Global IME Bank is headed by Chandra Dhakal, who is vice-chair of FNCCI and is also a member of SEBON. Dhakal’s brother has 30% share in an investment company that bought some of the shares. Chandra Dhakal therefore had a conflict of interest in being in a position to be the regulator in the sale of investment vehicles in a company that his family had invested in. Documents show that Saud and Dhungana also used their positions to leverage cheap purchases of the shares in the cement company, while Sarbottam benefited by getting permission to enter the share market, illegally influencing the regulators’ decision-making. In the eyes of the law, this is equivalent to corruption and considered a crime.  <img width="1028" height="718" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141124/636cfbba9c7e80680e0a0b4bjpeg.jpg" alt="">“For a CEO of the Stock Exchange or its employees to use information about an IPO to personally buy shares is a direct and serious conflict of interest,” explains capital market expert Mukti Aryal. “Buying shares in a company that is going to be traded on its own platform opens up the possibility of share price manipulation. In a case like this the SEBON official has to declare a conflict of interest and step down.”Front running is a form of insider trading where those with knowledge of a company’s share value use it to make a personal profit at the expense of the public. For example, it is ‘front running’ when a stockbroker receives customer orders to purchase a large stock in a company, but instead speculates the value of the shares and buys or sells off shares for themselves accordingly. Such actions are not just unethical, but can even be considered a financial crime. Nepal’s Securities Act 2007 Clause 91 codifies into law measures against front running, prohibiting SEBON staff from divulging and profiting off any inside information received by their position. Regulatory authorities are also not allowed to be in contact with company executives, founders and managers or exchange any benefits with them.  <img width="2288" height="482" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141124/636cfbbd9c7e80680e0a0b4cjpeg.jpg" alt=""><a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/125244">Nepse CEO Saud told Himal Khabar</a> he did nothing wrong, and admitted that he bought shares in Sarbottam at Rs250 per unit in the name of his wife, Sushila Kumari Bohara, but only after the cement company’s book building process had started. “It is only prohibited to buy and sell in the secondary market, there are no restrictions on buying shares in a company’s initial public offering,” Aryal told the magazine.However, Saud has been accused of purchasing the shares at a price lower than the company’s book-building, or share price evaluation.  <figure><img width="2000" height="1026" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141124/636cfbbf9c7e80680e0a0b4djpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Nepse CEO Chandra Singh Saud.</figcaption></figure>Companies that are going public must disclose all operations to regulators to ensure market transparency, but in no way are regulator officials, investment executives, brokers, company employees and others with an inside track allowed to enrich themselves using the company’s open books. Similarly, the investigation showed that SEBON chair Bhisma Raj Dhungana had also bought 11,992 shares in the name of his US-based daughter, Rebika Dhungana, in Sarbottam Cement before its book building process had started. SEBON’s Code of Ethics bars the board’s members and chair and their families from engaging in any transaction from which they can financially benefit.“Yes, my daughter sent me money from the United States to buy the shares, and yes, they are her shares,” Dhungana admitted. “Just because I am the chair of SEBON does not mean the law bars my married daughter from buying shares from any company she wants.”Dhungana was formerly with Nepal Rastra Bank, and is believed to have been nominated for the four-year term in SEBON at the recommendation of President Bidya Devi Bhandari. <figure><img width="1604" height="860" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141124/636cfbc39c7e80680e0a0b4ejpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>SEBON Chair Bhishma Raj Dhungana.</figcaption></figure><a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/125258">An expert in share market regulations told Himal Khabar</a>: “This is a straightforward case of insider trading. There is no question about it.”Sarbottam Cement had signed an agreement with Global IME Capital to handle the IPO in March in the presence of SEBON officials, but the process has been delayed till later this month. Nepal’s manufacturing companies, especially in the construction and hydropower sector are currently riding a wave of market confidence. Another compnay, Shivam Cement, recently went public clocking a similarly strong stock market performance. The revelation of insider trading has been greeted by outrage on Nepal’s social media, and is likely to erode people’s growing trust in the stock exchange, with many commentators and financial analysts equating the secondary market with skulduggery, insider trading and outright theft.‘Are board members allowing suspicious companies to release shares under the temptation of illicit rewards?’ asked one social media post. Another went: ‘Is the share distribution process transparent?’ Yet another said: ‘Have finance bosses, chiefs and sales executives rigged the process to earn favourable shares for themselves?’ The share market had been anticipating a surge, riding a wave of investment interest of the Nepali public in the manufacturing and construction sectors. But the reports of insider trading confirm the public’s suspicions of hanky-panky, and are expected to dampen the stock market.  Moreover, moving forward, companies wishing to list their IPOs via book building will be cautious of possible behind-the-scenes dealings.The irregularity in Sarbottam Cement share offering is not the first of its kind, with the Securities Act 2007 violated previously.  In 2014, investors at Citizens Investment and Employees Provident Funds were caught exchanging investment with the Upper Tama Kosi Hydropower with shares for themselves in return. The regulations were subsequently overhauled and loopholes plugged.The Upper Tama Kosi and Sarbottam Cement cases are similar in the sense that they were both examples of graft, wherein two parties are believed to have exchanged confidential information for personal profit. Given the impunity that is rife in Nepal’s political and business spheres, the Sarbottam issue will further damage the reputation, trust and transparency of the share market, hurting an already moribund economy.Stock exchange legal expert Amrit Kharel is clear about the rules: “Three generations of the family members of a person with inside information about an initial public offering are barred from benefiting from any transaction, It is not just unethical, it is considered insider trading. And if any member of staff of SEBON is found to be violating this, they are liable to prosecution.”Links to Himal Khabar series on this subject:<a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/125318">https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/125318</a><a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/125244">https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/125244</a><a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/125258">https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/125258</a>Translated by Kaustubh Dhital

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Insider trading taints Nepal capital market

Samsung Nepal has opened pre-orders for the Galaxy A57 5G and A37 5G. Both phones run Samsung’s One UI 8.5, featuring AI capabilities like voice transcription, Circle to Search, and photo editing. They feature a 50MP triple-camera system, a Super AMOLED display, and six years of OS and security updates.

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Know your Ministers

‘One early morning, we heard the ambassador’s wife cry out, “Ram, Ram, Ram!” A disaster has befallen Nepal!” She had heard on the radio that a fire had consumed Singha Durbar." This is not about the arson attack on 9 September 2025, but the one on 8 July, 1973. It started in the South Wing of the then single-largest building in all of Nepal. It took two days to bring the blaze under control, requiring the use of explosives to demolish one wing to protect the imposing western facade. As Bhekh Bahadur Thapa recalls in the English translation of his memoir A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy, he was then on leave from the Nepal government serving with the IDRC in Ottawa.&nbsp; He had already served as Nepal’s Finance Secretary at age 25, went on to be Finance Minister and Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank. He was already younger than some of the GenZ ministers in Nepal’s present RSP government. Thapa, now 89, was at the launch of the book in February which was attended by former diplomats and bureaucrats. After speeches by panelists, there was a question from the audience about how Thapa had managed to be the diplomat he was, managing Nepal’s international relations on the world stage.&nbsp; Writer and journalist Akhilesh Upadhyay, who was moderating the panel, responded by going into the section of the book where we see Thapa as an ambassador to the US, playing tennis with White House officials, cultivating a network of contacts to project the identity and welfare of Nepal, and making it possible for a state visit by King Birendra to Ronald Reagan’s America. The book is full of anecdotes that suggest Thapa was a clever and strategic diplomat, always calm and unruffled, easily making friends in high places with his maturity and engaging sense of humour. Thapa’s memoir is heavy on details about Nepal’s administrative history during the years he was active in public service, serving as minister and ambassador under three kings: Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra, and alongside five prime ministers.&nbsp; Aside from an insider look on how certain treaties, development deals and research projects in Nepal came into fruition, Thapa goes into great detail about his personal and professional relationships with the kings, ministers, ambassadors, foreign leaders and politicians.&nbsp; As a reader, one is struck by the level of detail around the events that unfolded in Nepal over the years during Thapa’s tenure. Was Thapa recording a journal over the years of the events and the conversations that transpired, or were they committed to his phenomenal memory? Either way, the reader gets a glimpse of Nepal’s recent history from the early days of the Panchayat, through the People’s Movement and the democracy period, the Maoist insurgency, Royal Palace massacre of 2001, and Gyanendra’s coup of 2005.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1584" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="How to win friends and influence nations NT"> </figure>  Not enough is said about the political parties of the time whose presence led to the way Nepal’s multiparty democracy came to be shaped. The book keeps its focus on the administration and the key figures around it, mostly those in the Panchayat era. Towards the second half of the book, we do start to hear about political parties, but not in great depth. Another figure whose presence in the book is conspicuously less prominent is that of his wife, Rita Thapa — the person who seems to have rescued him every time financial quandary or family care became a challenge. Yet, we do not see her as a full person. Perhaps because of the personal tragedies in his life, the children are also barely mentioned.&nbsp; The book is therefore less personal and more technical. Throughout, we learn about Thapa’s thinking as he navigated the world of diplomacy to win him the trust of those who mattered. There are tips here for a new generation of Nepali officials and diplomats about how much commitment and focus is needed to be good at one’s job and serve the national interest. This book adds to tomes that have been written on Nepal’s fragile relationship with India. ‘India has always wished for Nepal to remain dependent on it,’ writes Thapa, who served as Nepal’s ambassador to India and later in the Eminent Persons Group &nbsp;on Indo-Nepal relations that has been allowed to languish. The book has several insights into the Indo-Nepal trysts with diplomacy and agency.&nbsp; China’s role is also recorded, viewed through conversations during a visit to Beijing, but all that was before Nepal’s neighbour to the north emerged as a world economic and military power. The book also has such sudden instances of quirkiness and humour. For instance, we see a young Thapa in America explaining to a government official why he would like to return to Nepal instead of settling down in the US. “Because, Nepal is beautiful,” he said. The text is immaculate and does not read much like a translation, credit for which clearly goes to the team that put the edition together: translator Prawin Adhikari, &nbsp;Anagha Neelakanthan and Bhekh Thapa’s daughter, Manjushree. As Nepal enters a new era of governance and diplomacy, A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy should be essential reading for students of political science, economics and foreign affairs who can gain a fresh perspective on the country’s trajectory.&nbsp; There are dozens of forgotten state secrets recorded in the book, but the reader must also remember this is a story told from one person’s perspective and there may be others.&nbsp; So, what really made Thapa the diplomat he was? I met him in 2004 at the Kantipur TV studio when he was serving as king Gyanendra’s foreign minister. He was there for a studio interview, and I was just done with my English newscast.&nbsp; He surprised me at the door: “Pratibha! I’ve been reading your articles in The Kathmandu Post. You must keep writing.” I thanked him, glad to have been noticed for my work by a stranger. That was perhaps one of the things that set Thapa apart — he excelled at staying close to those in power, while also noticing those who were not.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Book details"> </figure>

How to win friends and influence nations

Prime Minister Balendra Shah on Wednesday broke tradition and met with 17 foreign envoys collectively, a move that was a notable departure from how his predecessors operated.&nbsp;
Shah had already set himself apart by talking less, listening more, and delegating to trusted friends. But by meeting all ambassadors at one go in the presence of the Foreign Ministry, he signalled a paradigm shift in how he wants Nepal to be seen: no longer just balancing India and China, but as a country confident about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/tripolar-contestation-over-nepal">strategic importance and place in the world</a>.
In just two weeks, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rsp-dos-and-don-ts">RSP has sprung into action </a>on multiple fronts to implement its ambitious 100-point, 100-days action plan. It has taken short-term measures to mitigate the impact of the Gulf war, as well as medium- and long- term measures to streamline the bureaucracy. A few high-profile figures have been made examples of to drive the message home.
Earlier this week, the government recalled six politically appointed ambassadors, the most notable being long-serving Shankar Sharma from New Delhi. The Kathmandu District Court issued arrest warrants against former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his former foreign minister wife Arzu Rana on charges of money laundering and corruption.
Each ministry has been trying to clean up the accumulated rot from the past three decades: regulatory overhaul of microfinance, education, health and service delivery.&nbsp;
These actions widely disseminated campaign-style on YouTube and TikTok have made most Nepalis hopeful that the party they installed in power means business.
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BACKLASH
But such attempts to overhaul a long-entrenched political culture were bound to face backlash. In their impatience and enthusiasm to get things done, some of Prime Minister Shah’s ministers have over-reached.
It was common knowledge that government-paid advertising in the mainstream press was kickback-driven, but the PMO’s directive that official notices be published or broadcast only on state-run media has been denounced — especially as the media industry struggles to stay afloat.
More serious are some recent appointments by ministers of relatives and figures closely associated with the RSP to key positions. This has rankled because this party built its political plank on ending nepotism and graft.&nbsp;
News that Home Minister Sudan Gurung allegedly had not paid rent on leased land, which illegally encroached on the lake in Pokhara did not help. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Shah himself has come under scrutiny for appointing a kitchen cabinet full of male buddies from his time as Kathmandu mayor. To douse criticism he brought in as adviser investigative journalist Deepa Dahal, who has exposed corruption in high places of the previous coalitions.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment of another political adviser Asim Shah to the head Constitution Amendment Task Force, is also seen as problematic. He is a filmmaker and former lawmaker, but does not have a background in constitutional law.&nbsp;
Even more controversial is the Cabinet’s decision to appoint RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane’s legal counsel, Narayan Kandel, as Attorney General. Kandel used to be a UK permanent resident, and does not have as much experience practicing law in Nepal.&nbsp;
Kandel’s appointment drew flak and raised eyebrows, and with the pending legal cases against Lamichhane this appointment represents a flagrant conflict of interest.
Health Minister Nisha Mehta was also accused of favouritism after reappointing Junu Shrestha, wife of Labour Minister Dipak Kumar Shah, as member of the Health Insurance Board which had earlier suspended her. The Labour Minister’s rambling rant at the Board’s meeting on Tuesday has not helped the RSP’s image.&nbsp;
(UPDATE: On Thursday, Prime Minister Shah sacked the Labour Minister after the RSP found him in breach of the party's code of conduct and discipline. He served 14 days in the Cabinet, one of the shortest tenures for a minister in Nepal )
It is hard to know what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Balendra Shah is thinking</a>, and how Rabi Lamichhane is going to justify some of these moves. After all, making politics, governance, and bureaucracy a meritocracy has been the core tenet of the RSP, and it risks alienating its mainly youth base if these missteps persist.
But at least for now, most RSP supporters seem to be giving the party the benefit of doubt.

nepal-stock-exchange

Insider trading taints Nepal capital market

Galaxy A series

Know your Ministers

How to win friends and influence nations

Nepal’s new government springs into action