<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111152/636cd83b9c7e80680e092e30gif.gif" alt="" width="1000" height="1000"/><figcaption>Illustration: DIWAKAR CHETTRI</figcaption></figure>Nepalis are wondering who won and who lost after the Supreme Court on 7 March effectively ruled that the Nepal Communist Party revert to its constituent elements: the UML and Maoist Centre. Even the leaders of the parties are confused.Within 24 hours of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-supreme-court-restores-house/">court decision</a>, a party that was cleft into two factions suddenly went back to its status three years ago. Leaders who were <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/no-winners-in-latest-nepal-political-twist/">caught on</a> the wrong side had to slink back to their mother party.Despite judicial interventions to scrap the NCP on Sunday, and to reinstate the House on 23 February, Nepali politics looks as confused as ever. To be sure, Prime Minister Oli suffered a setback with the House restitution, but he got a respite with the party re-split.His erstwhile UML comrades Madhav Kumar Nepal and Jhalnath Khanal, who had defected to the Pushpa Kamal Dahal camp, have been forced to return to the fold.The biggest relief must be felt by Chief Election Commissioner Dinesh Thapaliya, who had been undecided for over a month on whether the Oli or the Dahal faction would get the NCP party name and election symbol. He sprang into action after Sunday’s court verdict and scrapped the NCP altogether.Even Dahal himself must be feeling less stressed now. The bruising <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/muscle-vs-muscle-in-nepal/">political battles</a> with an aggressive Oli was taking its toll, but he is now in sole control of his own independent party. It is like he has moved from a big house of an abusive landlord to his own small shed.The biggest, and sorest, losers must be Oli’s former UML comrades and former prime ministers Nepal, Khanal, and the firebrand MP from Achham, Bhim Rawal. The bad blood between them and Oli will surely affect the internal dynamics of the re-instituted UML.The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-takes-1-step-forward-2-steps-back/">7 March decision</a> transformed Oli from a majority prime minister to a coalition leader. It is intriguing that even though the Maoist Centre has sent feelers to the Nepali Congress (NC) and the Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) to form a coalition, it has not withdrawn its pre-unification support for the UML.Oli himself just needs to win the support of the JSP to remain prime minister, while Dahal will need both the NC and JSP. Dahal is hedging his bets: he does not want to lose a no-confidence vote since he cannot push another one for a year, and Oli may once more suddenly announce early elections.The wily Oli is already looking at the option of splitting the JSP vote to garner the number needed to stay on as prime minister. With 121 MPs in the House, Oli just needs 17 more votes to cobble a coalition, which he can get even if the rest of the JSP’s anti-Oli leaders are against joining. He can do that by agreeing to the JSP demand to free Resham Chaudhari, who is in detention for the Tikapur massacre of policemen in 2015.The key player in the formation of the next government will be the JSP and not the NC or the Maoist Centre. In fact, the JSP can even form a government with the NC and the Maoists. Within the UML, the Nepal-Khanal camp do not have the numbers any more to challenge Oli till the next party convention.Despite the involvement of the three organs of the state – the judiciary, the executive and the legislative – Nepal’s politics is more tangled than ever. When even a two-thirds majority government could not deliver on stability in the past three years, it would be foolish to expect a fragile coalition to do so now.Which is why Oli may have been right: the best option may be <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/">fresh polls</a>. If it is overseen by an all-party election government, it could deliver a fresh mandate and restore a derailed polity.

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A crucible of fragile coalitions

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccd659c7e80680e08bc79jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1242" height="828"/><figcaption>Photo: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>In the two months since Prime Minister K P Oli dissolved<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/"> the Lower House of Parliament</a>, massive rallies were held across the country. Oli and his arch rival in the party, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, competed to have bigger and more expensive rallies. This my-crowd-is-bigger-than-yours contest was intended to influence the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/supreme-court-puts-nepal-politics-back-on-track/">Supreme Court</a> as it deliberated on the constitutionality of the House dissolution.The enormous amount of money spent, from the state treasury by the Oli faction and from party coffers by the other, went to waste. In the end, the 5-justice Constitutional Bench decided on the basis of legal merit, not on the size of the crowds.Each faction accused the other of “setting” the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-supreme-court-restores-house/">Supreme Court</a> and the Election Commission to rule against it. But the judiciary reinforced the separation of powers doctrine and set a precedent. Chief Justice Cholendra SJB Rana read out the verdict on 23 February to reboot the House and ordered it to reconvene by 8 March.Even though leaders of the two factions have tried since 20 December to portray themselves as great democrats who believe in the Constitution, it has been clear that this was always just a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/oli-vs-dahal-1-upmanship/">chess game</a> to check mate the other side.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/">K P Oli</a> in the nearly three years that he has been prime minister has used the 2017 electoral mandate to go it alone. He did not just want to be top dog. He wanted to be the only dog. He spent most of his waking hours, not to attend to matters of state, but to undermine his arch nemesis, Dahal.Oli had convinced himself that it was he who rescued the former Maoist chieftain from political limbo by merging the UML with the Maoists. Oli also used his office to get back at Madhav Kumar Nepal and his followers.He did appease Nepal by making some of his acolytes ministers (Bhusal, Bhattarai, et al) but by and large he sidelined and humiliated the former prime minister every chance he got. Nepal took it personally.The lifespan of politicians depends on their ability to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/calm-before-another-storm-in-nepal/">get to power</a> and hold on to it by defusing threats from rivals. Oli did use the levers of office to dispense patronage, and woo away some of Dahal’s former Maoist comrades (Thapa, Bhatta, Rayamajhi). But he failed to defang Dahal-Nepal.He even held secret talks recently with the underground Biplav faction of the Maoists. But by then, Oli had opened himself on so many fronts that he had completely isolated himself.The rift between Oli and Dahal was therefore not ideological, and not about the constitutionality or otherwise of the House dissolution. It was that Oli reneged on his agreement with Dahal on a rotational prime ministership. Prachanda desperately needed to be prime minister to indemnify himself from prosecution for conflict era excesses.Many Nepali media commentators have said the Supreme Court decision pushes Nepal from the frying pan into the fire. Indeed, Parliament is once more going to be a “goat bazaar” as it used to be called during the year of coalition politics.There are many possible scenarios, and they will all depend on Grandmaster Oli’s next chess move. He could hand over the prime ministership to Dahal. This would defuse the situation, and keep the NCP intact to fight another day. But given the bad blood, it is not likely.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccd689c7e80680e08bc7ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccd6c9c7e80680e08bc7bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">The second scenario is Oli pushing an ordinance to split the party, and face a confidence motion in the House. At present the NCP jointly has 174 of the 275 members in the Lower House, of which at least 90 have pledged allegiance to Dahal. Oli will need to woo members from the Dahal faction as well as the NC or JSP to win the vote. Also unlikely.Although Dahal has said he does not mind offering Deuba prime ministership in a coalition, there is too much mutual distrust. Besides, Deuba has his own  battles within the NC to fight first.The coming week will show which of these five tried, tested and failed prime ministers will get one more shot at being prime minister. Deuba has been prime minister four times already, Dahal has been prime minister twice, Nepal and Khanal once each.Why are we stuck with just these five aged, mostly-Brahmin men? The trouble is that the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/what-is-next-for-the-nepali-congress-nepal,1101">young turks are not allowed to rise up the ranks, and they are all nearing 50.  </a><a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/what-is-next-for-the-nepali-congress-nepal,1101">It is well and good that the Supreme Court decided as it did, but it looks like we will just be reshuffling the cards. We may need a new deck.</a><a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/what-is-next-for-the-nepali-congress-nepal,1101"> </a>

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House of cards

<figure></figure> <img width="884" height="589" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011110/636ccc8e9c7e80680e08bc2cjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Nepal Communist Party faction loyal to PM Oli organised rally at Darbar Marg on 5 February. </figcaption> Despite the Covid-19 pandemic, Nepal’s politicians are engaged in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/olis-tit-for-tat-show-of-force/">political one-upmanship</a> as they pack people into public spaces, particularly the streets of Kathmandu and other cities in shows of strength.  There is ‘my crowd is bigger than yours’ contest between factions of the Nepal Communist Party, one led by Prime Minister K P Oli and the other by <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/muscle-vs-muscle-in-nepal/">Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Madhav Kumar Nepal</a>. This is also a contest for who can display more control over the public space in terms of significance and size.Prime Minister Oli’s mass assembly venue on 5 February, a closed-off Darbar Marg, was symbolic because of the gentrified public space with a backdrop of palace-turned-museum. The message seemed to be clear: ‘we have control of both the sadan (Parliament) and the sadak (street).Lest we forget, Darbar Marg is not just any street. Whether during the Panchayat, the Maoist insurgency, the states of emergency, or countless political shutdowns, Darbar Marg has always remained the most protected street in the capital. Addressing ‘the people’ from this particular venue was synonymous to Oli stepping into the buffer zone, or what anthropologists would call a ‘liminal space’.The prime minister was speaking from an ambiguous space that belongs neither here nor there, which can be interpreted as a dress rehearsal, as though he had traversed a rite of passage for what is about to happen next. And, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/muscle-vs-muscle-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/muscle-vs-muscle-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1613794278029000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHmpGJNBMcLXQVj2Yx1-nd3SJoWNA">amid the shows of force by the rival Communist factions</a>, the next action may be marked by control of more public spaces, not just in Kathmandu, but across the country. So, the obvious question is: What does the control of public spaces by those in power, especially the government, mean?  <img width="1000" height="550" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccc909c7e80680e08bc2djpeg.jpg" alt=""> Public spaces are an important part of urban life. If designed, built, and sustained thoughtfully, they serve as the infrastructure of democracy, inclusive cultural setting, and powerful social fabric. In developed countries like Canada, public spaces like parks, community halls, libraries, art and recreation centers are designed and built through inclusive processes in consultation with the public. The exchange contributes to increasing accountability and ownership of public infrastructure both for the government and the public.Public spaces and infrastructure are not just material spaces, they also have their own social and political lives that are instrumental for a democratic governance. As Hannah Appel, Nikhil Anand, and Akhil Gupta argue in The Promise of Infrastructure, public infrastructure also ‘serves as an important locus for the evaluation of the morality and ethics of political leaders and the state’.For example, broken infrastructure like dug-up roads and uncompleted bridges reveal as much messy politics and failed governance as they do the unfulfilled needs and everyday suffering of citizens.  One example of the loss of a vibrant public space is the Khula Manch, which became a dumping ground for post-earthquake rubble and stalls, forcing demonstrators to spill into neighbouring streets in Kathmandu. Once a centre of historic pro-democracy rallies since 1990, the space is finally being cleared under direct orders of the Prime Minister’s Office and will likely resurrect into its previous avatar of an open space for rallies.The occupation of public spaces, including major streets and intersections like Mandala by the government as well as political parties, is a denial of public space to ordinary citizens. It also impedes the culture of democracy and civic engagements. <figure></figure> <img width="640" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccc939c7e80680e08bc2ejpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption> Spatial divisions are important for governance because there is always a moral boundary between the state and citizens in terms of which space they occupy. Generally speaking, if sadan is related to the government, sadak is where the public can politic. That boundary plays a role in a cultural and political order.The government should deal with the agitating parties in a democratic way, which involves initiating a dialogue, working through the various government branches, and treating the public with dignity, respect, and recognition. It is not a democratic step for the government to get on the street, draw on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/olis-tit-for-tat-show-of-force/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/olis-tit-for-tat-show-of-force/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1613794278029000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHWRhLWKGhVOkes-mOznryYYiowYQ">tit-for-tat tactics</a>, and occupy public space. <figure></figure> <img width="1371" height="914" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccc979c7e80680e08bc2fjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption> <img width="1270" height="847" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111011114/636ccc9b9c7e80680e08bc30jpeg.jpg" alt=""> Anomalies inside the Parliament, like the passing of an unconstitutional, undemocratic, discriminatory, and exclusionary bills should be addressed by the voices and actions of people on the street. These democratic actions do not include resorting to violence, vandalism, blocking off streets, arson, or other forms of coercion and harassment.Neither the public occupying the legislature, nor the government occupying the streets is democratic practice. <a href="https://www.propublica.org/article/inside-the-capitol-riot-what-the-parler-videos-reveal" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.propublica.org/article/inside-the-capitol-riot-what-the-parler-videos-reveal&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1613794278029000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEwl4cMrigz0r2ynr38Ui9ZVt-GDw">The occupation of the US Capitol </a>by the supporters of Donald Trump on 6 January, and the <a href="https://www.reuters.com/news/picture/on-the-streets-of-myanmar-following-mili-idUSRTX8UDLZ" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.reuters.com/news/picture/on-the-streets-of-myanmar-following-mili-idUSRTX8UDLZ&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1613794278029000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEtDALNroByo2DveSB0z9MiRDyglQ">control of public spaces by the military in the aftermath of the recent coup in Myanmar</a> are both examples of the transgression of democratic and spatial order.The rival rallies by competing factions of the Nepal Communist Party in Nepal’s public spaces  in the name of ‘mass mobilisation’ is a signal that the political leadership of whatever hue just want to control public spaces to fulfil their political ends. Control of this nature borders on moral and ethical transgression, that threaten the citizenry and civic engagement required for a vibrant democracy. <a href="https://www.bicramrijal.com/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.bicramrijal.com/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1613794278029000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGIYdOcz7bhVziiy1KjYbsa1D_IFg">Bicram Rijal</a> is a PhD candidate at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Simon Fraser University, Canada.

Open spaces and open society

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9919c7e80680e0878c9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="854"/><figcaption>Thousands of people took to the streets this week to protest prime minister Oli's decision to dissolve the Lower House. Photos: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Even though the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/a-year-of-living-dangerously/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Covid-19 disease is still spreading and killing people</a> and there is a new strain that is spreading around the world, people in Kathmandu seem to think <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/2020s-tips-for-2021/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the pandemic</a> is over.At least that is the impression one gets in Nepal's capital these days. The traffic jams and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-lockdown-proves-air-quality-can-be-improved/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">air pollution</a> are back to 'normal' levels. Shops and malls are open and crowded.Even though the government has not yet lifted the ban on large gatherings, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/covid-fatigue-drives-nepalis-to-nightspots/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">night clubs in Thamel</a> are crammed with locals, there are indoor concerts, political rallies and gatherings every day.And not many are keeping a safe distance or wearing masks. It is as if Nepal's famous fatalism is manifesting itself, this time in collective acts of irresponsibility.Although the number of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/why-nepals-covid-19-figures-are-deceptive/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">active cases nationwide has dropped</a> below 10,000, the recovery rate is now above 95% and the number of people in home isolation has also dropped, public health experts urge caution -- especially if the more contagious strain of virus arrives in Nepal.More than half the 1,810 fatalities in Nepal from Covid-19 so far are in Kathmandu Valley, and there was an average of 10 deaths a day from the disease this week. Some 44% of the total confirmed cases are from the Valley.The incidence of confirmed cases per 100,000 population in Nepal is 831, which is the second-highest after the Maldives. India is at 703, and Thailand is only 6.This week, the Nepal government <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/business/nepal-blocks-travel-from-uk-over-new-virus-threat/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">banned air passengers from or transitting UK</a> from flying to Kathmandu.The rock band Cobweb held an indoor Christmas concert in the LOD club in Thamel this week attended by hundreds of mainly maskless people.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9949c7e80680e0878cajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="854"><figcaption>Hundreds of people attended Cobweb's Christmas concert where only a rare few wore masks with the club filled to the brim.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9979c7e80680e0878cbjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be99b9c7e80680e0878ccjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">On Friday, the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led faction of the Nepal Communist Party that is trying to oust Prime Minister K P Oli after a protracted power struggle <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/pm-oli-to-india/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">organised a rally</a> attended by thousands of supporters at the Mandala intersection and the Election Commission.Although Dahal and other senior leaders wore masks, many of their party cadre jostling behind them did not.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be99e9c7e80680e0878cdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="853"><figcaption>Pushpa Kamal Dahal and other top leaders participated in demonstrations with masks but many of party cadre went without one.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9a19c7e80680e0878cejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9a39c7e80680e0878cfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">There were also demonstrations by smaller parties as well as those by independent groups and civil society, most of the participants had forgone masks and there was no concept of physical distancing.At Labim Mall in Lalitpur, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-qfx-cinema-needs-a-happy-ending/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">QFX Cinema</a> opened its multiplex on Christmas Day. Although management took all the necessary precautions, the crowds in the mall was almost back to pre-Covid levels. In fact, the queue extended to the parking lot of the mall.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be9a59c7e80680e0878d0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="1280"><figcaption>Ticket queue outside QFX Cinema at Labim Mall on Friday. Photo: ALISHA SIJAPATI</figcaption></figure>In its periodic update this week, the World Health Organisation said: 'Nationally the second surge began in mid-July and peaked by end October and is currently showing an apparent downward trend which may be influenced partly by the significant decrease in the number of tests being done.'

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Concerts, rallies and crowded malls

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf0774b0ad905ca02f012jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="854"/><figcaption>Thousands of people took to the streets this week to protest prime minister Oli's decision to dissolve the Lower House. Photos: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Even though the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/a-year-of-living-dangerously/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Covid-19 disease is still spreading and killing people</a> and there is a new strain that is spreading around the world, people in Kathmandu seem to think <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/2020s-tips-for-2021/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the pandemic</a> is over.At least that is the impression one gets in Nepal's capital these days. The traffic jams and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-lockdown-proves-air-quality-can-be-improved/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">air pollution</a> are back to 'normal' levels. Shops and malls are open and crowded.Even though the government has not yet lifted the ban on large gatherings, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/covid-fatigue-drives-nepalis-to-nightspots/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">night clubs in Thamel</a> are crammed with locals, there are indoor concerts, political rallies and gatherings every day.And not many are keeping a safe distance or wearing masks. It is as if Nepal's famous fatalism is manifesting itself, this time in collective acts of irresponsibility.Although the number of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/why-nepals-covid-19-figures-are-deceptive/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">active cases nationwide has dropped</a> below 10,000, the recovery rate is now above 95% and the number of people in home isolation has also dropped, public health experts urge caution -- especially if the more contagious strain of virus arrives in Nepal.More than half the 1,810 fatalities in Nepal from Covid-19 so far are in Kathmandu Valley, and there was an average of 10 deaths a day from the disease this week. Some 44% of the total confirmed cases are from the Valley.The incidence of confirmed cases per 100,000 population in Nepal is 831, which is the second-highest after the Maldives. India is at 703, and Thailand is only 6.This week, the Nepal government <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/business/nepal-blocks-travel-from-uk-over-new-virus-threat/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">banned air passengers from or transitting UK</a> from flying to Kathmandu.The rock band Cobweb held an indoor Christmas concert in the LOD club in Thamel this week attended by hundreds of mainly maskless people.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf07a4b0ad905ca02f013jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="854"><figcaption>Hundreds of people attended Cobweb's Christmas concert where only a rare few wore masks with the club filled to the brim.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf07d4b0ad905ca02f014jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf0804b0ad905ca02f015jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">On Friday, the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led faction of the Nepal Communist Party that is trying to oust Prime Minister K P Oli after a protracted power struggle <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/pm-oli-to-india/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">organised a rally</a> attended by thousands of supporters at the Mandala intersection and the Election Commission.Although Dahal and other senior leaders wore masks, many of their party cadre jostling behind them did not.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf0834b0ad905ca02f016jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1280" height="853"><figcaption>Pushpa Kamal Dahal and other top leaders participated in demonstrations with masks but many of party cadre went without one.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf0864b0ad905ca02f017jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf0894b0ad905ca02f018jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">There were also demonstrations by smaller parties as well as those by independent groups and civil society, most of the participants had forgone masks and there was no concept of physical distancing.At Labim Mall in Lalitpur, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-qfx-cinema-needs-a-happy-ending/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">QFX Cinema</a> opened its multiplex on Christmas Day. Although management took all the necessary precautions, the crowds in the mall was almost back to pre-Covid levels. In fact, the queue extended to the parking lot of the mall.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191124/636bf08c4b0ad905ca02f019jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="1280"><figcaption>Ticket queue outside QFX Cinema at Labim Mall on Friday. Photo: ALISHA SIJAPATI</figcaption></figure>In its periodic update this week, the World Health Organisation said: 'Nationally the second surge began in mid-July and peaked by end October and is currently showing an apparent downward trend which may be influenced partly by the significant decrease in the number of tests being done.'

<img width="1984" height="946" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141132/636bac569c7e80680e077f27jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Younger member of the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) are trying to prevent a split in the Nepal Communist Party because of a intensifying confrontation between Prime Minister K P Oli and party executive chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal. The long-simmering power struggle between the two is now reaching a climax with Oli accusing Dahal of trying to remove him from power and impeach President Bidya Devi Bhandari, while Dahal has accused the Oli of going back on past power-sharing agreements. After Thursday’s standoff which ended in an on-going session of the NCP’s Standing Committee being put off till Saturday, many had expected the two top leaders to patch up their differences. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/bow-out/" target="_blank" style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" rel="noopener noreferrer">Bow out</a>, Editorial<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-pm-oli-under-pressure-to-resign/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepal PM Oli under pressure to resign</a> Indeed, there have been hectic meetings over the past two days of Oli and Dahal loyalists as well labbying by second and third-tier NCP members to head off a split. Oli and Dahal also had a phone conversation on Saturday morning which did not seem to have healed the rift – in fact it seemed to have increased Oli’s determination to make this a make-or-break fight. On Saturday evening, he went to see President Bhandari – his fourth meeting with her in the past week. He then called a meeting of the Cabinet at Baluwatar during which he said that he would under no circumstances resign from both prime ministership and party leadership as demanded by the Dahal faction. “Nepal’s communist movement and nationalism are at stake, and it is my duty to defend both,” he is reported to have told his ministers, adding that there was a conspiracy to remove him and impeach the president. Oli is also said to have warned his ministers to either come out and support him, or step down from the Cabinet. The prime minister appears to be preparing for any eventuality – his close supporters last week re-registered the United Marxist-Leninist (UML) party at the Election Commission. <img width="1546" height="912" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141132/636bac599c7e80680e077f28jpeg.jpg" alt="">And to add more credibility to his threat of splitting the party, Prime Minister Oli got President Bhandari to prorogue the budget session of Parliament so that he could, if necessary, pass an  ordinance allowing parties to split with a 40% majority in the Central Committee. Some observers believe that by threatening to revive the old party, Oli is trying to improve his bargaining position vis-a-vis Dahal since so many of the NCP members are against the party splitting.The strategy seems to be working. On Saturday, even NCP supporters who are in the Dahal camp stepped up their meetings to stave off a party split. Oli’s own supporters, including ex-speaker Subhas Nembang, Defence Minister Ishwor Pokhrel and other advisers met Bam Dev Gautam, who is said to be a key player in the party tussle. Later in the evening, Gautam also met President Bhandari.Late on Saturday night, 52 Central Committee members of the NCP held a Zoom meeting, and demanded an immediate emergency meeting to find a solution to the crisis because the Standing Committee meetings kept getting postponed and were not effective in stemming the crisis.“We all agreed that we have to try to keep the party united at all cost, and for this we need a Central Committee meeting to thrash out the issues,” said member Thakur Gaire.The centre-left UML went into an electoral alliance with the former Maoist party during the 2017 local and federal elections. This unity allowed the two to sweep the polls with nearly two-thirds of the votes.The two parties later formally united to form the Nepal Communist Party. However, the threat of a split comes even as the parties have not fully completed the unity process of the rank-and-file.Despite the party uniting, Oli and Dahal have been on a collision course for the past two years – mainly driven by an ego-clash and ambition of the two leaders.Dahal has accused Oli of not respecting past agreements to hand over the party leadership to him, while Oli says Dahal has tried to undermine his government every step of the way in the past two years.Oli has used the border dispute with India to buy time for himself, and last week publicly accused Dahal of trying to bring him down at the behest of India.

Nepal ruling party on verge of split

<figure><img width="1500" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60599c7e80680e056e76jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: RAMESH GIRI/RSS</figcaption></figure>Throughout the state visit to Nepal by <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/president-xi-in-kathmandu/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Chinese President Xi Jinping last weekend</a>, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism ideology was scarcely mentioned — even though both countries are governed by monolithic Communist parties.The irony could have been lost on supporters of the Nepal Workers Peasants Party (above) that has traditionally governed Bhaktapur, who carried portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao during a rally to mark the party’s convention just before Dasain.While Nepal’s politics still takes its inspiration from philosophers and leaders from the last century, the optics of the Xi visit was all geopolitical symbolism. Proposals about connectivity, the Belt and Road Initiative, trade and infrastructure — just about everything was mooted except the ideological underpinnings of the proposals.President Xi timed his state visit to Nepal after an informal summit with Indian PM Narendra Modi in southern India. His message was that India is too important a trading partner for China to jeopardise those ties over Nepal. Chinese leaders since Mao have advised Nepal’s past kings, prime ministers and party leaders not to antagonise New Delhi.The visit underscored China’s national interest to see a stable and independent Himalayan buffer state. For Prime Minister Oli, it was a photo-op to counter rising public disillusionment about his government’s non-performance. Oli is sensitive about this, and pointedly told critics at a NCP tea party Wednesday to “open their eyes” to accomplishments.With all the attention on tunnels, trains and toll roads, Xi’s admonishment in his banquet speech that Nepalis do not complete projects, and advising his comrades to not be greedy, seemed to get lost in translation.The most important message from President Xi’s visit for Nepalis, as <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/self-reliance-in-nepals-peace-corridor/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bhaskar Koirala reports from Beijing</a> , is whether China’s promise of help will help us stand on our own two feet. Also in this edition, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/political-geography-of-india-nepal-china-ties/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bhutan Member of Parliament Passang Dorji</a> says strategic shockwaves caused by Nepal wriggling out of India’s sphere of influence would be felt in the region.Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/trans-himalayan-handshake/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Trans-Himalayan Handshake</a>, Editorial

Party Line

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60539c7e80680e056e74jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/>Wearing a plain white polo shirt and a hint of a smile, former House Speaker Krishna Bahadur Mahara walked out of Norvic Hospital on Tuesday surrounded by security guards and some supporters. He was whisked away to the district government attorney's office at Babarmahal.Mahara <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mahara-arrested/">is accused of attempted rape</a> of a female colleague in Parliament, Roshani Shahi, on 29 September. When the news hit headlines, and the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) reacted with uncharacteristic decisiveness, advising Mahara to resign. For watchdogs who have been criticising the government for impunity, including in war crimes and last year's highly publicised case of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/justice-delayed-and-denied/">Nirmala Panta,</a> this came as a complete surprise.Was the government finally buckling under national and international pressure to clean up its track record on impunity? Was Mahara the last straw? Could the party be reacting to sagging public support?Read Also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mahara-arrested/">Mahara arrested,</a> Nepali TimesSenior politicians have been falling like nine pins. This week it was the turn of MP Mohammad Aftab Alam from Rautahat, accused of burning a dozen people alive in a brick kiln after they were injured while making explosives to be used in the first Constituent Assembly elections in 2012. With unprecedented swiftness, police on Tuesday arrested another MP, Pramod Sah from Sarlahi, after he was accused of vandalising an airline counter and roughing up airline staff in Janakpur. There is also an arrest warrant out for Parbat Gurung, MP from Dolakha accused of attempted murder.Initially, Mahara's response fit the pattern of powerful men who know they can get away with any crime. His press adviser said he had never gone to Shahi's apartment, but after CCTV footage emerged of him arriving on the street outside, Mahara agreed to cooperate with the investigation. When his health reportedly worsened in custody, he was taken to an expensive private hospital.Mahara’s first resignation letter was conditional: he said he was stepping down only for the duration of the investigation, hoping to get right back to his speaker job. In fact, that is still a possibility since he has not resigned as member of parliament.“An MP is suspended if accused of grave crimes, so Mahara is not receiving any government facilities or salary at the moment,” explains Rojnath Pande, spokesperson of the Parliament secretariat. "However, he is not dismissed from his position. If he is cleared, he can go back to his duties as an MP.”Read also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; outline: 0px; letter-spacing: 0.15px;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/plot-thickens-in-nepal-speaker-rape-case/">Plot thickens in Nepal Speaker rape case,</a> Nepali Times<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60579c7e80680e056e75jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Meanwhile, the NCP after telling him to resign has kept mum. NCP Spokesperson Narayan Kaji Shrestha told Nepali Times: “His resignation automatically includes resigning from the party. We had advised him to resign as MP as well, but since he is suspended at the moment the point is moot. We cannot say anything now about his eventual return to politics.”Shrestha claims Mahara’s resignation was meant to aid the investigation and not necessarily because of his guilt, and that he is innocent until proven guilty. However, top NCP leaders have been briefed by police that there is enough evidence against Mahara to make the rape claim credible. The party is therefore in damage-control mode.Even a year ago, the NCP might have tried to hush up the case, especially because the evidence is murky. Shahi has changed her statement many times, calling police to say she was raped, withdrawing the complaint, then filing a first information report (FIR) for attempted rape, and again accusing the police of pressurising her. There are screenshots of Shahi’s SMS conversation with a mysterious ‘M Sir’, which hint at long-standing intimacy.Journalists have dug up Facebook posts showing Shahi has known Mahara for decades, and implying that he has been abusing her, and that she may even have carried his child once. However, the account has now been deactivated.Shahi has been subjected to the same kind of backlash that #metoo accusers have faced: a section of the public thinks she had a consensual relationship with Mahara and outed him when he ceased to serve her purposes. Shahi has in fact accused Mahara of not helping her get a permanent posting at the Parliament Secretariat.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">#theytoo</a>, Sewa Bhattarai<iframe src="https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=1zVrbpu-q8I59SQO7MmpbmqlL62CYypGhqq1xBjc76bo&amp;font=Default&amp;lang=en&amp;initial_zoom=2&amp;height=650" width="100%" height="650" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The case has now become emblematic of the<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/four-fold-increase-in-reported-rape-in-10-years/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> trend of rape and sexual abuse in Nepal</a>, and globally — most perpetrators are known to victims, and even have close relationships. Use of force is rare but manipulation, including threats, bribes, shame and humiliation, are common. If Shahi faced threats and shame during a supposedly consensual relationship, it is difficult to see where the consent ends and abuse begins.Shahi herself has complicated her case by her on-off accusation, but more people in Nepal now seem aware that even if the relationship is consensual, violence or non-consensual intimacy makes it abusive. Many believe Shahi was intimidated into changing her statements. Yet for a government famous for impunity, the very fact that a powerful politician is being investigated is a step forward for gender justice.But there are also many losers. Mental health was made an easy scapegoat after Shahi blamed depression and medication for her inconsistent statements. The reputation of women leaders, including MPs, has taken a hit since most of them have remained conspicuously silent. Only Nepali Congress MP Uma Regmi, whom Shahi called at midnight, has spoken out.Read also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; letter-spacing: 0.15px;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/four-fold-increase-in-reported-rape-in-10-years/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Four-fold increase in reported rape in 10 years, </a>Sewa BhattaraiShahi’s marriage also suffered, since her husband Chitra Jung Shahi, who was out of town when the incident happened, reportedly went straight to Mahara when he returned and then chided his wife for smearing the politician, urging her to retract her accusation. Chitra Jung Shahi later posted a handwritten statement of separation on Facebook.While the case is tangled, it has certainly shaken Nepal’s powerful men, many of whom have, until now, behaved as if they are above the law. The pressure for justice in this case is increasing. On 3 October, 15 human rights organisations issued a joint statement, urging the government to treat Mahara as an ordinary citizen and investigate the case. The UN and embassies of five countries in Nepal issued another joint statement, urging Nepal to establish a ‘zero-tolerance message to combat gender-based violence’.The NCP appears to be trying to turn the Mahara case into proof that it abides by the rule of law, and deflect attention away from larger cases of impunity for war crimes.Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/a-klepto-republic/">Klepto Republic</a>, Editorial

The rise and fall of Comrade Mahara

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a604d9c7e80680e056e72jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="1011"/><figcaption>Illustration: Diwakar Chettri</figcaption></figure>The Nepal-China agreements on trade, economy, connectivity and security signed during Chinese President Xi Jinping’s state visit last week could mark the beginning of the end of Nepal being in India’s ‘sphere of influence’. If that happens, the strategic shock waves will be felt <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/business/squeezed-in-the-himalaya,3824">beyond Nepal’s borders</a>.The Himalayan mountains have historically been a barrier between Nepal and China, but <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/which-way-will-the-tibet-nepal-railway-go/">railways, roads and tunnels</a> are about to change that. In the battle <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/trilateral-trains/">between geography and technology</a>, Nepal will fall into the Chinese embrace if technology wins. If geography remains a factor however, India can continue to wield political, strategic and geopolitical influence on Nepal. The idea of political geography will come into play around the <a href="https://nepalitimes.atavist.com/the-tibet-train">trilateral relations between China, India and Nepal</a>.Xi’s trip to Kathmandu immediately after his informal summit with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was geo-strategically nuanced. It showed the confidence China exudes over South Asia vis-à-vis India, and the difference in national comprehensive power between the two strategic rivals says it all: China is far more powerful than India.Read Also:<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-is-xi-jinpings-big-surprise/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What is Xi Jinping’s ‘Big Surprise’?,</a>Saindra Rai and Irtika Bajracharya<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="http://President Xi in Kathmandu" target="_blank" rel="noopener">President Xi in Kathmandu</a>, Nepali Times Nepal has to make a choice, and it seems to have made it. Upgrading Nepal-China bilateral relations from a ‘comprehensive partnership’ to a ‘strategic partnership’ was a masterstroke of Chinese diplomacy. If Nepal has drifted toward China or is increasingly doing so, India’s own Nepal policy is to blame.The top priority of small countries is always security and survival. Their foreign policy behaviour is a response to the possible threat from a bigger neighbour. The fears do not necessarily have to be real, they could be perceived. In geopolitics, perception and speculation determine a state’s response to the geopolitical environment. When small states are cornered, they take risks that have implications for relations with other countries, especially bigger neighbours.The 18 agreements and two letters of exchange China and Nepal inked in Kathmandu last weekend are ambitious and challenging. The timing was also interesting: right after Xi’s India trip and when China-India ties are strained over the Kashmir issue. China’s message to India is that the traditional concept of ‘spheres of influence’ is losing its relevance in geopolitics. And that Nepal cannot be construed a permanent ‘strategic backyard’ of India — it has to belong to whoever wins the power game.The China and Nepal developments are a pointer to what is going to happen in South Asian geopolitics as China continues to rise and India pushes back its inroads into the region. These are not only signposts, there are lessons here. India will have to learn why it is detrimental to its own interest to push a smaller neighbour too much. Similarly, Nepal should ponder whether it is wise to move too far away from India without preparation.An Indian scholar once said to this commentator about Nepal: “If India has learnt one thing, it is not to interfere.” A Nepali scholar said: “Post 2015, Nepal has learnt the danger of depending on one neighbour too much”. It is important to strike a balance to ensure a working China-Nepal-India relationship. This will determine the geopolitical environment of the Himalayan sphere in years to come.For India, the Nepal-China deal is evidence of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/what-china-really-wants/">changing strategic and geopolitical architecture</a> of its neighborhood. If China-India-Nepal relations are not managed properly, the ramifications will spill beyond their borders. The interests of political giants do not just diverge, they also converge in places, countries and ideas that matter to their national, regional and global ambitions.We cannot discount the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-now-has-to-balance-not-just-india-and-china-but-also-the-west/">interest of other powers, the United States for instance</a>, in the Himalayan dynamic. With Nepal being a candidate for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/a-yam-between-3-boulders/">the Indo-Pacific strategy</a>, Washington’s reaction to the new developments will be worth following. Nepal, for its part, should not forget that when its political market is open to too many players, it could lose control.Read Also: <a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em; background-color: #ffffff; outline: 0px;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/yam-between-3-boulders/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">YAM BETWEEN 3 BOULDERS</a>, EditorialWhen push comes to shove, Nepal will have to decide based on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/hitching-our-wagon/">its own national interest</a>. ‘Nations do not have permanent friends and foes, but only permanent interests’ is still relevant in inter-state relations, especially for smaller countries like Nepal.Nepal’s domestic politics is key to its response to Sino-Indian overtures, and it will have huge implications for the implementation of the deals struck with China. And the way Nepal puts its own house in order and manages its domestic political issues will determine India’s response to the China-Nepal deal. An indifferent or no reaction from New Delhi to China-Nepal bilateral developments do not mean it is not interested. It is in ‘wait and see’ mode, and any unmanageable domestic political fissure in Nepal can wreck the China-Nepal deal.The growing Chinese footprint in Nepal is proof that Beijing is already the chief player in South Asian geopolitics. Its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/what-china-really-wants/">Belt and Road Initiative</a> is gaining momentum in Nepal and the region despite India’s resistance and non-membership in it. But the future of the recent China-Nepal agreements will depend on Nepal’s foreign policy dexterity and to some extent, on the character of Sino-Indian relations henceforth.China has become a reality in South Asia. Ignoring that fact would be a mistake.Passang Dorji, PhD, is a member of Bhutan’s Parliament, and a scholar on Bhutan and Nepal relations with China and India. The views in this article are his own.FeedbackThis article by Passang Dorji, a relatively distant observer in Bhutan, lacks in sufficient depth in the understanding of the dynamics that is being reshaped positively in recent years between Nepal and India due seemingly paradoxically to the fact of the Himalayan nation moving closer to China. President Xi's recent visit to Nepal has only lent more vigour and momentum to that dynamics. In contrast to the days when Nepal depended on the southern neighbour for most of its needs, India always balked, giving one the impression that sadistic India enjoyed punishing landlocked Nepal. However, now that Nepal chose to move much closer to China post-2015 blockade, India too is now much more cooperative and considerate with Nepal with, for example, the earlier-than-scheduled completion of the Indo-Nepal petroleum pipeline, something that was always needed for Nepal. The author's argument about mounting challenges for Nepal in managing in managing its relations with  India under the shadow of China's deepening presence and influence in Nepal remains hypothetical at best.Bihari Krishna Shrestha

Political geography of India-Nepal-China ties

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141120/636a58649c7e80680e054831jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="927"/><figcaption>Illustration: BHANU BHATTARA</figcaption></figure>Four years after the Constitution was <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/09/20/peoples-constitution/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">promulgated</a>, the main political actors involved in drafting it are now ruling the country. The 2017 <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/share-rule-and-self-rule/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">federal, provincial and municipal elections</a> made this the most powerful government in Nepal’s democratic history. Yet, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-troika/">Nepal Communist Party</a> (NCP) has squandered not just its mandate but also the opportunity to make the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/by-the-way/new-constitution-should-adopt-inclusive-democracy-with-federalism-republicanism-secularism,538" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Constitution work.</a>There were very high expectations among Nepal’s long-suffering people that stability would attract investment, create jobs and improve accountability and governance. But disillusionment is running high, with opposition parties and dissident groups exploiting the discontent to push for constitutional amendments.The government’s response has been to crack down on dissent, intimidate and attack those who are critical of ruling party figures on social media, and try to push through bills in Parliament that would curtail hard-won freedoms. Prime Minister Oli himself has ordered that Constitution Day on Friday, 20 September be used as an opportunity to defend the Constitution.In what critics say is <a href="about:blank" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Panchayat-era style</a>, the central government ordered Chief District Officers and local governments to ‘celebrate with much enthusiasm’ Constitution Day for three days, 19-21 September, by proudly flying national flags at homes, wearing t-shirts emblazoned with flags and illuminating homes and offices for three nights. The Home Ministry homepage even has a popup box displaying the exact dimensions and colours of the national flag, and instructions on correct ways to display it. The new Minister of Tourism and Culture, Yogesh Bhattarai, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/anti-national-anthem/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">even tried to get the national anthem played before evening prayers at Pashupati.</a>Oppositionists are trying to cash in on the public’s anti-government mood. Despite being in disarray itself, the Nepali Congress (NC) has smelt blood, and its leader Sashank Koirala is trying to ride the Hindutva wave to have secularism scrapped from the Constitution<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=3701#.XYNJli4zbIU">. Kamal Thapa of the RJP</a> is going one step further to campaign for the restoration of a Hindu monarchy. Former Maoist ideologue <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/review/dreams-and-nightmares-of-the-nepal-conflict/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Baburam Bhattarai</a>, now leader of Samajbadi Party Nepal, wants a constitutional amendment for identity-based federalism and executive presidentship. And then there is the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/biplav-is-just-following-the-footsteps-of-mentors/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Biplav</a> faction, which wants to go back to armed struggle.The NCP is lashing out at critics. Party Co-chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal last week instructed cadre to ‘retaliate’ against the opposition, echoing Prime Minister Oli’s call to ‘unleash hornets’ on them. NCP youth have used mob tactics against those posting critical content on social media. Information Minister Gokul Banskota doesn’t hide his disdain for the free press, and is pushing the Media Council Bill, an IT  Bill and the Mass Communication Act through Parliament.Critics say the way to defend the Constitution is not by threatening dissenting voices, but by protecting the freedoms that it guarantees. Former head of the Nepal Bar Association, Sunil Pokhrel, says: “If there is a problem with the Constitution, the way to resolve it is not by wrapping ourselves in the national flag. The flag is being used to hide defects in the Constitution.”Read Also:<a style="font-weight: bold; background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=33406&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Four-year itch</a>, Editorial<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-constitution-3-years-later/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal's constitution, 3 years later</a>, Prakriti Kandel

Wrecking crew

One smoggy winter morning in February 2019, Ekta regretted coming to her sculpture class. It was the first day of her period, and the 19-year-old wished she was home, curled up in bed with a hot water bag to soothe her cramps.
Her class was at Kalapremi Ceramic Studio, a dark room on the ground floor of a house in Maharajganj, and Ekta’s teacher was the artist Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’, a noted sculptor.
Two other students were already there, using all their muscle strength to knead the sculpting clay. Ekta, now 24, recalls how Kalapremi asked her if she was feeling all right. She avoided him, as she did not want everyone to know she was menstruating.
Kalapremi repeatedly asked Ekta what was wrong. She finally muttered that she was having her period, after which he grabbed her hand and led her to a partitioned corner of the studio and sat her on a chair. Before she could stop him, he slid his hand under her dress, and started massaging her abdomen.
“I was horrified,” Ekta recalls. “I told him to stop, but he didn’t listen, asking me not to be shy, saying he knew how to relieve my pain. He stopped only after I protested furiously.”&nbsp;
The art tutor then said, “You’re like my daughter. I’m doing it out of love to make you feel better, but you’re so stubborn.”&nbsp;
“Instead of saying sorry he acted like I was the one having crazy thoughts,” remembers Ekta, adding that from April 2016 to August 2020 beginning the time she was 16, the artist sexually abused and harassed her on several occasions. &nbsp;
Now, Ekta and the artist’s other former students are finally sharing their experiences and some are pressing legal charges against him, hoping that others do not have to endure what they did.&nbsp;
Award-winning artist and teacher Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’ (the name means ‘Art Lover’) is known for his ceramic art, sculpture, and contemporary pottery. He was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-house-of-kalapremi">profiled in Nepali Times after a collaborative exhibition</a>, ‘Where the Wild Things Are’ at the Siddhartha Art Gallery three years ago.&nbsp;
His pieces, titled Gaalis, featured sculpted female figures with the heads of dogs, sheep, and donkeys (pictured) to depict derogatory terms for women. Some critics said the collection was a satire on feminists.
Kalapremi started his artistic and teaching career in 1983 and over the years taught at Bhanubhakta School, Kathmandu University School of Arts, Lalitkala Campus and at his private Kalapremi Ceramic Studio. He has also lectured at Jeonju University in South Korea and recently at Tabor Academy in the United States.
Seven of Kalapremi’s former students were interviewed for this story. Five female students said he touched them inappropriately in his studio or at Kathmandu University. Two male students said they witnessed him abuse and harass the women. In all cases, the students struggled to recognise the abuse when it occurred, and the lack of reporting systems left them to cope on their own for years.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, students shared a social media post hinting at Kalapremi’s history of abusive behaviour following which more students of the artist reached out sharing similar experiences. Some students spoke of abuse that happened as long as 20 years ago.
Kalapremi, 60, has denied the allegations. He told Nepali Times: “Some years ago, there was a movement encouraging people to hug and kiss. I used to do it purely out of friendship and love. But after seeing posts on social media last year calling out my behaviour, I realised my actions may have hurt some people. I understand now that I should have been more mindful.”
He added: “I am also an auxiliary health worker, so I know the exact points to massage to relieve menstrual pain. It’s not just menstruation, I take anyone who is ill to the hospital.”
Sexual abuse is much more rampant than reported given how difficult it is to prove it in court. The law defines sexual abuse as occuring when someone touches another’s private parts, coerces them into touching theirs, uses vulgar language, shows degrading images, or behaves indecently towards them without consent.&nbsp;
Ekta and her fellow students are consulting lawyer Suneeta Regmi Pokhrel, who says they know that even if the court decides in their favour, it is difficult to survive after speaking up, and influential men defend themselves saying they are being framed.&nbsp;
“They are in a lot of pain and weep when recalling how he abused them,” Regmi Pokhrel told us. “They are angry and have filed a case against him, but they are also terrified. They know he is a powerful man and they have seen how our society treats women who speak up against abusers. Unless people speak up, perpetrators will be emboldened.”
Art and academia in Nepal simply reflect the power imbalances in society where people with intersecting identities experience worse forms of abuse. Theatre actors Raj Kumar Pudasaini, Rajan Khatiwada, and Sunil Pokhrel were called out during the #MeToo movement in the Nepali theatre scene in 2019. Even after the allegations Pokhrel went on to receive national awards, while others continued to work without repercussions.
“If you speak up against abusers, you gradually get sidelined from projects,” explained a theatre artist who wished anonymity fearing professional setbacks. “The theatre scene in Nepal is quite small, you just have to make peace with the perpetrators and work with them if you want to sustain yourself.”&nbsp;
In academia there is a history of faculty members sexually harassing students and getting away with it. After Tribhuvan University (TU) lecturer Krishna Bhattachan was accused of harassing women students, the university said it would follow Nepal’s sexual harassment law and set up a reporting mechanism. But nothing happened to the professor, who had already retired. Instead, he counter-accused the students of 'attacking the indigenous people’s movement with baseless allegations' as <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/letters/2019/01/29/bhattachan-responds">he told the Kathmandu Post in 2019</a>. He continues to be featured as a prominent speaker including at TU.
Other faculty members previously accused of sexual harassment include Jagadish Murti Koirala from TU, Bishnu Prasad Acharya from Ratna Rajya Campus, and Bodha Raj Tripathee from Lalitpur Madhyamik Vidhyalaya. A woman staff member from TU also filed a sexual abuse complaint against Dambar Chemjong from TU.
Prominent figures like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">mountaineer Nims Purja</a> have been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/31/sports/mountaineering-sexual-harassment-abuse-nims-purja.html">accused of sexual assault</a>, and cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane, actor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/celebrity-rape-case-spotlights-nepal-laws">Paul Shah</a>, and former speaker of Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mahara-arrested">Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a> have been accused of rape, but society-at-large has let off the alleged perpetrators amdist a larger debate about justice for survivors and punishment of perpetrators.&nbsp;
‘Gaushala-26’ is the court name given to the 18-year-old who accused Sandeep Lamichhane, former captain of Nepal’s national cricket team and skipper of Biratnagar Kings in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/here-comes-the-nepal-premier-league">ongoing Nepal Premier League</a>, of rape. She left the country citing society questioning her character affecting her mental health while Lamichhane got an outpouring of support. In May, the Patan High Court overturned a prior verdict that found Lamichhane guilty of rape and had sentenced him to eight years in prison. During the 23-month legal battle to pursue justice, Gaushala-26 faced threats of gang rape and acid attacks.&nbsp;
Exhausted by the struggle, Gaushala-26 sought to “move to a new world” where she could live free without hiding her identity.
Actress Samragyee Rajya Laxmi Shah in an Instagram video now deleted detailed the harassment she faced from a filmmaker during a movie shoot. She did not name any name but veteran actor Bhuwan KC filed a defamation case against Rana, but the court ruled that the charge lacked sufficient evidence.&nbsp;
Former Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo">Keshav Sthapit also mocked the #MeToo movement</a>, calling accusations against him by journalists Rashmila Prajapati and Ujjwala Maharjan “a rape of men’s rights”.
Serial Abuse
Back at the Kalapremi Ceramics studio, another former student, 24-year-old Rajiv, says he felt the need to speak out after seeing his female classmates being abused.&nbsp;
“He frequently kissed them on their cheeks,” he told Nepali Times. “Whenever they walked into the studio he flailed his arms like a child asking for a hug. They awkwardly hugged him from the side, but he pulled them closer, held their chin, and kissed their cheeks.”&nbsp;
Rajiv says he also saw Kalapremi pull the women’s bra straps, touch their breasts, and slap their buttocks. The young students would freeze, not knowing how to react, and if they protested, he would say it was “normal in art”. Rajiv, 19 at the time like his classmates, remembers thinking perhaps the well-respected artist was right after all.
Another student, Luna, who took lessons at Kalapremi’s studio from 2020 to 2022 did try to confront the tutor after he made an obscene proposal to her. She recalls: “One day when the other students had left the studio and it was just the two of us, he told me that God had given him special artistic talent and he could transfer those powers to me. But to do that both of us will have to be naked, inside a dark room, and have sex.”
Luna, who was 18 then, was livid and told him she did not want any of his powers, but she says he laughed at her as if he was joking. She did not tell her family about the incident because she thought no one would believe her.&nbsp;
“They were all in awe of this famous artist and felt I should be grateful that to be learning sculpting from him,” she says. “I was scared to be alone with him in case he talked about sex again. My coping mechanism was to be rude so he wouldn’t try to come close to me.”
Seeing how some classmates were standing up to Kalapremi, Ekta too tried to push back against his advances, but she said he found ways to coerce her. Since Ekta, Rajiv, and Luna could not afford Kalapremi’s Rs30,000 monthly fee for lessons, he had offered them all a stipend to assist him in the studio.
“He had spondylosis and took me to his therapy sessions to learn massage techniques, then he often made me and other students massage him,” says Ekta. Whenever she refused, he would feign pain to make her feel sorry for him. “He would insist that I put my hands under his shirt so that I could massage him better,” she adds.
The art tutor often tried to “seduce sympathy” from Ekta by sharing how he had never been loved as a child and was “sexually frustrated” as an adult.&nbsp;
“At 7PM, he would pour himself Signature whiskey and immediately go off again about how he was sex-starved. I didn’t know how to respond. It took me time to realise alcohol was just an excuse to talk about sex,” Ekta says.
If convicted, Kalapremi could face financial penalty and/or a prison sentence of up to three years according to Section 224 of National Penal (Code) Act 2017.&nbsp;
Data suggests that victims of child sexual abuse on average take nearly 24 years to tell someone about their trauma, and some may never disclose it at all.&nbsp;
“In our culture, children are rarely taught about boundaries. They often react, show anger when adults pinch their cheeks. But adults insist they did it out of love, and force the children to accept it,” says Sita Lama, a psychotherapist at Manka Kura. “And even when someone touches them inappropriately they struggle to identify and verbalise it.”
When perpetrators claim to be “acting out of love”, Lama says survivors are likely to perceive it as something safe, rather than recognising it as abuse.&nbsp;
“It may take years for them to realise they were abused,” she explains. "And even when they become aware, the power imbalance with the abuser and the associated shame often prevents survivors from speaking up."
Other former students from the School of Art at Kathmandu University have also come forward years later, saying Kalapremi sexually abused them. As young adults, they felt his behaviour was off but were uncertain if it was inappropriate, illegal, or they did not know how to respond. After having understood that it was indeed abuse, they say they are speaking out now to protect others.&nbsp;
Amina Singh, a visiting faculty member at Kathmandu University, says there is no clause against sexual abuse in contracts of teachers, and there is no formal grievance handling mechanism for the students.&nbsp;
“So the only way students can to deal with sexual abuse is approach someone they trust,” she says.
Eight other former art students of Lalit Kala Campus and Srijana College of Fine Arts of Tribhuvan University and other private art studios in Kathmandu say they were also sexually abused by their art teachers. Three faculty members interviewed from these institutions said they saw the abuse, but felt it was futile to report it given how powerful the teachers were.
In the absence of a formal system, some longtime women artists warned each other about “problematic” artists. They shared &nbsp;a “heads-up” to be more cautious when collaborating with them, and avoided responding to their calls and texts after work hours.
To ensure art institutions are safe for all, galleries, museums, artist studios, and smaller art spaces need to develop policies on sexual harassment. This would include a code of conduct or studio policies that hold the leadership accountable and outline the principles of professional ethics.&nbsp;
Students and employees should inquire about accountability mechanisms for raising concerns, both formally and informally, advocates say.
Three years after Ekta left the ceramics studio, she learnt that Kalapremi had harassed many other women. Still trying to get a footing in the art industry, she attended a workshop in Kathmandu where women artists discussed ways to stay safe in the art sector.&nbsp;
Since it was a close-knit group Ekta opened up about how she felt violated and realised she was not alone, he had been abusing underprivileged students for years, and this was common knowledge among artists in Nepal.
Ekta says that even after she quit, Kalapremi continued sending her text messages like ‘I am thinking of you’, ‘Why have you stopped speaking with me’, or ‘I am waiting for your call’.&nbsp;
But what really forced her to act was when Ekta found out that he was sending similar texts to her younger sister.&nbsp;
“I’ve had enough,” she told us. “He abused me all these years but I won’t let him abuse my sister.” &nbsp;
Ekta, Rajiv and Luna are not the real names of the students.&nbsp;

‘Art Lover’ accused of sexual abuse

It was 8:15 in the evening of 25 March 1968 when everyone in the village of Batulechaur near Pokhara heard a deafening sound like thunder as a bright flashing object hurtled down to land in a field.&nbsp; That field belonged to Kul Timilsina, and the next morning he retrieved a sheet of metal about 2m by 1m and carried it home with the help of a few others, thinking it would be useful for his buffalo shed.&nbsp; Before he died at age 83 three years ago, Timilsina had told photo archivist Sunil Ulak that the black metal sheet was not rectangular and had rounded corners. There are a few witnesses still alive who have a clear recollection of the object that fell from the sky that night.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="601" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>The field in Batulechaur belonging to Kul Timilsina where fragments of a flying object fell from the sky in 1968.</figcaption> </figure>  One of them is Timilsina’s wife Gyanu, who was 22 at the time. She had been at home, and remembers hearing the big bang and the sky becoming very bright. “We saw the thing in the field in the morning,” she told us. “It looked like a lid, a covering of some sort. The way it was stuck in the ground, it must have fallen from the sky. We thought we could use it to dry clothes on, and took it home.”&nbsp; Another witness is Kul Narayan Paudel. “I was only eight then. We ran to the field to see what had fallen. It was a four-sided metal sheet. The elders took it away, and I don't know what happened to it.” &nbsp; Ram Bahadur Baniya, a teacher at the local school, says he had heard the sheet had been brought to the school, and later handed over to the Zonal Commissioner at the time, Nanda Prasad Malla. “But that is all hearsay,” he says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="610" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Gyanu Timilsina, wife of Kul Timilsina.</figcaption> </figure>  There are two versions of what happened to Kul Timilsina’s metal sheet. One is that an American Peace Corp Volunteer teaching at the nearby Bindyabasini School took it, and another is that it was handed over to the government. Recently declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and US State Department documents from the time say that the US Embassy in Kathmandu tracked down the object two years later and had it shipped back to the US. A telegram from the Department of State and Department of Defense tagged as ‘MOON DUST / Space Fragments’ dated 1 March 1972 stated: ‘1. Restored space fragment will be on board Embassy support flight 115 arriving Kathmandu on or about March 10. Fragment is packed in shipping crate (cargo no. 72-33365) marked in care of DAO.&nbsp; 2. State and Defense representatives examined fragments prior to shipment finding restoration acceptable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df" data-rendition-name="original" width="856" height="568" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Declassified CIA documents about the investigation into the object sighted in Pokhara. </figcaption> </figure>  The documents show that the US government, military and intelligence agencies investigated this incident thoroughly when it occurred, and have continued to revisit it ever since, as recently as five years ago. What is even more intriguing is that the object that fell in Pokhara was not the only unidentified space object that fell to earth that year. There were similar sightings of objects falling from the sky in Ladakh, Sikkim and Bhutan between 19 February and 25 March 1968.&nbsp; These mysteries were the subject of a CIA investigation in 1968 titled ‘<a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP81R00560R000100070007-8.pdf">Sighting of Unidentified Flying Objects in Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan</a>’, and the report is part of the recent online declassification of 800,000 top-secret documents from the period.&nbsp; &nbsp;Although unidentified flying objects (UFOs) have a connotation now of being alien craft, it could be pieces of satellite, missile, rocket or even aircraft. The CIA report documents six sightings in 1968 and quotes local sources as describing all of them having similar characteristics: bright blue or red streaks in the sky accompanied by loud sounds like lightning and thunder and objects falling to the ground. Aside from the metallic object that was found in Batlechaur, there were other items also found nearby in Tallakot, Tureypasal, Armalakot and Maidan. Whatever the object was, it seems to have disintegrated even before it hit the ground.&nbsp; The CIA report records the first sighting on 19 February 1968 in various parts of Sikkim and Olangchung Gola and Ghunsa in eastern Nepal. The light was said to be ‘long and thin’ and giving out ‘green and red light’. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb" data-rendition-name="original" width="892" height="596" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara "> </figure>  Two days later on 21 February, a soundless blue object was seen traveling fast across the sky above Thimphu in Bhutan. Then on 4 March there were multiple daytime sightings or white streaks in the sky at Chang La Pass, Fukche and Koyul in Ladakh. There were more sightings in Ladakh on the very day fragments fell near Pokhara on 25 March 1968.&nbsp; After the sightings in Pokhara, rumours started flying in Kathmandu that these were aliens trying to land on Earth, it could be Russian or Chinese spy planes or satellites, and some even say it as a sign from heaven that the end of the world was near. This was at the height of the Cold War. The Russians and Americans were testing their thermonuclear devices as well as intercontinental ballistic missile delivery systems. The Washington-Beijing rapprochement had not yet happened, and China was making quick progress testing atomic bombs. Within two years after its first atomic test, in 1966 China exploded its first hydrogen bomb at the Lop Nur site in Xinjiang, 3,000km to the north from Nepal. After neary six decades, what is still intriguing is that all the sightings within a few months of each other in 1968 were along the Himalayan arc bordering Tibet: from Bhutan, Sikkim Nepal, to Ladakh. The US military intelligence seems to have concluded that this was not a coincidence and there were frequent research trips to the site in Pokhara by American officials in the months after the incident. With the help of the Royal Nepal Army, the region north of Pokhara was thoroughly searched.&nbsp; A confidential memo dated 25 June 1968 by Jerry C Trippy to a ‘Mr Farley’ mentions that the US Air Force’s Foreign Technology Division had decided that the debris could be important because it may be related to a Chinese missile test or a Soviet ‘Vehicle Venik’ rocket.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  On 28 August 1968 the US Embassy in Kathmandu sent a letter to Washington DC saying that the object could be of Soviet origin, possibly from when the rocket carrying the ‘Kosmos 208’ satellite re-entered the atmosphere. But why were the fragments falling to earth several weeks apart, and in the same region? No one knows where the metal sheet that Kul Timilsina recovered is now. It was definitely packed in a crate and taken to the US, and although it is rumoured that it was returned that is not very likely. Archivist Sunil Ulak heard from the Timilsina family that CIA officials had returned to the site five years ago. &nbsp; Interest in UFOs peaked in the US in the 1950s, with the Cold War space race and tests of atomic weapons and delivery rockets. CIA and scientists were being sent to investigate sightings, both publicly and privately. Could the Pokhara fragments as well as the sightings in Ladakh and Bhutan actually be alien craft falling to earth? The renewal in interest in space travel in large part due to Elon Musk’s SpaceX, UFOs and sightings are again subjects of public interest.&nbsp; Even 57 years later, even if there was definitive proof about whether the Batlechaur fragment was from a Chinese missile or a soviet rocket, it has not been made public in documents declassified so far. We may never know.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598" data-rendition-name="original" width="642" height="320" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  Sunil Ulak speculates if the debris actually came from an American aircraft, perhaps on an intel mission upon China. “Which could explain why they were so thorough in collecting the fragments in Pokhara,” he says. But that still does not explain the multiple sightings weeks apart in 1968.&nbsp; Indeed, US military aircraft were at that time flying frequent night-time missions from air force bases in India to supply weapons to Khampa guerrilla camps in Nepal located north of Pokhara in Mustang. It could very well be that the Chinese shot down one such aircraft. The other sightings could have been contrails of US spy planes, or Chinese anti-aircraft missiles.&nbsp; There were quite a few developments regarding UFOs in 2024. In a US congressional hearing in July, former intelligence officer David Grusch claimed that the government had long been involved in a program to investigate and retrieve non-human craft crashes, and then try to reverse engineer them. However Grusch did not show any evidence.&nbsp; The UAP Disclosure Act of 2024 was signed into law by Joe Biden in December 2023. It plans to oversee the public disclosure of UFO information. However, there is a clause in it that prevents disclosure if it would cause threats to military defense, intelligence operations or foreign relations.&nbsp; It is unlikely that the declassified documents about sightings in the Himalayan will cause any real surprise about definite evidence of alien life even if it was found. It seems humanity will continue, at least for now, to wonder about curious lights in the sky and whether there is anybody out there.&nbsp;

UFO over Pokhara

When Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) president Rabi Lamichhane was arrested in October on charges of defrauding depositors of cooperatives, the party’s vice president Swarnim Wagle gifted him Fareed Zakaria’s book, Age of Revolutions.
Since then, Lamichhane has been shunted around from Kathmandu to Pokhara to Chitwan and back to Pokhara to attend police investigations and court proceedings. He was being flown to Birganj via Kathmandu on Buddha Air on Monday. There is another pending case in Janakpur.
Human rights groups and civil society have criticised the government for hounding Lamichhane with inhumane treatment that borders on physical torture. The two parties in the coalition, Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML, see Lamichhane’s RSP as a potentially formidable challenge to their power.
Even if the fraud charges against Lamichhane are true, the Nepali public is increasingly looking at the government’s actions through the police and courts as political vendetta.
Despite all the travelling, sometimes by plane and often by road at night, Lamichhane appears to be in high spirits, waving to supporters who often gather if they know he is going to be driven around. A social media video shows him giving high fives to fellow passengers on a recent flight to Pokhara.&nbsp;
In the past weeks, streets in Pokhara have erupted with parallel protests by Lamichhane’s supporters as well as depositors of cooperatives who lost their savings to the scam.&nbsp;
Although family visits are allowed, prison officials in Pokhara told Nepali Times that not many people visit Lamichhane these days. He added, “When he does get visitors, he asks them to bring him books.”
Lamichhane is currently Nepal’s most high-profile public figure in custody, and highlights the stark difference between how influential prisoners are treated compared to ordinary inmates.
There are six prison cells at Kaski District Police Office’s two-story detention centre, three on each floor. And while authorities pack prisoners into already overcrowded cells, Lamichhane has an entire room on the second floor to himself.&nbsp;
He has also been allowed to call his family every few days. Other prisoners are not permitted phone calls except for emergencies.
Meanwhile, Lamichhane’s former business partner Chhabilal Joshi, an ex-Deputy Inspector General of Police with whom he established his Gorkha Media Network, is in custody under the same charges in the prison cell next to him.
Lamichhane is accused of siphoning off depositors' money to the tv network in which he was part-owner and anchor. &nbsp;
Both Lamichhane and Joshi are able to buy food from the police canteen instead of being served the regular meal like other prisoners. Joshi has also given his statement to authorities in Rupandehi and Kathmandu for his alleged role in the scam. Lamichhane is yet to be presented in Kathmandu for questioning.
While he was in custody at the Kathmandu District Police Complex, Joshi expressed his desire to sleep in a police officer’s office, reportedly assuring authorities that he would not run away and he was entitled to certain facilities as a former officer of the law.
“He seemed to be under the impression that he is still a police officer,” says a source at the Kathmandu District Police. “We made it clear to him that as someone accused of a crime, he was not entitled to special treatment.”
Former ministers Balkrishna Khand and Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, and ex-home secretary Tek Narayan Pandey, who were arrested in connection with the fake refugee scam last year, were similarly housed in the offices of law enforcement officials instead of prison cells. Khand has since been released after six months in jail.
While there is no legal provision to keep high-ranking officials in separate detention centres when they are arrested, authorities granting them special facilities is not uncommon. Law enforcement officials say VIP detainees expect preferential treatment while in police custody.
Among those is former Kosi Province minister Lila Ballav Adhikari, who was arrested from Biratnagar on 10 November over his alleged involvement in human trafficking and brought to Kathmandu. Adhikari had flown to Japan without government approval with three individuals on 29 October to attend a cultural conference, but had been sent back to Nepal from Narita.&nbsp;
His three companions were arrested at Kathmandu airport upon their arrival, but Adhikari was able to exit unscathed from the VIP lounge. Adhikari had resigned as the Kosi Province Minister for Internal Affairs and Law when it became public that his companions had been taken into custody, and was himself arrested shortly after. He has since been cleared by the courts.
Throughout his detention, Adhikari was kept separately from other inmates. Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Basant Rajouri, head of the Bhadrakali complex, says that while there is no separate detention area for VIPs, some detainees are kept separately depending on the nature of their crime.
However, sources say that arrangements were made for retired judges and others to visit Adhikari frequently worked at the office of a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) during his time in custody.&nbsp;
“He used to constantly pester the authorities to let him sit outside in the sun, and to be able to use the police officer’s shower area,” added an officer.
Adhikari was released on 25 November after the government prosecutor’s office decided not to charge him in a move that was seen to expose the government’s double standards.
Over at Kathmandu’s Dilli Bazar Prison, former Kist Bank CEO Kamal Gyawali emerges from his prison cell into the courtyard of the prison’s ‘Ka (क)’ block every morning with a thick book in his hands, ready to give his daily sermon.
With his long beard, Gyawali, who is serving a prison sentence for banking fraud, looks the part of a religious guru as he implores his rapt listeners to “walk the right path, abandon bad thoughts and turn to scripture and spirituality”.&nbsp;
Afterward, the attendees gather to discuss politics and current affairs. Inmates at his daily sermons at the prison include other high-profile detainees, including former MP Ichchha Raj Tamang, who is in jail for money laundering and cooperatives fraud, former joint secretary Chudamani Sharma, who was convicted of corruption, as well as NC leader Chandra Bahadur Lama and Krishna Bahadur Upreti of the UML both of whom are on trial for embezzling billions of rupees.
Victims of the cooperatives scam that former lawmaker Tamang was involved in have made trips to the prison and requested visits, but he has refused to meet with any of them.
“Tamang often complains that the state has prevented him from returning the money to the victims by locking him up,” says a police officer at the Dili Bazar jail.
“All you hear every day from the VIP prisoners is that they have been framed,” adds the officer. “No one admits that they were involved in misdeeds.”
But while most high-profile prisoners complain about prison conditions, one exception is former provincial lawmaker Deepak Manange, who is serving a sentence at Dilli Bazar Jail for attempted murder.
“He is the happiest prisoner here,” says a warden. “Unlike the others, he doesn’t claim to have been framed, in fact he doesn’t seem to care that he is in prison.”
Manange is detained in the ‘Kha (ख)’ block of the prison complex, which he renovated at his own expense. The block previously housed female prisoners, but Manange used his influence to transfer them elsewhere. He faces no shortage of visitors, who range from political leaders to people from the underworld.
Along with Manange, other well-known prisoners in this block include Nepal Telecom Managing Director Sunil Poudel, and former executive director of the Surakshan Printing Centre Bikal Poudel, who are serving time for corruption.
Former prisoners at Dilli Bazar prison include ex-ministers Khum Bahadur Khadka and Shyam Sundar Gupta, NC leader Ganesh Lama, Maoist MP Balkrishna Dhungel, Nagarik Unmukti Party leader Resham Chaudhary, as well as former IGs Ramesh Chand Thakuri, Om Bikram Rana, and Hem Bahadur Gurung.
Section 54 of Nepal’s Prison Act assigns each prison’s internal administration the
responsibility of governing its prisoners, which means the more favourable the jail management is, the more comfortable it is for prisoners.
Dilli Bazar prison has been the prison of choice for many high-ranking prisoners, especially those convicted of white collar crimes, due to its more accommodating administrators. The prison, which has the capacity to house 700 inmates, is also less crowded than other jails.
Anuj Bhattarai, spokesperson of the Department of Prison Management, says that there is no legal classification in Nepal for felons to be assigned prisons based on the nature of their crimes.
“That Dilli Bazar Jail has a higher number of prisoners convicted of crimes like corruption is most likely a coincidence,” says Bhattarai. “There is no provision for influential people to be able to choose where they will be incarcerated.”&nbsp;
Translated by Shristi Karki from the Nepali original published in himalkhabar.com

What Nepal’s VIP prisoners do in jail

If you were raised in Nepal, you must have picked up its unique set of vocabulary: आन्दोलन, चक्का जाम, बन्द, राँके जुलुस, आफ्नो मान्छे, हाम्रो दल, कर्फु and many more words connoting political protest.
We became familiar with the acrid smell of burning tyres, and eyes smarting from tear gas. And yet, everyone speaks of another revolution in the making. Not by desire, but by suffocation.
We heard speeches about नयाँ नेपाल, but the New Nepal never arrived. The governance system changed, but it did not reflect on people’s lives — except for those close to centres of power. The state is still unreachable and is not bothered about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/matter-of-life-and-debt">victims of loan sharks</a>, cooperative scams and other injustices.
Politicians continue to speak in sound bites, but fail to deliver. They have mastered the game of pointing fingers towards an external enemy and convincing people that they are never at fault. The political narrative is so disconnected from the actual analysis of the problem that suffocation doesn’t go away after every revolution.
No genuine effort has been made to deliver at all, which is why there is a palpable sense of disillusionment in the air forcing us to seek another revolution, even if Nepal may not be able to afford it.
How has the current system successfully held power, even if the public is deeply frustrated? How is it that for three decades we continue to be led by the same faces, who have time and again, proved to us that they may be great politicians but not national leaders?
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/improving-internet-governance-in-nepal">My experience at the epicentre of politics</a> has led me to identify three cultures that have enabled political parties to keep a tight hold on power: acceptance, silence and dependency.
We accept things the way they are. We use fatalistic phrases like “नेपालमा यस्तै हो” or “नेपालको कानुन दैब जानुन”. While this resilience enables us to rise back up from devastating calamities, it is also a reason for our compliance with the status quo.
Despite so many ‘revolutions’ that have led to significant reforms, these phrases keep getting reinforced, to the point that the upcoming generations have made it their lingo.&nbsp;
This acceptance is not a symbol of law-abiding citizens, but citizens living in fear of those in power, unable to ask the whys and why-nots.
Innovation suffocates in this culture of acceptance of the status quo. This is manifested in remarks like “but we don’t have any laws for this,” or “we don’t have the capacity to implement this”. An innovator or entrepreneur therefore has to spend that energy to become a political lobbyist, often educating and convincing the bureaucracy.&nbsp;
Remember when locally assembled <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/designed-and-made-in-nepal">Yatri motorbikes</a>, despite having willing customers, had to suffer to secure license numbers because of a lack of regulations? Instead of creating new laws, the government kept chanting the “We will promote Nepal-made goods” mantra, leaving entrepreneurs in a labyrinth of bureaucracy. The weight of acceptance of the law lies heavily on innovators. Fatalism is a tactic used by those in power to generate mass fear in society.
When we accept, we become silent. This is a pervasive phenomenon. We are trained to keep quiet, lest we ruffle feathers, burn bridges, or not get the help we need in future. We know, yet we don’t speak.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bureaucratic-hurdles-in-researching-nepals-bureaucracy">Bureaucratic hurdles in researching Nepal's bureaucracy</a>, Daniel W Edwards
Here is one example: the 2021 census shows that the number of baby boys born for every 100 baby girls is 112. This is a clear indication of female foeticide because of boy preference in society.
Despite such horrifying realities, there is finger-pointing within the government between the Ministry of Health and Population with the Ministry of Home Affairs. At the citizen level, we know those who are involved in killing girls. Yet, we don’t speak up. The Nepal Medical Council reports state that despite this gender imbalance at birth, there is no indication of any action.
But why would anyone speak against one's own fraternity, no matter how vile the act is?
When we accept and keep quiet, we become dependent on those who yield power. From getting our government procedure completed on time to getting transfers, to accessing any of our legally protected rights as well, we are forced to depend on our networks of चिनेको मान्छे people we know by blood, village, relations, political affiliation.
The culture of dependency has been the established way in Nepal. If you drive a two-wheeler or four-wheeler, and you get into a small accident, you will be asked to sort it yourself, dialing up the most powerful person you know. It becomes a competition of who knows who.
Recently I was told that there were calls from the Ministry of Health and Population and another from the Prime Minister's Office for just one medical position in a private hospital. Each was pushing its own candidate. Guess which candidate got the position.&nbsp;
The dependency of people is not on the laws or the state, it is with people in power, a reliance on the network of somebody who knows somebody, including those not officially in power.
These cultures are deeply ingrained in our heads, and in society. Collectively they form a vicious circle that helps those in power to retain power. This is not the society we want to live in.
Then, what do we do as a collective to break away from this? How do we break away from the cultures of acceptance and silence that have created this dependency? What can we do to ensure that our children do not have to learn the jargon of आन्दोलन before they learn about the state?
These are the cultures political parties need to shed rather than use them to perpetuate their power. This is what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/an-alternative-to-alternative-politics-in-nepal">alternative politics</a> needs to be about.
Sumana Shrestha is a member of Parliament’s Education, Health and Information Technology parliamentary committee and represents the Rastriya Swatantara Party.

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A crucible of fragile coalitions

House of cards

Open spaces and open society

Concerts, rallies and crowded malls

Concerts, rallies and crowded malls

Nepal ruling party on verge of split

Party Line

The rise and fall of Comrade Mahara

Political geography of India-Nepal-China ties

Wrecking crew

‘Art Lover’ accused of sexual abuse

UFO over Pokhara

What Nepal’s VIP prisoners do in jail

Why Nepal is stuck