Pesticide use in Nepal has surged tenfold since 2000 despite its risk to human and environmental health – with Nepal’s women, indigenous and disadvantaged castes most affected.&nbsp; Till 2022, 164 chemicals had been registered for use, most of them to boost vegetables production and the rest for cereal grains. Many of the pesticides in Nepal fall under Class II of the WHO classification, and are categorised as toxic.&nbsp; While the use of pesticides ensures fewer pests, more yield, and greater income in the short term, they degrade land, water, soil — and most importantly, human health over time.&nbsp; Humans are exposed to pesticides through ingestion, inhalation, or by direct skin contact, all of which can lead to acute and chronic illnesses. Some symptoms such as rashes, nausea, and headache can appear immediately, but more chronic problems like birth defects, reproductive and nerve disorders, and cancers develop over time. &nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/banned-pesticides-are-widely-used-in-nepal">Banned pesticides are widely used in Nepal</a>, Ramu Sapkota  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240523140512_5aea4c5d9c1b1c584800b0412e7adea326d602687e193d079fe9e7b5932d7ffd.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20240523140512_5aea4c5d9c1b1c584800b0412e7adea326d602687e193d079fe9e7b5932d7ffd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="802" loading="lazy" alt="Pesticide graph NT"> <figcaption>Pesticide imports from 1998 to 2022.</figcaption> </figure>  Most research treats farmers as a homogenous group, but while most benefits flow towards better-off farmers, the burdens fall on society’s most vulnerable. Indeed, beyond the green fields and big harvests that pesticides hide the disproportionate impact of pesticides on marginalised communities. Women, Janjati and Dalit households which have lower literacy and income tend to have higher exposure to toxic pesticides. Often, people from these communities are unable to read toxicity labels on pesticide containers and cannot afford safety gear.&nbsp; Nepali women bear the brunt of farming and agricultural work without having decision-making power. &nbsp;They have to overlook the health risks associated with pesticide use during pregnancy, postpartum periods, and menstruation cycles. Women might also often ignore proper safety measures for handling toxic materials.&nbsp; “Many older women dress inappropriately,” said a female health volunteer who was interviewed for a 2021 study in Kavre that involved farmers. “I see many with their masks on, and a few with full-sleeved clothes and gloves, but almost none wearing the PPE. Skin contact with chemicals is high.”&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/the-organic-uncle-of-chitwan">The ‘Organic Uncle’ of Chitwan</a>, Anita Bhetwal  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240523140512_258f3280501ea018a66f0ae5ee6407db7a90730d3dcc8537eeb5122aec82fd62.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20240523140512_258f3280501ea018a66f0ae5ee6407db7a90730d3dcc8537eeb5122aec82fd62" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Pesticide use in Nepal NT"> <figcaption>Fields in Kuntabesi. Photos: KISHOR ATREYA</figcaption> </figure>  She suspects this ignorance of proper safety procedures has increased women’s exposure to toxic pesticides, leading to a rise in uterine cancer cases in Kavre. The men may be more aware of the dangers of toxic pesticides, but express confidence that they are immune to the effects of exposure to such chemicals. Some even boast they can digest pesticides if swallowed. “I have tasted Dithane fungicide and nothing happened to me,” bragged one farmer. &nbsp;“It is suffocating to wear PPE while working in the field,” camplained another. &nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/heavy-pesticide-use-and-low-consumer-awareness-affecting-public-health,1394">Lethal veggies</a> , Sonia Awale  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240523140512_14c675833e11d2d4925ca6339383dd7c3b9dcf6ec090728b5696cd6f30ce0b93.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20240523140512_14c675833e11d2d4925ca6339383dd7c3b9dcf6ec090728b5696cd6f30ce0b93" data-rendition-name="original" width="1654" height="867" loading="lazy" alt="Pesticide use in Nepal NT"> <figcaption>A farmer applies pesticide in a paddy field.</figcaption> </figure>  This casual disregard for safety while dealing with toxic pesticide exposure is alarming and is responsible for premature deaths in farmer families. Pesticides also create health and environmental burdens, disproportionately affecting vulnerable caste groups, while worsening economic and caste disparities.&nbsp; Most Brahmin and Chhetri households generally own land that is more productive than other groups which they rent out to farmers from underserved castes. Such farmers then face greater exposure to pesticides.&nbsp; For Dalit and Janjati communities that rent land that they till, it has become the norm to apply higher doses of pesticides in greater frequency in order to increase yield and try to maximise their profit.&nbsp; They also lack safety tools. Sometimes they do not see them as important, or cannot afford them. Many Dalit households do not even own a spray tank, and practice open mixing and loading of pesticides. Farmers from the Danuwar community in Kavre point out that their traditional Thitri fishing method is not practiced any more. Until the early 2000s, the Danuwar wove basket-like fishing traps called Thitri from gooseberry or bamboo sticks and left them overnight on the edges of the overflow channels of paddy terraces to collect basketfuls of fish come morning.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16290#.XTlqVvIzbIU" target="_blank">You are what you eat</a>, Katy Elliot  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240523140516_f0c3011a1c112b88250dae51bd1475589af135a159b68cc0a626136458aec483.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20240523140516_f0c3011a1c112b88250dae51bd1475589af135a159b68cc0a626136458aec483" data-rendition-name="original" width="1332" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Pesticide use in Nepal NT"> <figcaption>A vegetable field during winter. Photo: KANCHAN KATTEL</figcaption> </figure>  “My father and elder brother practised Thitri every summer,” a young interviewee told us. “They brought fish for us and we sold the excess. Some neighbours sold about 30kg of fish every season.”&nbsp; There was an unwritten rule that while the crops were for their landlords, the fish were for the Danuwar community. The fish have now disappeared from fields and rivers, and with it the Thitri tradition because of pesticides. &nbsp; The chemicals can kill invertebrates in soil and water even at safe levels. But in Nepal, users neither recognise nor apply safe levels of pesticides, which results in the irreversible destruction of the ecosystem from soil organisms, frogs, fish, and snakes.&nbsp; The future of agriculture in Nepal will depend on how we treat our ecosystem, and especially their impact on vulnerable communities. The social and environmental costs of pesticide use can be addressed by pursuing viable alternatives that prioritise public health and ensure environmental sustainability.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17728">Preventable poisoning</a>, Buddha Basnyat This article is based on a chapter from an upcoming book Environmental Justice in Nepal: Origins, Struggles, and Prospects.&nbsp; Kanchan Kattel is a PhD researcher at the Department of Nutrition and Public Health, University of Agder, Norway. Kishor Atreya is an Associate Professor at the Institute of Forestry, Tribhuvan University.

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Playing with poison

<img width="570" height="1086" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108131140/636a4eab9c7e80680e04fccbjpeg.jpg" alt=""/>It is hard to say which is most worrisome: that pesticide-laced Indian vegetables were coming into Nepal, that the government caved in to pressure from the Indian Embassy to allow the poisoned plants in, that Prime Minister Oli was unaware of a intimidating letter from the Indian Embassy to lift the border quarantine, or  Industries Minister Matrika Yadav saying he was deceived by bureaucrats.  It is an indication of the PMO’s poor public relations handling that an action which should theoretically have earned Oli brownie points for standing up to India, have instead made him the prime target.The pseudo-nationalism of Nepalis is a peculiar trait. We are proud to be a nation that was never colonised, but allow our nationals to fight and die for other countries whose enemies are our friends. We boast that the Buddha was born in Nepal, but let Lumbini rot. We gloat about Mt Everest, forgetting that three of the mountain’s four faces are actually in China, and we trash our side of it. To be sure, there is a pan-Nepali identity that translates into patriotism derived from shared history, culture and language that transcends national boundaries to the Nepali-speaking world. Wherever they are in the world, Nepalis carry an inner pride that is a bedrock, however much an exclusionary state and anti-Mahendraist rhetoric try to erode it.Unfortunately, the pesticide episode has brought out the kind of hollow and toxic pseudo-nationalism that we have now become famous for. The citizen commentariat, and media opinion-makers heaped scorn all week on Prime Minister Oli for kowtowing to India, whereas the real issues were Nepal’s inability to be self-sufficient in vegetable production as well as the pesticide residue in vegetables grown in Nepal for domestic consumption.Instead of working ourselves into a fit about pesticide-laced Indian vegetables, we should be more worried about the 2,200 tons of pesticides Nepal imported from India last year. And that was just through official channels: there is a whole lot more that is smuggled across the border, including agro-chemicals banned in Nepal.Nepal’s pesticide consumption of 400g/ha is one of the lowest in the world, and most subsistence farmers in rural Nepal do not use chemicals. In fact, most vegetables and crops in Nepal are organic. However, commercial farmers supplying produce to city markets often <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2014/07/25/toxic-tarkari/">overdose their crop</a>s with pesticide. A Rapid Pesticide Residue Analysis Lab set up at Kalimati wholesale market five years ago showed that 15% of produce analysed were too toxic for human consumption. A <a href="http://nepalitimes.com/article/nation/heavy-pesticide-use-and-low-consumer-awareness-affecting-public-health,1394">recent survey</a> showed that the most-used pesticides in Nepal are among the ‘Dirty Dozen’ pesticides banned in the country.The <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17916#.XSKysD8za70">Pesticide Registration and Management Division</a> is supposed to regulate the use of these chemicals, but it is unable to monitor most banned pesticides, confiscate chemicals past their expiry or pesticides with diluted active ingredients. Government agencies are also plagued by inadequate lab equipment and test ingredients. A <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/heavy-pesticide-use-and-low-consumer-awareness-affecting-public-health,1394">survey by this newspape</a>r of vegetable farmers in Tikathali on the outskirts of Kathmandu in 2015 showed that 90% of them sprayed chemical pesticides, but only half used protective gear. Worryingly, the most commonly used pesticides were banned chemicals like metacid and malathion. These are <a href="http://nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17728">organophosphate</a>s, the easily-available chemical most widely used to <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Nepali-Times-Buzz-Dhanvantari-Poisoned-environment,738">commit suicide</a> in the subcontinent. Only one in ten Tikathali farmers had ever heard of IPM (Integrated Pest Management) for chemical-free pest control. Contaminated utensils were commonly used around the households, and more than half the farmers interviewed disposed of pesticide containers in rivers or ponds.Ironically, one of the best things that happened during the Indian Blockade was that Nepal’s pesticide imports which were rising steeply till then declined in 2015-16. It is up again, due to <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16290#.XSQYaC0Q0Wo">increasing demand from Nepali vegetable farmers</a> who use 1.5kg/ha, as well as some tea gardens which spray up to 2.1kg/ha. The seven pesticide residue test laboratories in Kalimati, Birtamod, Sarlahi, Pokhara, Butwal and Nepalganj are not enough, nor are they sufficiently equipped, to determine if crops grow in Nepal are safe. We are not even talking about veggies imported from India. If the government is serious about the health of its citizens (for which evidence so far suggests it is not) it should immediately work to:<ul><li>Train Nepal’s commercial farmers on IPM and organic farming</li><li>Spread public awareness about pesticides</li><li>Regulate and control imports, especially of banned pesticides</li><li>Test imported edibles for pesticide residue.</li></ul><h2>10 years ago this week</h2>		
		An editorial in Nepali Times from ten years ago this week (#459, 10-16 July 2009) looked at how Nepal had not been able to reap the peace dividend for the economy. A decade later, it still has not. These lines have a familiar ring:‘Nepal is reeling under double-digit inflation because of highway disruptions, cartelling and weak enforcement in Nepal. Since Nepal imports almost all consumer goods from India, pumping money into the market has little effect in boosting employment here.The new government is so ridden with existential angst that it doesn't realise the gravity of our crisis. The macro-economy may be fine, but Nepalis can't eat the macro-economy. This year's food crisis is an emergency. Nothing has been done since the 18-hour power cuts last winter, so next winter is bound to be worse.What is holding the country back is an absence of political will to lift ourselves up from this morass. We have heard enough speeches, this government must show it is determined to govern.’

TOXIC PSEUDO-NATIONALISM

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104091152/6364d3986d4b75d28c18e2a9jpeg.jpg" sizes="(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px" srcset="http://www.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/1-DSC_2535-300x200.jpg 300w, http://www.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/1-DSC_2535-250x166.jpg 250w, http://www.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/1-DSC_2535.jpg 640w" alt="Photo: Kamal Rimal" width="640" height="426"/>Photo: Kamal Rimal The census of birds in various nature sanctuaries around Nepal last month showed that the number of indigenous and migratory birds found in the country are steadily declining. <a href="http://www.birdlifenepal.org/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Ornithologists</a> say the main reasons are habitat destruction, use of agro-chemicals, depleted fish in rivers and lakes as well as hunting along migratory routes. Even so, there are more than 884 species of birds in Nepal, with 527 of them in the Kosi Tappu Nature reserve along the Kosi River in eastern Nepal. Counting bird species and their total numbers every year in Nepal which started in 1987 simultaneously with other parts of Asia under the initiative of <a href="https://www.wetlands.org/our-approach/healthy-wetland-nature/international-waterbird-census/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Wetlands International</a>. The idea was to carry out the census all together across the region during the winter migration period so that there is no double counting. This year’s census was carried out from 6-22 January across Nepal’s wetlands and national parks. Preliminary results show a decline in not just the total number of water birds, but also the species count for water birds.“Counting the birds at one go all over the world is more accurate,” explains Nepal’s foremost ornithologist and coordinator of <a href="http://himalayannature.org/index.php/mid-winter-water-bird-count/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Wetlands International Nepal</a> Hem Sagar Baral. However, it is not easy to count birds flying all the way from Siberia to Kosi Tappu and other national parks in Nepal. There were 300 volunteer birders in ten groups who fanned out across the Kosi banks, and they later went to the 55 protected water bodies and wetlands across Nepal. The enumerators don’t just count birds but also collect information in areas where there is illegal hunting and habitat destruction. “Kosi Tappu is really special because nowhere else in Nepal do you see such a large variety of birds in such a small place,” says bird enumerator Samjhana Karki from Barachetra. Among the 50 species of birds she spotted, most were water fowls with the Brahminy (ruddy sheldduck) being most numerous. The numbers of Brahminy ducks were down from last year, but this year the birders spotted the Greater White Fronted Goose for the first time in 17 years in Kosi Tappu. <img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221104091152/6364d39b6d4b75d28c18e2aajpeg.jpg" sizes="(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px" srcset="http://www.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/4-DSC_2631-300x200.jpg 300w, http://www.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/4-DSC_2631-250x166.jpg 250w, http://www.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/4-DSC_2631.jpg 640w" alt="Researchers during bird census. Photo: Kamal Rimal" width="640" height="426">Researchers during bird census. Photo: Kamal Rimal Says Baral: “The reason for the declining number is mostly human encroachment into wetlands and river banks. If this trend continues, the birds from Siberia will just fly on to India without stopping here.” Tourist lodges and eco-tourism entrepreneurs in Kosi Tappu are worried that the proliferation of livestock, use of pesticides in fields, and the decline in fish in the river will lead to further declines in the bird population. Says bird researcher and tourism entrepreneur Badri Chaudhary: “We need to make sure that the birds are undisturbed, we can dig wallows so the buffalos don’t go into the river.”

Nepal bird census

Who is accountable for teacher-student relationships?

Early on Monday morning, a bus from Pokhara to Kathmandu plunged off the highway in Dhading killing 19 passengers. Two weeks ago, another bus fell into the Tama Kosi in Manthali, killing 12. A few days before that a bus crash in Baitadi killed 13 people.&nbsp; In just the month before Nepal's election, more than 50 people have been killed in road traffic accidents. Most of these cannot be called 'accidents'. They are a direct result of poorly maintained highways and lack of enforcement of traffic discipline. Political parties in Nepal have rolled out their election manifestos, and voters are once again presented with a flood of promises. Page after page, these documents list megawatts and microcredit, highways and airports, jobs and investment. In these manifestos, growth is quantified, projects itemised, revenue forecast — and there are even threats to beat up contractors who do not finish their jobs. But when everything is declared a priority the stale promises are empty. The voter is left confused as to where the party’s loyalties really lie. Will any of these plans and pledges actually ever materialise and help Nepalis live longer, safer, healthier lives? The main job of any accountable government is to protect its citizens, not so much from foreign enemies but from domestic mismanagement. And this means the most basic test the new government should be made to pass is whether it can ensure basic well-being and protection for all its people. The problems of safety, health, and survival remain unresolved for most Nepalis, and are quietly eroding their lives. In the past year alone, the country’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/roadkill">roads and highways claimed more than 2,300</a> lives. An estimated 41,000 Nepalis die each year directly because of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/what-is-invisible-is-more-dangerous">air pollution</a>, and their <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/air-pollution-killing-season-starts-early">lifespans are lessened by 3.4 years</a>.&nbsp; <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/poor-health">Non-communicable diseases</a> now account for well over half of total deaths in the country. And even where survival has improved, deprivation remains. Chronic malnutrition continues to haunt communities in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/mass-migration-from-muktikot">Nepal’s western mountains</a> despite progress in maternal and child health.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260223130240_4f4ef83a31c3c4ae36ecdffb33a355e2fa3de9e98244b840a895af2d95c35ac0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260223130240_4f4ef83a31c3c4ae36ecdffb33a355e2fa3de9e98244b840a895af2d95c35ac0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="683" loading="lazy" alt="A life-first manifesto for Nepal NT"> </figure>  These are the lived realities of most Nepalis, and it is here that development can deliver its most immediate returns. A rising GDP, in and of itself, does not make roads safer, clean polluted air, or provide enough nutrition to children. Such outcomes demand intentional, granular policies that confront the specific, everyday problems shaping people’s lives.&nbsp; Macroeconomic growth, trade and investment are important, but these alone cannot guarantee improvements health and safety. The word ‘growth’, after all, is also synonymous with malignancy. Economic progress and human protection are correlated only when governance deliberately links them. Impact on life is the unit in which ordinary Nepalis calculate progress. What is needed, then, is a governing philosophy measurable in these same terms: a ‘life-first’ standard where every policy, budget, and reform can be understood and judged by its impact on protecting and extending human life. Such a ‘life-first’ approach would scrutinise three aspects of every policy. First, whether the policy prevents loss of life. A death is termed preventable if better, more coordinated response systems and regulations could have avoided it (vaccines, drugs, road safety, clean drinking water). A newly built six-lane highway <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/highway-accidents-are-no-accident-in-nepal">can be a death trap</a> due to poor design or lax enforcement of safety rules. If neonatal deaths continue in a district despite hospitals being present, or if malnutrition claims lives in predominantly agricultural regions, they too are failures. Preventable deaths also cluster where accountability is less direct. Just last year, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/suicides-a-pandemic-within-a-pandemic">Nepal recorded 6,866 suicides</a>, with nearly 20 lives lost every day, yet these deaths fail to prompt any serious examination of governance. The same holds for fatalities linked to domestic or communal violence, alcohol and substance misuse, or ‘natural’ disasters, which register as ‘tragedies without remedy’ rather than as outcomes policy can influence. But when avoidable loss of life recurs at scale, isolated incidents become patterns, and patterns reveal systemic neglect. Saving lives, however, is only the first step, and what matters just as much is the quality of years lived. Nepal’s life expectancy now stands at 71 years, yet many citizens spend years in avoidable disability, untreated chronic illness, or mental distress. A life- first government must ask not only whether people live, but whether they thrive. Are citizens able to pursue education, work, and family life without fear of preventable harm? Do communities have access to clean air and water, nutritious food, and basic healthcare? Can a teenager anywhere in Nepal imagine a future not foreclosed by premature marriage, or untreated depression?  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260223130240_157d72b80b82a07699b6bffbb30036b86f0f767a5674cc3db3d5c20343442940.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20260223130240_157d72b80b82a07699b6bffbb30036b86f0f767a5674cc3db3d5c20343442940" data-rendition-name="original" width="2529" height="1427" loading="lazy" alt="A life-first manifesto for Nepal NT"> </figure>  Thriving requires policies that prevent suffering and promote well-being in addition to ensuring survival.&nbsp; Finally, governance must consider graceful aging. Elderly Nepalis should not be left to navigate disease, poverty, or isolation alone. Social systems, healthcare, and community support must enable their continued participation and dignified well-being. Adopting this three-layered standard would gradually reorient how success of any new government is defined. Transportation would be judged by fatalities reduced on the roads. Electricity generation would be measured by whether households can switch from firewood dependence to smoke-free electric stoves.&nbsp; Increase in annual rice harvest must translate into better nutrition, reducing the prevalence of chronic diseases like diabetes. Accountability must follow problems rather than stop at Singha Darbar. Only then will politicians and bureaucrats eventually recognise that their work converges on the same human endpoint. Critics will argue that economies are complex, trade-offs are inevitable, and that governance cannot be reduced to a single metric.But, as Acemoglu and Robinson show in their book <a href="https://ia801506.us.archive.org/27/items/WhyNationsFailTheOriginsODaronAcemoglu/Why-Nations-Fail_-The-Origins-o-Daron-Acemoglu.pdf">Why Nations Fail</a>, the key difference between prosperity and poverty lies in inclusive institutions that empower citizens and create broad incentives for well-being.&nbsp; Extractive institutions concentrate power and wealth in the hands of a few while keeping the majority trapped in neglect. Nepal’s governance has remained a striking example of extraction. If lawmakers in the new Parliament continue to resist changes that would save and improve the lives of ordinary citizens, the same systemic rot will persist for generations to come. A life-first mentality can cut through this inertia by clarifying the moral centre of governance and reminding policymakers that behind every policy failure lies human cost. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/epicentre-of-hunger">Every mother in Bajura</a> with a child going hungry at night, every farmer in the Madhes unable to afford medical care, and every family that has lost <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/saving-kidneys-to-save-nepal">a migrant son to kidney failure</a> understands the true <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/dirty-dangerous-difficult-and-dehydrating">value of a life saved</a>. Life is the one metric that transcends ideology, ethnicity, and region. Centering governance on this single, focused metric, can shift an election from a contest of rhetoric to a contest of evidence. Which party ensured access to safe water and basic healthcare? Which made work at home and abroad safer and less exploitative. Which measurably extended healthy years of life for ordinary citizens? Health is wealth. By improving the healthy lifespan of citizens economic prosperity would follow naturally. A ‘life-first’ governance model would therefore compel Nepal to address the underlying structural failures across all sectors, rather than merely alleviating their symptoms. The GenZ protest that toppled the government last September was, at its core, a demand for accountability and a rejection of politics as usual. But as the country edges closer to the polls, that clarity has started to dissipate. Parties are now echoing the language of reform, but the public discourse remains dominated by promises that feel disconnected from Nepal’s most immediate and basic priorities. Every preventable death, every hungry child, and every neglected elder becomes a direct failure of governance and a moral debt the state must answer for. It is how we can make sure we keep the next government in check. The writers are Nepali GenZ students of biomedical engineering at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University.

Nepal’s life or death election

Chronic winter drought and decades of unmanaged forest biomass have turned wildfires into a systemic risk for Nepal. We need to re-learn to convert fire fuel in forests into fertilizer for crops.&nbsp; On 11 January, a huge forest fire spread rapidly from China into the forests of Sindhupalchok, 40km northeast of Kathmandu. The newly-opened Tatopani border checkpoint was closed. Smoke from the fire spread across central Nepal, blocking the sun.&nbsp; The fire burnt itself out within a few days, but the border stayed closed for longer. Such wildfires were once rare in mid-winter, and traditionally peaked between March and May as temperatures rose ahead of pre-monsoon showers. What is unsettling is not just the early onset of the fires, but also their scale. This shift is not accidental, the pattern has been unfolding over years due to winter drought, weakening post-monsoon moisture, and the accumulation of dry forest biomass as Nepal’s forest area doubled in the past 30 years.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022009024_5f4a84bb389f9b56f4fa47d4f694adcd464eb13b192d184af0f1eb20efdfeebf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026022009024_5f4a84bb389f9b56f4fa47d4f694adcd464eb13b192d184af0f1eb20efdfeebf" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1055" loading="lazy" alt="Wildfire season NT"> <figcaption>A NASA FIRMS image of Nepal with red dots signifying fires in February 2025.</figcaption> </figure>  Together, these factors have made forests tinder dry in spring, just waiting for a spark. Nepal has experienced winter drought in eight of the past ten years (this winter was an exception). Winter rain and snow at higher elevations play a decisive role in maintaining surface moisture, recharging shallow aquifers, and keeping forest floors damp enough to resist ignition. When winter rains fail, forests dry out months earlier than usual. Satellite-based assessments show a steep decline in surface moisture across the middle mountains of Nepal, particularly in areas with dense forest cover but limited undergrowth management. Springs that once flowed year-round are now seasonal.&nbsp; More than half of the springs in the mid-hills have either dried up or show significantly reduced discharge, a trend closely linked to declining soil moisture and disrupted recharge zones. Dry soil does not just threaten water security — it helps the vegetation ignite. FUEL WITHOUT FUNCTION For decades, Nepal’s forests have been accumulating dry leaf litter, fallen branches, shrubs, and deadwood. Historically, this biomass was not considered waste because rural households regularly collected leaf litter for livestock bedding, which was later composted and returned to farms as fertilizer.&nbsp; Forest floors were therefore relatively clean while the mulch fertilized farms. That relationship has steadily eroded due to outmigration, changes in livestock systems, restrictions on access to community forests, and the growing availability of chemical fertilisers.&nbsp; Community forests across the country today are thick with dry twigs, branches and leaves — a highly combustible carpet. When prolonged drought dries this biomass, even a small spark from a herder’s intentional fire, a cigarette, or lightning strike can trigger massive fires.&nbsp; Under such conditions, the question is no longer whether fires will occur, but how intense and widespread they will be. Forest fires are often framed as an environmental issue concerning trees and wildlife. In reality, their impact extends far beyond forest boundaries.&nbsp; Smoke travels faster and further than flames. Fine particulate matter, especially harmful PM2.5, spreads across countries. In recent fire seasons, air quality monitors in Kathmandu have recorded air quality levels several times higher than WHO guidelines. The smoke adds to Kathmandu’s own pollution and lingers for days.&nbsp; Flights are cancelled or delayed in cities like Pokhara, and poor visibility blocks mountain views affecting tourism. Health facilities report spikes in respiratory complaints, particularly among children and the elderly. Just as wildfires have multi-sectoral causes, the impact of forest fires go beyond forests. One critical dimension remains largely invisible: the soil. The fires cause silent damage beneath the ash, and the emergency does not end when the flames subside. Beneath the surface, soil suffers long-term damage. Organic matter burns away, beneficial microorganisms die. The soil structure weakens, reducing the land’s ability to absorb and retain water. The scorched earth is more prone to erosion, increasing the risk of floods and landslides once the rains return.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022009028_cc54ff056b2cac8b789cfd4d11afef9eaf943368e47b99aabd57c7b63b776cf2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2026022009028_cc54ff056b2cac8b789cfd4d11afef9eaf943368e47b99aabd57c7b63b776cf2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1717" height="2143" loading="lazy" alt="Wildfire season NT"> <figcaption>Wildfire risk map based on the validated Random Forest model (a) Overall reclassified wildfire risk map of Nepal, (b) District level wildfire risk, and (c) Municipality wildfire risk map.</figcaption> </figure>  In many of Nepal’s agricultural areas, soil organic matter levels are already below 2% -- lower than what is needed for resilient and productive farming. Repeated fires push these levels even lower, undermining soil fertility and forcing farmers to rely more heavily on chemical fertilisers, unleashing a vicious cycle of higher costs and food insecurity.&nbsp; Climate breakdown is often cited as the primary culprit, and rightly so. Rising temperatures and erratic rainfall have intensified fire risk. But fires in Nepal are increasingly the result of human intervention.&nbsp; The response of all three levels of government remains too little, and too reactive. Each year, resources are mobilised to extinguish fires once they have already spread. Far less attention is paid to managing the fuel load within forest undergrowth that makes such fires inevitable.&nbsp; Meanwhile, forestry and agriculture policies are not coordinated, missing opportunities to address shared challenges. Forest fires are not natural disasters, but predictable outcomes of governance choices. National plans and climate pledges set an ambitious target of raising soil organic matter to 4%. The science behind this goal is solid. Higher organic matter improves water retention, stabilises yields, reduces fertiliser dependence, and enhances long-term food security. What remains unclear is the pathway.&nbsp; Where will the organic inputs come from? How will they be processed and applied safely at scale? Without practical answers, the 4% target risks remaining aspirational rather than achievable. Forest undergrowth can be turned into fuel and fertiliser. Biochar is produced by heating organic biomass in a low-oxygen environment, converting it into a stable form of carbon that can be added to soil.&nbsp; When properly produced and applied, it improves soil structure, enhances water and nutrient retention, supports microbial activity, and locks carbon into the ground for decades. In Nepal biochar addresses two interconnected problems: reducing the accumulation of combustible biomass in forests, lowering fire risk, while simultaneously rebuilding depleted soils. In doing so, it restores the broken link between forest management and agriculture.&nbsp; Done well, biochar is not merely an environmental intervention. It is an economic one, with potential to create local employment, reduce farmers’ input costs, and support climate-smart agriculture. But biochar propagation depends on improved governance. If promoted as isolated pilots or short-term projects, it will fail. What is needed is institutional clarity: standards for production and safety, quality control mechanisms, farmer extension services, and coordination across local, provincial, and federal levels.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022009028_e6e2218f38fae5b1fe81d9f99078fe01f58d04b4b3b2c41447f017c3f838a1d4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2026022009028_e6e2218f38fae5b1fe81d9f99078fe01f58d04b4b3b2c41447f017c3f838a1d4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1536" height="2048" loading="lazy" alt="Wildfire season NT"> <figcaption>Freshly prepared biochar under control tempature (350-600°C).</figcaption> </figure>  Community forest user groups could manage biomass collection. Local governments then support safe, decentralised production units. Agricultural extension services guide farmers on application, linked to soil testing and monitoring. Such an approach would reduce fire risk, improve soil health, and generate rural livelihoods.&nbsp; Poorly produced biochar or contaminated feedstock can harm soils and human health. Without training, standards, and oversight, good intentions can backfire. Nepal needs to move beyond fire-fighting to fire prevention and confront the structural causes that make them a growing risk. It is not just a technical choice – it is one that demands political will from newly-elected leaders after March. &nbsp;&nbsp; Ngamindra Dahal is a hydrometeorologist with the Nepal Water Conservation Foundation specialising on climate and water management issues.&nbsp;

RED ALERT: Get ready for the wildfire season

Party flags and banners wave from electric poles, houses and e-rickshaws are festooned with posters. Madhes Province is in the grip of election fever, and in a tour through four of its districts, there is the sense that any efforts by mainstream political parties at reforms have come too little too late. Among the banners, the sky blue of the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/new-vs-new-in-nepal"> RSP is more prominent </a>here this time, and the rallying cry across the country for new and improved leadership is echoed on the ground. “For the people around here, whatever these old leaders are saying has become just noise,” says a lassi shop operator in Janakpur, waving a dismissive hand at flags with the NC’s tree symbol across the street. In Janakpur, UML nominee Raghubir Mahaseth was barred from canvassing door-to-door. Campaign posters of the mainstream parties have been torn from walls and replaced with RSP posters.&nbsp; In Inarwari village of Rautahat in the Madhes heartland, local elected officials whose parties have been merged into the Nepali Communist Party hope to retain enough supporters this election. But not many residents say they would vote for its candidate. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022005024_a793e3a19cbd536fde50708c4a41b8b0d39a4716c6973feddad889097b655641.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2026022005024_a793e3a19cbd536fde50708c4a41b8b0d39a4716c6973feddad889097b655641" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Battleground Tarai NT"> <figcaption>Photos: SHRISTI KARKI</figcaption> </figure>  A first-time voter in Sarlahi’s Haripur is home on a semester break from medical school in Kathmandu, and is waiting excitedly for 5 March. “You can’t really say out loud whom you’re voting for around here,” he says, as he mimes ringing a bell. “It is time for someone new to be in-charge." In the highway town of Bardibas, an elderly teashop owner says that all she hears are calls for घण्टी, the RSP’s bell symbol. “After all, bells are rung in the house of gods,” she says. “It seems like the right choice.” The RSP wave sweeping the nation after the GenZ movement is seen in Madhes, and the PR ballots might reflect that, notes political analyst Tula Narayan Shah.&nbsp; “But the socio-cultural networks, organisational setup, and legacy of democratic movement of traditional parties might still give them a fighting chance on the first past the post ballot,” he says. &nbsp;“The door-to-door campaign style of candidates has always been more prominent in Madhes than elsewhere.”&nbsp; Villages like Dhankaul in Sarlahi-4 where <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/grand-split-in-nepal-s-grand-old-party">Gagan Thapa</a> of the Nepali Congress (NC) is running against incumbent Amresh Singh, is an NC stronghold. Singh won the election here twice before in 2013 and 2017 when he was an NC leader, and still had goodwill among NC voters when he ran and won as an independent during the 2022 election. “I voted for him twice before when he was in the NC, but he did not do anything for this or other villages. Once he is elected, he has not set foot here,” says Rajiv Yadav, a voter in Dhanakul. “The RSP will get more votes here than last time, but Gagan is sure to win. This village will vote for him.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022005024_26691bb5a37edf705cc197a632d0bf032f984079a838d31bcd943bc0b9c97ff3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2026022005024_26691bb5a37edf705cc197a632d0bf032f984079a838d31bcd943bc0b9c97ff3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Battleground Tarai NT"> </figure>  Madhes is in the spotlight this election because two prime ministerial candidates have focused their attention in the region. Balen Shah began his campaign in Janakpur (main picture, left) in January as a ‘Son of Madhes’, and Gagan Thapa chose Sarlahi-4 as his constituency over Kathmandu-4, from where he has been elected since 2013.&nbsp; The Madhes has always been the battleground for Nepal’s electoral politics, and candidates from here, like Krishna Prasad Bhattarai from Parsa, Pushpa Kamal Dahal from Siraha, Jhala Nath Khanal from Sarlahi, and Madhav Kumar Nepal from Rautahat, have all been prime ministers. Despite electing politicians to high office in Kathmandu, districts of Madhes have consistently ranked low in development and service delivery indicators, especially in basic healthcare and education. Socio-economic inequalities stemming from a lack of opportunities has also meant that Madhes districts have the highest rate of out-migration in the country.&nbsp; What is different this time is that the people of the province have a Madhesi prime ministerial candidate who will represent them in national politics, and the main competition ultimately will be between the NC and RSP prime ministerial candidates. Interestingly, voters seem to be looking beyond Madhes-based parties who have historically campaigned on identity and federalism.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022005024_1b5c1134fb02ded72a12221200918df584b0cd003139bb2be44951efe9a65bf1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2026022005024_1b5c1134fb02ded72a12221200918df584b0cd003139bb2be44951efe9a65bf1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Battleground Tarai NT"> </figure>  “Leaders of Madhes parties have glorified their struggle for votes but failed to perform on good governance at local and provincial levels,” explains Tula Narayan Shah. “Now, Balen has become a PM candidate as a face of the region, and as someone who will deliver based on his work as Kathmandu mayor.” If the RSP wins, it will be governing in the absence of provincial leadership that would play a crucial mediatory role between Kathmandu and local units. On Wednesday, RSP’s Madhes province chair Mamta Sharma resigned from the party and joined the NC. There is also some underlying tension between RSP cadre loyal to Balen Shah and Rabi Lamichhane. “It is not prudent to predict who will win the election and whether parties will deliver on promises,” says Tula Narayan Shah. “But win or lose, there is little basis at this time to believe that the RSP will be committed to making the federal system and provinces more functional.” Voters here in the heart of the federalism movement, however, are willing to give the RSP the benefit of the doubt. &nbsp;Resident Brahma Dev in Janakpur told us: &nbsp;“The RSP, like parties that came before them, deserve a chance to prove their leadership in the next five years. If they do not deliver, we can always vote them out next time.”&nbsp; On Wednesday, NC leaders unveiled the party’s 10-point election manifesto at a large rally in Janakpur (main picture, right). Gagan Thapa began by addressing a cheering crowd in Maithili, and said the NC was reformed, adding:&nbsp; “The GenZ did not reject us, they told us to change our ways.” Also on Wednesday 800km away at the other end of the country in Dhangadi, Balen Shah, in a speech that lasted just three minutes, he said: “Don’t vote for us, give us work to do.”&nbsp;