<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110101152/636cca7c9c7e80680e08bb6djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1942" height="1294"/><figcaption>Prime Minister KP Oli addresses his supporters in Darbar Marg.</figcaption></figure>The tit-for-tat show of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/oli-vs-dahal-1-upmanship/">force between rival factions</a> of the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) continued on Friday with Prime Minister K P Oli choosing the symbolic venue of the former royal palace in Kathmandu to address thousands of his supporters.Despite overcast skies, a chilly wind and the threat of rain, Oli and his loyalists sat on an elaborate stage erected at the gates of the Narayanhiti Palace, and facing the T-intersection of the tree-lined Darbar Marg.“We thought we would have stability after winning the 2017 elections, but there was instability within the party,” Oli said. “However, we will not let their effort to sabotage Nepal’s march to prosperity succeed.”He boasted that this was the biggest rally ever held in Kathmandu, and without naming names, he said it took place despite the rival faction led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Madhav Kumar Nepal trying to stop people from attending by enforcing a national shutdown on Thursday.Oli poured scorn at those who had predicted that he would use the occasion to declare that Nepal’s Hindu monarchy be restored. He said: “Why would someone who has fought for so long against the monarchy do that? No one will be allowed to tamper with our federal democratic republic.”<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110101152/636cca809c7e80680e08bb6ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="884" height="589"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110101152/636cca829c7e80680e08bb6fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000">Oli’s intention appears to have been three-pronged:- To bring out more people on the streets than his rivals last week so as to impress the Election Commission, which is trying to decide which faction should have the NCP flag and poll symbol.- Use the speech as an election campaign to highlight his party’s development achievements.-  To convince the NCP cadre and the Central Committee that his faction is the mainstream of the party.The prime minister was more moderate than usual in his tone, not using derogatory phrases against his rivals. He gave a full-fledged campaign speech, highlighting what he said were his government’s development achievements, and assuring a cheering crowd that his government would exploit Nepal’s mineral, hydropower and natural resources to create jobs and raise living standards of Nepalis.Prime Minister Oli’s supporters appeared to be promoting a cult of personality around him, with a huge cutout of him above the stage, posters bearing the prime minister’s visage on every streetlamp post on Darbar Marg, and even a helium balloon with the party flag and Oli’s portrait on it. This invited comparisons on social media to King Gyanendra’s desperate attempts to hold on to power in 2006.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110101152/636cca859c7e80680e08bb70jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2403" height="1602"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110101152/636cca889c7e80680e08bb71jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1405" height="937">Alluding to Dahal’s warning that his group may need to abandon a ‘vegetarian’ agitation and go for a ‘non-vegetarian’ one, Home Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa warned his former Boss: “We will lock up anyone going for a non-vegetarian agitation in the zoo.”Oli loyalist and former Defence Minister Ishwar Pokhrel blamed Dahal and Nepal for wrecking party unity and squandering the gains of the 2017 election.While Nepal ground to a halt during Thursday’s strike by one faction, the rally by another at the centre of the city on Friday affected traffic movement all day with the main thoroughfares closed off.While Durbar Marg was occupied by the supporters of Oli, a civic group marched towards the presidential residence at Shital Niwas earlier in the day, protesting the government making unconstitutional appointments to constitutional bodies. Writers Khagendra Sangroula, Narayan Wagle, Sanjeev Uprety and others took part in the rally.Pro-Dahal leaders of NCP, led by Agni Sapkota also showed up at the Supreme Court on Friday to file a writ against the Constitutional Council convening without him to make the appointments. On Tuesday, President Bidya Devi Bhandari swore in the 32 individuals to various constitutional bodies.The Dahal faction claimed to have brought 100,000 people to its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/dahal-nepal-hold-anti-oli-rally/">demonstration near Tundikhel</a> on 22 January, while the Oli group boasted of a 200,000 crowd on Friday. It doesn’t end there—Dahal is responding with another rally in Kathmandu on 10 February. Then Oli loyalists are planning rallies in Butwal and Biratnagar on 13 and 20 February.The rallies are demonstrations are being seen as show of strength by the two NCP factions for the snap polls called by PM Oli for 30 April and 10 May. Again, this hinges on the Supreme court verdict on the Prime Minister K P Oli’s dissolution of the House.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110101152/636cca8c9c7e80680e08bb72jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1275" height="850"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110101152/636cca8f9c7e80680e08bb73jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2412" height="1608"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110101152/636cca929c7e80680e08bb74jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1431" height="954">Aside from the show of strength on the streets, leaders from both sides have been engaged in a war of words in speeches and through the media. The language used has been increasingly abusive, and derogatory. The two sides are also contesting for the NCP flag and symbol, with the decision again resting on the Election Commission.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/zero-sum-game-for-nepals-ruling-communists/">Cornered and isolated</a> by the Dahal-Nepal faction and the support it has within the NCP, Oli is now seen as <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/splitting-and-spitting/">turning to India</a> for support, as he continues to evoke Hindu ties with India in his interviews and conversations.There has been widespread criticism in social media against the NCP leaders for punishing the people for not being able to resolve their differences. The plight of the driver of a taxi that was set on fire by Dahal-Nepal supporters on Thursday got wide play in the media and got much sympathy.Dahal himself apologised to the public for the hardships they had to endure on Thursday, but he said it was all necessary to defend the federal democratic Constitution and rule of law. In his speech Oli also offered his regrets to the public for having cordoned off the city centre for the whole day.Indeed, the general public appeared to have stayed away from the rallies by both factions, which were populated mainly by party cadre bused in from all over the country.For most families in Kathmandu, there were more urgent things to do attend to than listen to speeches.“I take my daughter along when I go to work, and she had to walk with me for an hour because of Thursday’s bund,” said Sunita Lama, a single mother with a five-year-old.

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Oli’s tit-for-tat show of force

<figure><img width="1400" height="863" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101132/636a222b9c7e80680e041776jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Bhanu Bhattarai</figcaption></figure>If you still need proof about the poor quality of government schools in Nepal, just visit one of them. Not at a remote village in a remote district, but right here in the heart of the capital.Dark and dingy classrooms, cold as a refrigerator in winter, decrepit furniture, absent teachers, putrid waterless latrines. Classrooms are nearly empty, and most of the students are girls. Parents have such a low opinion of government schools that they send children to more expensive private schools — ingrained patriarchy means government schools are deemed just fine for the girls.Still, some 80% of students in the 35,000 schools in Nepal go to government and community-run schools, while about 18% go to private ones. Yet, only 30% of children enrolled in government schools make it to Grade 10, while 77% of students in private schools do. Only 25% of students in government schools pass the Secondary Education Examination (SE'E), while 81% of private school students graduate.Read also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; letter-spacing: 0.15px;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/class-struggle-2/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Class Struggle</a>, Prakriti KandelThe state of state-run schools is the result of chronic, criminal failure of successive governments to run its schools properly. So a 25-member High-Level National Education Commission headed by none other than Education Minister Girirajmani Pokhrel has taken the populist route to recommend that all private schools be scrapped in ten years. In that period, the fee structure of private schools and their taxation will be determined by local governments.Of all the instances of the Nepal government making decisions to shoot itself in the foot, this one is the most appalling, and one with serious consequences to the future of the country. It is like the pilot of a plane who finds one of his two engines has malfunctioned, and shuts down the one that is still running. To be sure, there is over-commercialisation in the private school system, with over-charging and lack of quality control. But the government’s job is to improve the quality of the schools it runs, not close down the schools that are trying to fill the gap in quality left by the state school system.The High-level Commission says it is institutionalising constitutional provisions for free and compulsory education for all Nepali children. But this does not factor in the crucial issue of quality. Private schools are thriving purely because of high demand from parents for better education. They work hard in Nepal and abroad to be able to afford the fees. Nepali parents deserve the choice to send their children to private schools if government schools are not meeting minimum standards.The only way to remedy the crisis in education is to improve the quality of instruction in community schools. In fact, we have reported in this paper about many instances where private schools have lost students to government schools with motivated teachers whose students excel in SEEs. Read also:<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/good-fellows/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Good fellows</a>, Prakriti Kandel<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/seven-years-in-tityang/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Seven Years in Tityang</a>, Sangmin KimPrivate schools are profit-driven, and that is their incentive to maintain a quality threshold. Teachers are compelled to be more accountable because there is direct supervision and an absence of unionisation that prevails in government schools. Parents work hard to be able to afford these schools.Turning private schools into non-profit trusts would remove the incentive investors have to open schools to meet the demand. Enforcing that rule would kill private education, and reduce Nepal’s education to the lowest common denominator. The private school system is definitely not fair to poorer parents. But a crucial reason why so many citizens are mired in poverty is precisely because they themselves did not get relevant, proper education. No matter how commercialised, private schools at least provide better level of instruction. And citizens have made it clear they prefer more expensive quality education over shoddy, free education. Taking away the option of a private school education would compel many Nepali parents to send their children abroad for high school studies, further exacerbating Nepal’s balance of trade deficit.The High-Level Commission and Minister Pokhrel who heads it would do well to pay attention to the 80% of students who still go to government schools, and ensure that they get the level of education that will guarantee better earnings and skills when they grow up.In a globalised world, Nepal must prepare human resources that can compete with other countries. The emphasis should be on upgrading the quality of community schools to ensure our children’s — and our nation’s — future.

LOWEST COMMON DENOMINATOR

“Let's have another cup of tea,” <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/ujwal-thapa-s-light-shines-on-n0tfurod">Ujwal Thapa</a> of the alternative Bibeksheel Nepali party told the young activist Pukar Bam ten years ago. The two had 12 cups of tea that day, discussing ways to get Nepal out of its political deadend. Thapa contested the Constituent Assembly election in 2013 as an independent from Kathmandu, and formed Bibeksheel Nepali to galvanise youth impatient for change, fielding candidates in the first federal election in 2017.&nbsp; Ujwal Thapa was a political guru who was way ahead of his time, and his protégés were among the RSP’s winning candidates in last week’s election. Pukar Bam was a core member of Bibeksheel Nepali until its dissolution, and won the Kathmandu-4 seat this time. Other former Bibeksheel members who won the election from the RSP in Kathmandu include Ranju Neupane from Kathmandu-1, Sasmit Pokharel from Kathmandu-5, and Biraj Bhakta Shrestha in Kathmandu-8. As votes were counted and the results from Kathmandu began to come in, the candidates paid fulsome tribute to Ujwal Thapa’s mentorship and in inspiring idealistic youth to become a part of an alternative political force.&nbsp; Today, as RSP members of Parliament, they are no longer an alternative, but a part of Nepal’s new mainstream politics. Thapa returned to Nepal after finishing his undergraduate computer science degree in the US at the peak of the Maoist insurgency. His foray into politics began when he traveled to Nepal’s western mountains to train communities in mediation. After the war, he started a computer design company for young entrepreneurs entering the workforce. But he became frustrated with the inability of the second Constituent Assembly to promulgate the Constitution, and the power struggle between political parties played out in the streets that led to frequent shutdowns paralysing the country.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260313120348_d18647d53a3b2927328067c35b2e3e6eecf9aefe13f23384e73a2c17211cd9cb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260313120348_d18647d53a3b2927328067c35b2e3e6eecf9aefe13f23384e73a2c17211cd9cb" data-rendition-name="original" width="823" height="682" loading="lazy" alt="The RSP's activist DNA"> <figcaption>Thapa with Pukar Bam, who was elected to Parliament last week from Kathmandu-4. Photo: PUKAR BAM / FACEBOOK</figcaption> </figure>  PROTEST TO POLITICS Ujwal Thapa had had enough, and rallied people from across walks of life, leading peaceful, silent demonstrations proclaiming 'नेपाल खुल्ला छ' against prolonged, violent strikes. Citizens fed up with the main political parties organised to defy the shutdowns. Thapa’s activism and vision for a new Nepal drew disenchanted and previously apathetic youth into politics and to join the Bibeksheel Nepali Party in 2013.&nbsp; Thapa was the pioneer of alternative politics in Nepal, and was leading a youth force long before the GenZ became synonymous with Nepal’s September Storm. He mentored and guided social activists who are today influential youth leaders engaged in non-traditional politics. “Ujwal Thapa, with his entrepreneurial spirit, wanted to address people’s pain-points, and believed that activism was the starting point to alternative politics,” explains <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-loses-rare-purpose-driven-leader">Ashutosh Tiwari</a>, former member of Bibeksheel Sajha party. “He sought to build confidence, motivate, and build a community for young people, which drew a lot of people into Bibeksheel.” He adds: “ And while people might say that Bibeksheel never got big, that was never its point. Its function was to be an early talent incubator, which is what it did as evident by the result of this election.” Thapa died in 2021 of complications related to Covid-19, and Bibeksheel had two mergers with Rabindra Mishra’s Sajha Party before being permanently dissolved in 2021. But many of its idealistic members joined Rabi Lamichhane’s RSP, formed just four months before the 2022 federal election. Such was the groundswell of support for change that the RSP became the fourth-largest in Parliament. In 2017, Ranju Neupane (then Ranju Darshana) was the youngest mayoral candidate for Kathmandu at age 21, and contested the federal election in 2022. Pukar Bam himself lost the 2022 election in Kathmandu-1 as an independent.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260313120348_6302a9b534f57191d9a2cb2c31b31449873c6cc27d375344a248dd90847921dd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260313120348_6302a9b534f57191d9a2cb2c31b31449873c6cc27d375344a248dd90847921dd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1729" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="The RSP's activist DNA"> <figcaption>Photo: SOCIAL MEDIA</figcaption> </figure>  Sashmit Pokharel also ran an unsuccessful campaign as an independent candidate in Kathmandu during the 2022 provincial election. Later, he was a member of the City Planning Commission under Balendra Shah when he was elected mayor of Kathmandu in 2022.&nbsp; Last week, the RSP swept the election with a supermajority of 182 seats in Parliament. Voters placed their trust in the party and its leaders to steer Nepal in a new direction after the youth unrest in September.&nbsp; In many ways, Nepal’s youth have decided, just as Ujwal Thapa once did, that enough is enough with corruption, malgovernance, nepotism and dynastic politics.&nbsp; In the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-man-who-shook-our-minds">documentary</a> about his life, Dimag Ghochne Manche, released earlier this year, some RSP nominees who previously worked with and were mentored by Thapa spoke of the impact he had on their lives, career, and activism. Among them is Biraj Bhakta Shrestha, former minister of Youth and Sports who is now a second time RSP parliamentarian. “I tell everybody that if it hadn’t been for Ujwal Dai, I would not have gotten into politics,” he says in the film.&nbsp; It would be unfair to attribute all the success of the hard-fought campaigns entirely to Ujwal Thapa’s protégés and former coworkers.&nbsp; But his ethos and vision for Nepal was what inspired them, and will in the coming years be reflected in national politics through the young idealists he mentored. Says Ashutosh Tiwari: “There are many Bibeksheels outside of RSP in constant and open communication with their old friends who have been elected. They will be keeping the lawmakers in check so that they do no stray too far from the values that they grew up with.”

RSP’s activist DNA

The series Nepal Made profiles Nepali products and the people who make them possible While premium beauty product outlets were closing during the Covid-19 pandemic, two young women gambled on setting up a new skin and haircare brand with natural ingredients mostly sourced from Nepal and suited for the Nepali complexion. Arushree Sharma Khatiwada and Megha Agarwal were batchmates in school before they left for studies abroad, returning to set up Avani Nepal after year-long rigorous research into ayurveda-based cosmetic products. Avani in Sanskrit means ‘earth’, and as the name suggests it is committed to bringing all natural, pure and authentic range of beauty solutions.&nbsp; “We found a gap in the Nepali market demand for cosmetics, which is why we decided on a brand sourced from all-natural Himalayan herbs that are not used or explored properly,” says co-founder Khatiwada.&nbsp; Nepal is a treasure trove for medicinal plants and those with therapeutic properties. After all, legend has it that Hanuman flew right across the subcontinent from Sri Lanka to the Himalaya to find a rare medicinal plant to save the life of Lord Ram, who was wounded in battle. When he could not find the specific plant, he tore off a whole mountain and brought it down. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/looking-good-by-doing-good">Looking good by doing good</a>, Sudiksha Tuladhar  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260314120356_32323fd084540236fe4edb3b98286c131d67c73310279c8038510da1e1ae1bc0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260314120356_32323fd084540236fe4edb3b98286c131d67c73310279c8038510da1e1ae1bc0" data-rendition-name="original" width="3024" height="2012" loading="lazy" alt="Avani"> </figure>  Medicinal plants in Nepal range from yarsagumba to jatamasi and 500 other species traditionally used in the Ayurveda as well as now in the wellness industry. Avani is also trying to experiment hibiscus, Himalayan honey and other plants to eventually launch an export drive. Running a business in Nepal is no easy task, especially for small scale locally crafted products but in a few years, Avani has ammased loyal customer base and have many repeat customers. “While it was tricky initially, we were determined to launch our products with the best quality ingredients and in an affordable price range,” says Khatiwada. Following a worldwide trend and emulating the method used by Korean cosmetic brands, Avani has deployed celebrities and influencers to increase its outreach through tikTok , Facebook and YouTube. &nbsp;Actresses Barsha Shiwakoti and Shilpa Maskey and makeup artists like Lemi have reviewed their products favourably. Sutainability is a big part of the brand, and Avani uses glass bottles, cardboard boxes, paper bags for all its products. Plastic use is cut to a minimum, and where used is recycled.&nbsp; “Many people think that sustainable brands are expensive, we want to bust that myth,” Khatiwada told us. “We focus on being eco-friendly using ethically sourced materials that are paraben, silicon, and cruelty free.”&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/proud-to-wear-dolpo">Proud to wear DOLPO</a>, Vishad Raj Onta  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260314120356_da0d7d4082a9aa51c96ecbcb8a2e7a5bc60e27de202fb339a522036aa3f50b49.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260314120356_da0d7d4082a9aa51c96ecbcb8a2e7a5bc60e27de202fb339a522036aa3f50b49" data-rendition-name="original" width="1048" height="1280" loading="lazy" alt="Avani"> </figure>  Avani has expanded its business to get a toehold in Nepal’s tourism and wellness industry, and the products are carried by spas in leading hotels and resorts in Kathmandu and Pokhara such as the Terraces, Marriott, and Kavya resort, and is in talk with the Hideaway Resort in Pokhara.&nbsp; The skin and haircare brand that initially started with 10 products has since expanded its line to 60 with goods placed in more than 100 stores across Kathmandu. Plans are in the works to expand to India, China and in Japan partnering with Okada. Avani Nepal’s founders say that they support empowerment through employment and training opportunities for women at the company. Khatiwada herself has been engaged with organisations such as Nepal Women Chamber of Commerce, and Nepal Youth Entrepreneur Forum. Additional support from the government such as the provision of lower excise duties has helped but guidance for export and other business regulations is as crucial. Such an environment would also foster opportunities for the youth who are otherwise moving away for jobs or study abroad. “While everyone is trying to go abroad, opportunities can be created here in Nepal itself, with adequate support from the government,” says Khatiwada. “In the meantime, we are eyeing for long term benefits. We are trying to create a legacy for cosmetic brands in Nepal.” Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/java-in-the-himalaya-y1ilc21h">Java in the Himalaya</a>, Vishad Raj Onta

Redefining the criteria for beauty

&nbsp;With a near two-thirds majority, the RSP has a chance that no other party in Nepal has ever had--to reboot how Nepal is run. Winning an election with such an overwhelming majority was one thing, but running an effficient government will be a whole new ball game. From the start, it will not be easy because the country is running straight into a major economic crisis due to the West Asia war.&nbsp; With 125 first-past-the-post direct wins and 57 proportional representation seats — over 47% of the total 10.7 million valid votes — the RSP has 182 seats in Parliament. The Nepali Congress (NC) is a distant second with 38 seats, while the UML is trailing with 25. Three more made it to the national party list: Nepali Communist Party (17), the royalist RPP (5) and the new entry Shram Sanskriti Party (7) led by former Dharan mayor Harka Sampang. Shram Sanskriti’s performance is also a clear indicator that identity politics is still a potent force. The RSP with its majority can now form a stable government for the next five years, but there are issues that may surface with the choice of Cabinet members and other appointments. PM candidate Balendra Shah and party chair Rabi Lamichhane both have big egos and are ambitious, and Nepal cannot afford rumours of a split be a self-fulfilling prophecy. There is precedent. The last two-thirds government under the Communist Party of Nepal formed after the alliance of UML and Maoist Centre in 2022 collapsed following a power struggle between two cop comrades K P Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal. History in Nepal has a habit of repeating itself. No elected government in Nepal has ever completed a full five-year term, so the RSP has a chance to rewrite history. Besides egos and the West Asia crisis, the party has other challenges: legacy parties rule local governments and the National Assembly. The RSP’s rejection of provincial elections and federalism in 2022 did not seem to have affected its votes in the Madhes, but local governments at the periphery will be trying their level best to make it difficult for the centre. The RSP’s strategy should be not to alienate the old parties, but try to win them over and collaborate to build bases outside of major urban centres.&nbsp; Some think Balendra Shah’s aloof and uncommunicative nature could hide an authoritarian streak. And Rabi Lamichhane has been scathing about media exposes of his alleged wrongdoings. Despite this, the RSP's strategy should be to avoid alienating civil society any more than necessary.&nbsp; The media’s role in a democracy is to play the adversarial check-and-balance role, especially when one party is so dominant. However, the press must give up its corrosive, cynical coverage that almost hopes the RSP will fail from day one -- especially since social media offers no help on that score. There are so many things wrong with Nepal that even at the best of times, and even with a supermajority government, it would be impossible to solve them all overnight. But voters are an impatient lot, and they expect a lot pronto.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260313080320_388d87c728fce65393a7042b4e649fe73af559b3459c45d8aff7f320acbd62dd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260313080320_388d87c728fce65393a7042b4e649fe73af559b3459c45d8aff7f320acbd62dd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1033" loading="lazy" alt="Page 1 map"> </figure>  Effective governance takes time, and the RSP must be given the chance even if it fails to make course-corrections. Shah and Lamichhane, on the other hand, must show restraint and prove their critics wrong. Instead of posting inflammatory content on their social media feeds and deploying cyber militias to troll critics into silence, they could try developing a thicker skin. The RSP could work on a clear strategy and plan of action to get this country back on its feet. The party's rise was built on emotion, not ideology. But every party needs ideals, just saying it is against corruption is not enough. Its stance on federalism, secularism, inclusion, need to be clarified. The RSP's lofty promise to bring young Nepalis home will be easier said than done. What will they return to? How can we make this worthwhile? And how do we provide jobs for the other 500,000 Nepali youth who enter the job market every year?&nbsp; Nepal will need liberal policies regarding domestic investment and FDI to reform manufacturing, industry, tourism and infrastructure to ensure jobs at home, while also working toward achieving the 7% annual growth rate projected by the RSP.&nbsp; Rabi Lamichhane has introduced the term 'development diplomacy’ to steer the country away from traditional geopolitics toward economic partnerships with India, China, and other international partners. But the environmental cost of mega projects must also be taken into account in the rush to development.&nbsp; The RSP’s anti-corruption drive, implementing a high-level commission to investigate assets acquired since 1990, must also include judicial reform. Meanwhile, quality health services and education must be affordable and accessible.&nbsp; Cleaning up the bureaucracy will be critical. Electoral reform including election spending and out-of-country voting must be a priority from the get go. It is a long to-do list. But for the very first time, the Nepali people are genuinely excited about their new leaders and the promised transformation. Not another Switzerland or Singapore, people just want better development, more efficient service delivery, meaningful jobs at home and an accountable government.&nbsp; That should not be too much to ask. Sonia Awale

As clear as a bell

The Asian Development Bank approved a $40M soft loan for Nepal’s Digital Transformation Project. The project aims to develop a citizen service portal, improve the national social registry, establish a government-wide data exchange platform, digitise 11 high-impact government services, and strengthen cybersecurity. The World Bank had previously approved a $50M loan for the same project.&nbsp;

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Oli’s tit-for-tat show of force

LOWEST COMMON DENOMINATOR

RSP’s activist DNA

Redefining the criteria for beauty

As clear as a bell

ADB $40M Loan