<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161148/636d1df29c7e80680e0af3e2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4032" height="3024"/><figcaption>Ex-ambassador Bharadwaj. Photo: KUNDA DIXIT</figcaption></figure>Narad Nath Bharadwaj was till recently Nepal’s ambassador to Qatar, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/swapping-ambassadors-midway/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">was among envoys recalled</a> by Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba’s governing coalition. At a time when labour diplomacy is critical as overseas recruitment resumes and Qatar gears up for FIFA World Cup in December 2022 in which hundreds of thousands of Nepalis are directly or indirectly involved, the country does not have a new ambassador in Doha. Bharadwaj spoke to Nepali Times about his tenure in the most popular destination for Nepali migrant workers. Excerpts: Nepali Times: Your tenure in Qatar coincided with the blockade of the country and the Covid crisis. What were your observations?Ambassador Bharadwaj: Yes, Qatar had been under blockade by Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt and Bahrain since 2017. Of Qatar’s population of 2.6 million, 2.2 million are migrants, of which 350,000 are Nepalis – in fact, more than the local population. One of my first impressions was how a geographically small and thinly populated country with just one visible revenue source can stand up against such powerful neighbours. The blockade forced Qatar to be self-sufficient and independent, and it increased its global diplomatic outreach, made allies with countries like Iran and Turkey and also prioritised economic sustainability. Unable to produce its own milk, it flew in 5,000 cows, started a dairy called Baladana, which has expanded to become a food company. Baladana is also among the larger recruiters of Nepali workers in Qatar.Then came Covid. Initially, Nepali and other workers went into panic mode. People wanted to rush home. We did not know the trajectory Covid-19 would take, but we had to try to reassure them. Panic would have meant that with our meagre resources the embassy would have been overwhelmed with people seeking shelter and flights home. We had to reassure our workers that we were working closely with the Qatar government and would look after them and arrange repatriation flights if needed. Despite this, companies went bankrupt and started<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-quarantined-in-qatar/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> laying off workers right and left</a>. Many Nepalis were jobless. This was March and it was getting unbearably hot. Initially we had asked the Qatar government to help provide shelter in Qatar itself since Nepal did not have the infrastructure to manage such a high volume of returnees. Ultimately, we managed 52 repatriation flights for 12,000 Nepalis. As things normalised and regular flights resumed, an additional 28,000 Nepalis left. I believe we managed this process without much chaos as was seen in other countries where stranded workers went on strike.The Qatar government has instituted labour <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-welcomes-qatar-labour-reform/">reforms</a>. Have they actually benefitted <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/in-the-minds-of-nepals-migrant-workers/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">migrant workers</a>? We were insistent about the need for higher minimum wages which they agreed in principle, but it took time for implementation. The basic minimum wage has been raised to 1000 Riyal, along with 300 Riyal for food and 500 Riyal for accommodation. Compared to other Gulf countries, wages and labour laws are relatively better.Initially, the government removed the NOC (no-objection certificate) requirement and made it easy for workers to change jobs legally. But so many workers changed jobs that employers like large construction companies objected. The government then required resignation letters which employers were not always willing to provide, and so many Nepalis sought help from the embassy. Though far-sighted, the removal of NOC was not effectively implemented. Employers have influence and can pressure the government, but are also under pressure to complete projects for<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/fifa-a-chance-to-improve-welfare-of-nepali-workers-in-qatar/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> the FIFA World Cup</a>.Are there going to be job openings in the service sector during FIFA? Will they be short-term? What can Nepal do to ensure workers have well-paying jobs after the World Cup? Yes, I have raised this issue numerous times in the past. The attestation process of the embassy to approve job demand requests makes it mandatory for the duration of employment contract to be two years but hiring during FIFA will be for short term work. Outside FIFA, there are also other short term, lucrative opportunities for workers, and Nepal’s Labour Ministry can change its policy to facilitate high-paying short-term work with zero cost fees. Workers on short-term work for low salaries will be at risk because recruiters can further game the system and leave them stranded and debt-burdened. This needs to be done very carefully.Infrastructure development was the biggest priority in Qatar till now, but the nature of hiring will likely shift to more skilled workers in maintenance and other technical jobs. There are only 600 Nepali engineers, 40-50 medical doctors and a few nurses. We should now prepare to send skilled workers. Nepalis have a good reputation in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/world-cup-stadium-workers-in-qatar-unpaid/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">service and hospitality sectors</a>, so there will be opportunities there too. We should really focus on language skills so Nepali workers are not shortchanged abroad.The 2005 Labour Agreement between Qatar and Nepal is being revised. What do you think it should include to benefit Nepali migrants? Periodic revision of minimum wages as per inflation and living expenses need to be prioritised. We need to be more proactive and have regular dialogue to facilitate investment in technical training institutes in Nepal which the Qataris are open about. Qatari employers also want to be directly involved in the recruitment of workers so we need to think about facilitating that to address malpractices in recruitment, especially to make sure workers do not have to take big loans. Qatar has a nationalisation policy to gradually reduce over-reliance on the expat population, and it wants to become self-sufficient in sectors like agriculture. With careful planning, we can be the source of such manpower and design technical training programs accordingly that will also help Nepal. It is up to us to be strategic and proactive about skills and language training programs.There are reports that Qatar will send back migrant workers before the FIFA games?The Qatari authorities had shared with us that new recruitment will be restricted temporarily in the runup for FIFA. But they had not said anything about repatriating workers. Qatar is expecting about 2 million fans, players and delegations and they have invested massively in additional accommodation, but even then it may not be enough. Larger employers will not lay off or deport workers, but there has to be paid or half-paid leaves for those sent back. Migrant workers are indispensable and employers will again need them after the games. Qatar is planning for a post-petroleum era, and has projects planned that requires migrant workers even after the World Cup.How are Nepalis perceived in Qatar, and how can Nepal build on bilateral ties?In my meetings with Qatari authorities including the Emir, they have always been very appreciative about Nepalis, and have consistently expressed their gratitude for their contribution towards Qatar’s development a reality. In Qatar and the Gulf region, the authorities are more focused on top level dialogue and relationships and not procedural details as part of their diplomatic outreach, whereas we Nepalis are too entangled on procedure and view day to day activities of embassies as sufficient for diplomacy. Relationship building relies on dialogue and goodwill exchange between the top leadership of the two countries and high-level country visits. We do not prioritise this enough.

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Nepal must now send skilled workers to Qatar

Samsung Nepal has opened pre-orders for the Galaxy A57 5G and A37 5G. Both phones run Samsung’s One UI 8.5, featuring AI capabilities like voice transcription, Circle to Search, and photo editing. They feature a 50MP triple-camera system, a Super AMOLED display, and six years of OS and security updates.

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‘One early morning, we heard the ambassador’s wife cry out, “Ram, Ram, Ram!” A disaster has befallen Nepal!” She had heard on the radio that a fire had consumed Singha Durbar." This is not about the arson attack on 9 September 2025, but the one on 8 July, 1973. It started in the South Wing of the then single-largest building in all of Nepal. It took two days to bring the blaze under control, requiring the use of explosives to demolish one wing to protect the imposing western facade. As Bhekh Bahadur Thapa recalls in the English translation of his memoir A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy, he was then on leave from the Nepal government serving with the IDRC in Ottawa.&nbsp; He had already served as Nepal’s Finance Secretary at age 25, went on to be Finance Minister and Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank. He was already younger than some of the GenZ ministers in Nepal’s present RSP government. Thapa, now 89, was at the launch of the book in February which was attended by former diplomats and bureaucrats. After speeches by panelists, there was a question from the audience about how Thapa had managed to be the diplomat he was, managing Nepal’s international relations on the world stage.&nbsp; Writer and journalist Akhilesh Upadhyay, who was moderating the panel, responded by going into the section of the book where we see Thapa as an ambassador to the US, playing tennis with White House officials, cultivating a network of contacts to project the identity and welfare of Nepal, and making it possible for a state visit by King Birendra to Ronald Reagan’s America. The book is full of anecdotes that suggest Thapa was a clever and strategic diplomat, always calm and unruffled, easily making friends in high places with his maturity and engaging sense of humour. Thapa’s memoir is heavy on details about Nepal’s administrative history during the years he was active in public service, serving as minister and ambassador under three kings: Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra, and alongside five prime ministers.&nbsp; Aside from an insider look on how certain treaties, development deals and research projects in Nepal came into fruition, Thapa goes into great detail about his personal and professional relationships with the kings, ministers, ambassadors, foreign leaders and politicians.&nbsp; As a reader, one is struck by the level of detail around the events that unfolded in Nepal over the years during Thapa’s tenure. Was Thapa recording a journal over the years of the events and the conversations that transpired, or were they committed to his phenomenal memory? Either way, the reader gets a glimpse of Nepal’s recent history from the early days of the Panchayat, through the People’s Movement and the democracy period, the Maoist insurgency, Royal Palace massacre of 2001, and Gyanendra’s coup of 2005.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1584" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="How to win friends and influence nations NT"> </figure>  Not enough is said about the political parties of the time whose presence led to the way Nepal’s multiparty democracy came to be shaped. The book keeps its focus on the administration and the key figures around it, mostly those in the Panchayat era. Towards the second half of the book, we do start to hear about political parties, but not in great depth. Another figure whose presence in the book is conspicuously less prominent is that of his wife, Rita Thapa — the person who seems to have rescued him every time financial quandary or family care became a challenge. Yet, we do not see her as a full person. Perhaps because of the personal tragedies in his life, the children are also barely mentioned.&nbsp; The book is therefore less personal and more technical. Throughout, we learn about Thapa’s thinking as he navigated the world of diplomacy to win him the trust of those who mattered. There are tips here for a new generation of Nepali officials and diplomats about how much commitment and focus is needed to be good at one’s job and serve the national interest. This book adds to tomes that have been written on Nepal’s fragile relationship with India. ‘India has always wished for Nepal to remain dependent on it,’ writes Thapa, who served as Nepal’s ambassador to India and later in the Eminent Persons Group &nbsp;on Indo-Nepal relations that has been allowed to languish. The book has several insights into the Indo-Nepal trysts with diplomacy and agency.&nbsp; China’s role is also recorded, viewed through conversations during a visit to Beijing, but all that was before Nepal’s neighbour to the north emerged as a world economic and military power. The book also has such sudden instances of quirkiness and humour. For instance, we see a young Thapa in America explaining to a government official why he would like to return to Nepal instead of settling down in the US. “Because, Nepal is beautiful,” he said. The text is immaculate and does not read much like a translation, credit for which clearly goes to the team that put the edition together: translator Prawin Adhikari, &nbsp;Anagha Neelakanthan and Bhekh Thapa’s daughter, Manjushree. As Nepal enters a new era of governance and diplomacy, A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy should be essential reading for students of political science, economics and foreign affairs who can gain a fresh perspective on the country’s trajectory.&nbsp; There are dozens of forgotten state secrets recorded in the book, but the reader must also remember this is a story told from one person’s perspective and there may be others.&nbsp; So, what really made Thapa the diplomat he was? I met him in 2004 at the Kantipur TV studio when he was serving as king Gyanendra’s foreign minister. He was there for a studio interview, and I was just done with my English newscast.&nbsp; He surprised me at the door: “Pratibha! I’ve been reading your articles in The Kathmandu Post. You must keep writing.” I thanked him, glad to have been noticed for my work by a stranger. That was perhaps one of the things that set Thapa apart — he excelled at staying close to those in power, while also noticing those who were not.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Book details"> </figure>

How to win friends and influence nations

Prime Minister Balendra Shah on Wednesday broke tradition and met with 17 foreign envoys collectively, a move that was a notable departure from how his predecessors operated.&nbsp;
Shah had already set himself apart by talking less, listening more, and delegating to trusted friends. But by meeting all ambassadors at one go in the presence of the Foreign Ministry, he signalled a paradigm shift in how he wants Nepal to be seen: no longer just balancing India and China, but as a country confident about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/tripolar-contestation-over-nepal">strategic importance and place in the world</a>.
In just two weeks, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rsp-dos-and-don-ts">RSP has sprung into action </a>on multiple fronts to implement its ambitious 100-point, 100-days action plan. It has taken short-term measures to mitigate the impact of the Gulf war, as well as medium- and long- term measures to streamline the bureaucracy. A few high-profile figures have been made examples of to drive the message home.
Earlier this week, the government recalled six politically appointed ambassadors, the most notable being long-serving Shankar Sharma from New Delhi. The Kathmandu District Court issued arrest warrants against former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his former foreign minister wife Arzu Rana on charges of money laundering and corruption.
Each ministry has been trying to clean up the accumulated rot from the past three decades: regulatory overhaul of microfinance, education, health and service delivery.&nbsp;
These actions widely disseminated campaign-style on YouTube and TikTok have made most Nepalis hopeful that the party they installed in power means business.
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BACKLASH
But such attempts to overhaul a long-entrenched political culture were bound to face backlash. In their impatience and enthusiasm to get things done, some of Prime Minister Shah’s ministers have over-reached.
It was common knowledge that government-paid advertising in the mainstream press was kickback-driven, but the PMO’s directive that official notices be published or broadcast only on state-run media has been denounced — especially as the media industry struggles to stay afloat.
More serious are some recent appointments by ministers of relatives and figures closely associated with the RSP to key positions. This has rankled because this party built its political plank on ending nepotism and graft.&nbsp;
News that Home Minister Sudan Gurung allegedly had not paid rent on leased land, which illegally encroached on the lake in Pokhara did not help. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Shah himself has come under scrutiny for appointing a kitchen cabinet full of male buddies from his time as Kathmandu mayor. To douse criticism he brought in as adviser investigative journalist Deepa Dahal, who has exposed corruption in high places of the previous coalitions.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment of another political adviser Asim Shah to the head Constitution Amendment Task Force, is also seen as problematic. He is a filmmaker and former lawmaker, but does not have a background in constitutional law.&nbsp;
Even more controversial is the Cabinet’s decision to appoint RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane’s legal counsel, Narayan Kandel, as Attorney General. Kandel used to be a UK permanent resident, and does not have as much experience practicing law in Nepal.&nbsp;
Kandel’s appointment drew flak and raised eyebrows, and with the pending legal cases against Lamichhane this appointment represents a flagrant conflict of interest.
Health Minister Nisha Mehta was also accused of favouritism after reappointing Junu Shrestha, wife of Labour Minister Dipak Kumar Shah, as member of the Health Insurance Board which had earlier suspended her. The Labour Minister’s rambling rant at the Board’s meeting on Tuesday has not helped the RSP’s image.&nbsp;
(UPDATE: On Thursday, Prime Minister Shah sacked the Labour Minister after the RSP found him in breach of the party's code of conduct and discipline. He served 14 days in the Cabinet, one of the shortest tenures for a minister in Nepal )
It is hard to know what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Balendra Shah is thinking</a>, and how Rabi Lamichhane is going to justify some of these moves. After all, making politics, governance, and bureaucracy a meritocracy has been the core tenet of the RSP, and it risks alienating its mainly youth base if these missteps persist.
But at least for now, most RSP supporters seem to be giving the party the benefit of doubt.

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Nepal must now send skilled workers to Qatar

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Nepal’s new government springs into action