We all knew that the populist surge in India would impact on Nepali politics at some point, especially as the great neighbour across the open border to the south nears elections this year.&nbsp;
But the saffron that has begun to pigment the Nepal Tarai is different from India’s saffron wave. Events in India do colour Nepali politics, but it is important to make a distinction between India’s Hindu-tva and Nepal’s Hindu-ism.
India and Nepal both have Constitutions that guarantee the separation of politics and religion. However, at least in India, that has become a relic of the dim past. The lines between faith and ideology are becoming blurred.
Is the attraction to faith-based politics in Nepal affected by religio-cultural needs, or is it the political agenda of some political parties? There are different strands of Hindu right politics in Nepal, and we have to see the distinction.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/crimson-saffron-and-green">Crimson, saffron and green</a>, Chandra Kishore
The Shah dynasty that was removed after the abolition of monarchy in 2008 is attempting to ride India’s saffron wave. The irony is that it was a Centre-Left government in India at the time that pushed for Nepal to adopt a federal republican structure.
But at the people’s level, Hinduism transcends religion--it is a way of life and its concepts of tolerance (बसुधैव कुटुम्बकम ) or equity (सर्वे भवन्तु सुखिन) touch the everyday lives of communities on both sides of the border.
Hindutva politics in India is not new; it has a long history that goes back to the independence struggle against the British. But today, it has become a part of mainstream politics. It has latched on to many contradictions and regressive ideas, but has become a political ideology of the ruling party, sidelining other secular and regional parties.
However, in Nepal, Hindutva as a political ideology is still nascent. Its seeds have been planted on a soil fertilised by democratic decay. There was an attempt to push the Hindutva agenda during the 2006 People’s Movement, but it did not take root in the desiccated post-war polity. &nbsp;
Read also:<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/faith-in-tolerance"> Faith in tolerance</a>, Editorial
But today, mainstream parties (even avowed Communist ones) are competing with each other to cloak themselves in saffron. Old, new, democratic, communist, reactionary--all kinds of parties are on the bandwagon.
Even though Nepal was till recently a Hindu monarchy, religion was never overtly the basis for politics in democratic Nepal. But because the political parties post-2006 have failed so miserably to address the people’s basic needs, they wave the saffron flag to maintain their base.
To the south, Hindutva ideologues have already identified who the ‘Others’ are. India’s minorities feel they are being targeted, and those who believe in secularism have been declared enemies of the state.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/india-s-hindutva-politics-influencing-nepal">India’s Hindutva politics influencing Nepal</a>, Santa Gaha Magar
Some of Nepal’s parties want to use faith-based politics to turn the clock back on republicanism and inclusion while others just want to delete secularism from the Constitution. Others want federalism scrapped. It is not just domestic disillusionment that is driving this--the wind is also blowing from the south. &nbsp;&nbsp;
India’s Hindutva forces have been involved in a decades-long strategy to influence literature, Bollywood, think tanks, the mass media, and other sectors of national life. However, in Nepal, the parties that espouse Hindutva have borrowed it for political expediency, not because they actually believe in its relevance or have a clear plan. &nbsp;
Simmering discontent with secularism was fanned by India’s Hindutva forces over time to turn it into a raging blaze. The Indian Congress and regional parties appear powerless to challenge this juggernaut at the national level. Some of them have gone soft, while others have also fallen into the trap of communalism.
In Nepal, reactionaries are using faith-based politics to jumpstart their failed careers. They do not understand that this can lead to a fluid situation with unintended consequences as we have seen with recent communal tension along the Tarai.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/religiously-following-politics">Religiously following politics</a>, Chandra Kishore
The same social media symbols and tropes that are being pushed in India are also being spread in Nepal. In India, there is just the BJP that is the locomotive of Hindutva, but in Nepal it is every opportunistic party either in the fringes or mainstream. And they are all competing with each other to be more saffron.
Even the RPP and king Gyanendra have not been able to prove themselves as the main driving force. Which is why the secular parties are sanguine that Hindutva ideology does not have widespread support. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
But it is essential to sort out whether Hindutva is just using Nepal’s open and pluralistic politics, or if it really has a larger following. There is an attempt at historical revisionism, and to a certain extent it is impacted by regional political alignments in India. &nbsp;
Whatever happens during India’s election year, Nepal’s politics has its own dynamics even if it may echo slogans heard from across the border. But this is a train they are climbing on to without knowing which way it is headed. &nbsp;&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/long-leave-the-king">Long leave the King</a>, Alisha Sijapati
Chandra Kishore is a Birganj-based media commentator and writes this monthly column Borderlines for Nepali Times.
@kishore_chandra

Chandra Kishore

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The south wind blows

<figure><img width="1400" height="933" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714118/636903699c7e80680e037cc0jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Gopen Rai</figcaption></figure>In 2015 a clear majority of Nepalis chose, via constitutional assembly, to <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/making-the-best-of-the-new-constitution,2588" target="_blank" rel="noopener">promulgate a constitution</a> that strives to unify a country with many differences, in the interests of good government, justice, prosperity, and peace.This constitution is the supreme law of the land. By accepting the sovereignty of the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/09/16/ca-passes-nepals-constitution/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">constitution</a>, Nepalis have accepted the rule of law, applicable equally to the government and to individual citizens. Ultimately then, the quality of government and of citizenship will depend on observance of the rule of law, beginning with the constitution.The constitution has introduced fundamental changes in the country’s governance. The most prominent change has been to restructure the Nepali state into 753 <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/trial-error-democracy,3713" target="_blank" rel="noopener">local governments</a>, seven provincial governments, and one <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Analysis/how-decentralised-is-federalism,776" target="_blank" rel="noopener">federal government</a>.Read also: '<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=11093&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The letter and spirit</a>', EditorialArticle 232 of the constitution, which addresses the relations among the three types of government, makes clear that they are not hierarchically related, rather, their relationships 'should be based on the principles of co-existence, cooperation, and coordination'.Each type of government enjoys certain exclusive powers that can be exercised independently, with concurrent powers of the federal, provinces, and municipalities also listed in various constitutional schedules.Although each form of government has multiple, exclusive powers that can be exercised independently, the functions of these governments are significantly interdependent for the purposes of public goods and services delivery.This interdependence creates patterns of cooperation, competition, and conflict that merit serious consideration and begs the question of the role of federal government in observance of the rule of law, beginning with the constitution.Read also: '<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=11137&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal's constitution, 3 years later</a>', Prakriti KandelArticle 235 of the constitution requires the Federal Parliament to enact legislation in order to maintain coordination and to resolve disputes between and among the federal, provincial, and local governments.This role is particularly important given that there are over 300 laws that must be amended and over 100 new laws that must be drafted to fully implement constitutional provisions and address overlaps and contradictions in constitutional provisions.A quick scan of legislation enacted (or not) since <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/by-the-way/new-constitution-should-adopt-inclusive-democracy-with-federalism-republicanism-secularism,538" target="_blank" rel="noopener">promulgation of the Constitution in 2015</a> shows an absence of care for constitutional provisions and indeed for the general defining characteristics of a society that adheres to the rule of law.Some minimum standards can be applied to substantiate this claim: for example, we can ascertain the presence or absence of legislation necessary to deliver fundamental rights to the people as stipulated in the constitution, to fulfil obligations that Nepal has towards international conventions, to adhere to directive principles of the state enunciated in the constitution’s preamble, and to clearly demonstrate a constitutional basis for the exercise of power by government.To date, legislation pertaining to fundamental rights and transitional justice have not been enacted, nor have laws on dispute resolution related to the implementation of federalism.In fact, laws that have been enacted since 2015 have mainly reduced clarity, coordination, and cooperation. Finally, laws that should provide the constitutional basis for the exercise of provincial and local government authority to federal standards have not been enacted. In their absence, provincial and local government assemblies run the risk of enacting provincial and local laws that violate or don’t meet federal standards. They, therefore, have adopted a wait-and-see approach.While legislation inconsistent with the constitution, even if duly enacted, may be held unconstitutional and so invalid, it is equally important to abide by time-critical constitutional provisions for the implementation of federalism.Since promulgation of the constitution in 2015 and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/the-election-fever-federal-and-parliamentary-election,3982" target="_blank" rel="noopener">successful elections in 2017</a>, devolution in Nepal is outpacing the rate at which new laws can be developed, exceeding the capacities of newly-elected representatives, and challenging the mindset of civil servants trained in a centralised, hierarchical system of public administration.The next several months will be decisive in making the difference in Nepal’s plans to share rule and self rule amongst its federal, provincial, and local governments.It will not be enough to aspire to a society characterised by political, economic, and social justice. It will require both government and citizen to observe the rule of law and submit to the constitution.George Varughese advises the Niti Foundation in Kathmandu.Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/by-the-way/new-constitution-should-adopt-inclusive-democracy-with-federalism-republicanism-secularism,538" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Federalism, republicanism, secularism</a>, Anurag Acharya<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/making-the-best-of-the-new-constitution,2588" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Making the best of it</a>, Editorial

Share rule and self rule

<figure><img width="800" height="1085" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714114/6369032c9c7e80680e037ca8jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Bhanu Bhattarai</figcaption></figure>The <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/09/16/ca-passes-nepals-constitution/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Constitution of Nepal was passed in 2015</a> after two Constituent Assemblies, as a part of the peace process and through a period of great social polarisation. This was followed by <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/autopsy-of-a-blockade%20,2863" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the Indian Blockade</a>, and in 2017 through <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">three tiers of elections</a> the-election-fever-federal-and-parliamentary-election,3982.This Constitution is meant to chart Nepal’s path to the future, but much depends on how sagaciously it is implemented amidst Nepal’s ever-present socio-political turmoil. It is essential to study the Constitution, to make changes where required, but to proceed to implement the letter as well as the spirit.The challenges to the implementation of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/by-the-way/new-constitution-should-adopt-inclusive-democracy-with-federalism-republicanism-secularism,538" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the new Constitution</a> start with many of the framers themselves not taking ownership of the text. Senior-most negotiators from the political parties claim they were forced to adopt provisions under ‘pressure’. That is unconvincing, they have a duty to take unequivocal ownership, and thereafter to do what is necessary through amendments, appropriate laws, and so on.Read also: '<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=11142&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Share rule and self rule</a>', George VarugheseTalking of laws, the Constitution requires the adoption of hundreds of laws, and that is where the spirit of the document must carry through. Instead, not only has the political turbulence of the past couple of months delayed the drafting, much of the responsibility on the drafting has been handed to the top-level bureaucracy where there is great resistance to innovations in <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/making-the-best-of-the-new-constitution,2588" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the Constitution</a>.The fundamental freedoms enunciated in the Constitution are very broad, and the laws are needed to make them justiciable. Missing the deadline will set a poor precedent and weaken the public’s trust in the Constitution and its ‘handlers’. Several laws have been adopted (such as in education, local government) which experts say go against the tenets of federal devolution of powers.The sense of arrogance within the ruling coalition, with its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/two-thirds-empty/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">near-two-thirds majority</a>, and the disarray within the Nepali Congress following its rout last year, too, is leading to a standoff in Parliament. This is unfortunate because a minimum level of goodwill is required between the political forces if the Constitution is to be implemented through laws that uphold the spirit of representative democracy, inclusion and equity enshrined in the Constitution.Read also: '<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=11137&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal's constitution, 3 years later</a>', Prakriti KandelNo doubt, there are weak points and contradictions in the Constitution. Many new advances are not fully understood by stakeholders. There must be a sense of excitement and ownership around the Constitution. Any attempt to undermine it will not only invite socio-political chaos but will be accompanied by mass psychological distress, leading to the economy not being able to rise to the potential of Nepal’s landscape and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/need-to-prepare-for-ageing-society,3624" target="_blank" rel="noopener">demography</a>.It is imperative that all forces outside of the political parties gather their forces to protect, advance and (as required) amend the Constitution. Nepal’s civil society has so far been concentrated in Kathmandu Valley, but civil action now needs to well up from all seven provinces. Nepal now has federal, provincial and local governments, and this has to be reflected in social activism.Civil society has an important role in nurturing the new Constitution and promoting its implementation. President <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/10/28/the-first-woman-president/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bidya Devi Bhandari’s</a>  role is definitely ‘constitutional’, but by that very token one of her principal tasks must be to use good offices and goodwill to goad the government in the sagacious implementation of the laws of the land.In the meantime, recalling its well-meaning and sometimes prejudiced involvement in the Constitution-writing phase, it would help if the international community maintained a positive spirit to support implementation.No Constitution is complete by itself, besides the laws, there is a need for a corpus of court judgements and commentaries which will accumulate over time. The American Constitution was assisted in its implementation by what are known as the Federalist Papers, while the detailed deliberations in India’s Constituent Assembly, as chaperoned by BR Ambedkar, have served in understanding the spirit beyond the letter of the Indian Constitution.In the case of the Nepal Constitution, there seems to have been a lapse in not archiving the debates. Better late than never, we need to start building a corpus which will help in understanding and implementing the new Constitution.We hope the Conference on the Constitution of Nepal, 2015 which brings together constitutional experts from Nepal, South Asia and beyond, being held in Kathmandu over the weekend, will help in building commentary on the Constitution.Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/by-the-way/new-constitution-should-adopt-inclusive-democracy-with-federalism-republicanism-secularism,538" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Federalism, republicanism and secularism</a> , Anurag Acharya<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/making-the-best-of-the-new-constitution,2588" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Making the best of it</a>, Editorial <h2>10 years ago this week</h2> Three years after the Constitution was promulgated, we look back at the issue of Nepali Times ten years ago this week which contained a package of reportage on urban decay, lawlessness, the unacceptable rise in crime. <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15104#.W202gtUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The editorial</a> in the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/412" target="_blank" rel="noopener">#412 edition of 8-14 August 2008</a> week said:‘At the root of all these problems is the prolonged lack of legitimate government and the unnecessarily lengthy post-election powerplay. This is a classic example of what happens when elected leaders lack accountability and are obsessed about retaining power at all cost. Police posts removed during the insurgency need to be restored. VDC secretaries need to be in the villages. School teachers must be liberated from extortion. A stopgap political setup will have to be devised at village, district and municipality levels till the next local elections are held. Development can’t happen in the present vacuum. <img width="165" height="250" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714114/6369032f9c7e80680e037ca9jpeg.jpg" alt="">

The letter and spirit

Samsung Nepal has opened pre-orders for the Galaxy A57 5G and A37 5G. Both phones run Samsung’s One UI 8.5, featuring AI capabilities like voice transcription, Circle to Search, and photo editing. They feature a 50MP triple-camera system, a Super AMOLED display, and six years of OS and security updates.

Galaxy A series

Know your Ministers

‘One early morning, we heard the ambassador’s wife cry out, “Ram, Ram, Ram!” A disaster has befallen Nepal!” She had heard on the radio that a fire had consumed Singha Durbar." This is not about the arson attack on 9 September 2025, but the one on 8 July, 1973. It started in the South Wing of the then single-largest building in all of Nepal. It took two days to bring the blaze under control, requiring the use of explosives to demolish one wing to protect the imposing western facade. As Bhekh Bahadur Thapa recalls in the English translation of his memoir A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy, he was then on leave from the Nepal government serving with the IDRC in Ottawa.&nbsp; He had already served as Nepal’s Finance Secretary at age 25, went on to be Finance Minister and Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank. He was already younger than some of the GenZ ministers in Nepal’s present RSP government. Thapa, now 89, was at the launch of the book in February which was attended by former diplomats and bureaucrats. After speeches by panelists, there was a question from the audience about how Thapa had managed to be the diplomat he was, managing Nepal’s international relations on the world stage.&nbsp; Writer and journalist Akhilesh Upadhyay, who was moderating the panel, responded by going into the section of the book where we see Thapa as an ambassador to the US, playing tennis with White House officials, cultivating a network of contacts to project the identity and welfare of Nepal, and making it possible for a state visit by King Birendra to Ronald Reagan’s America. The book is full of anecdotes that suggest Thapa was a clever and strategic diplomat, always calm and unruffled, easily making friends in high places with his maturity and engaging sense of humour. Thapa’s memoir is heavy on details about Nepal’s administrative history during the years he was active in public service, serving as minister and ambassador under three kings: Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra, and alongside five prime ministers.&nbsp; Aside from an insider look on how certain treaties, development deals and research projects in Nepal came into fruition, Thapa goes into great detail about his personal and professional relationships with the kings, ministers, ambassadors, foreign leaders and politicians.&nbsp; As a reader, one is struck by the level of detail around the events that unfolded in Nepal over the years during Thapa’s tenure. Was Thapa recording a journal over the years of the events and the conversations that transpired, or were they committed to his phenomenal memory? Either way, the reader gets a glimpse of Nepal’s recent history from the early days of the Panchayat, through the People’s Movement and the democracy period, the Maoist insurgency, Royal Palace massacre of 2001, and Gyanendra’s coup of 2005.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1584" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="How to win friends and influence nations NT"> </figure>  Not enough is said about the political parties of the time whose presence led to the way Nepal’s multiparty democracy came to be shaped. The book keeps its focus on the administration and the key figures around it, mostly those in the Panchayat era. Towards the second half of the book, we do start to hear about political parties, but not in great depth. Another figure whose presence in the book is conspicuously less prominent is that of his wife, Rita Thapa — the person who seems to have rescued him every time financial quandary or family care became a challenge. Yet, we do not see her as a full person. Perhaps because of the personal tragedies in his life, the children are also barely mentioned.&nbsp; The book is therefore less personal and more technical. Throughout, we learn about Thapa’s thinking as he navigated the world of diplomacy to win him the trust of those who mattered. There are tips here for a new generation of Nepali officials and diplomats about how much commitment and focus is needed to be good at one’s job and serve the national interest. This book adds to tomes that have been written on Nepal’s fragile relationship with India. ‘India has always wished for Nepal to remain dependent on it,’ writes Thapa, who served as Nepal’s ambassador to India and later in the Eminent Persons Group &nbsp;on Indo-Nepal relations that has been allowed to languish. The book has several insights into the Indo-Nepal trysts with diplomacy and agency.&nbsp; China’s role is also recorded, viewed through conversations during a visit to Beijing, but all that was before Nepal’s neighbour to the north emerged as a world economic and military power. The book also has such sudden instances of quirkiness and humour. For instance, we see a young Thapa in America explaining to a government official why he would like to return to Nepal instead of settling down in the US. “Because, Nepal is beautiful,” he said. The text is immaculate and does not read much like a translation, credit for which clearly goes to the team that put the edition together: translator Prawin Adhikari, &nbsp;Anagha Neelakanthan and Bhekh Thapa’s daughter, Manjushree. As Nepal enters a new era of governance and diplomacy, A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy should be essential reading for students of political science, economics and foreign affairs who can gain a fresh perspective on the country’s trajectory.&nbsp; There are dozens of forgotten state secrets recorded in the book, but the reader must also remember this is a story told from one person’s perspective and there may be others.&nbsp; So, what really made Thapa the diplomat he was? I met him in 2004 at the Kantipur TV studio when he was serving as king Gyanendra’s foreign minister. He was there for a studio interview, and I was just done with my English newscast.&nbsp; He surprised me at the door: “Pratibha! I’ve been reading your articles in The Kathmandu Post. You must keep writing.” I thanked him, glad to have been noticed for my work by a stranger. That was perhaps one of the things that set Thapa apart — he excelled at staying close to those in power, while also noticing those who were not.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Book details"> </figure>

How to win friends and influence nations

Prime Minister Balendra Shah on Wednesday broke tradition and met with 17 foreign envoys collectively, a move that was a notable departure from how his predecessors operated.&nbsp;
Shah had already set himself apart by talking less, listening more, and delegating to trusted friends. But by meeting all ambassadors at one go in the presence of the Foreign Ministry, he signalled a paradigm shift in how he wants Nepal to be seen: no longer just balancing India and China, but as a country confident about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/tripolar-contestation-over-nepal">strategic importance and place in the world</a>.
In just two weeks, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rsp-dos-and-don-ts">RSP has sprung into action </a>on multiple fronts to implement its ambitious 100-point, 100-days action plan. It has taken short-term measures to mitigate the impact of the Gulf war, as well as medium- and long- term measures to streamline the bureaucracy. A few high-profile figures have been made examples of to drive the message home.
Earlier this week, the government recalled six politically appointed ambassadors, the most notable being long-serving Shankar Sharma from New Delhi. The Kathmandu District Court issued arrest warrants against former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his former foreign minister wife Arzu Rana on charges of money laundering and corruption.
Each ministry has been trying to clean up the accumulated rot from the past three decades: regulatory overhaul of microfinance, education, health and service delivery.&nbsp;
These actions widely disseminated campaign-style on YouTube and TikTok have made most Nepalis hopeful that the party they installed in power means business.
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BACKLASH
But such attempts to overhaul a long-entrenched political culture were bound to face backlash. In their impatience and enthusiasm to get things done, some of Prime Minister Shah’s ministers have over-reached.
It was common knowledge that government-paid advertising in the mainstream press was kickback-driven, but the PMO’s directive that official notices be published or broadcast only on state-run media has been denounced — especially as the media industry struggles to stay afloat.
More serious are some recent appointments by ministers of relatives and figures closely associated with the RSP to key positions. This has rankled because this party built its political plank on ending nepotism and graft.&nbsp;
News that Home Minister Sudan Gurung allegedly had not paid rent on leased land, which illegally encroached on the lake in Pokhara did not help. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Shah himself has come under scrutiny for appointing a kitchen cabinet full of male buddies from his time as Kathmandu mayor. To douse criticism he brought in as adviser investigative journalist Deepa Dahal, who has exposed corruption in high places of the previous coalitions.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment of another political adviser Asim Shah to the head Constitution Amendment Task Force, is also seen as problematic. He is a filmmaker and former lawmaker, but does not have a background in constitutional law.&nbsp;
Even more controversial is the Cabinet’s decision to appoint RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane’s legal counsel, Narayan Kandel, as Attorney General. Kandel used to be a UK permanent resident, and does not have as much experience practicing law in Nepal.&nbsp;
Kandel’s appointment drew flak and raised eyebrows, and with the pending legal cases against Lamichhane this appointment represents a flagrant conflict of interest.
Health Minister Nisha Mehta was also accused of favouritism after reappointing Junu Shrestha, wife of Labour Minister Dipak Kumar Shah, as member of the Health Insurance Board which had earlier suspended her. The Labour Minister’s rambling rant at the Board’s meeting on Tuesday has not helped the RSP’s image.&nbsp;
(UPDATE: On Thursday, Prime Minister Shah sacked the Labour Minister after the RSP found him in breach of the party's code of conduct and discipline. He served 14 days in the Cabinet, one of the shortest tenures for a minister in Nepal )
It is hard to know what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Balendra Shah is thinking</a>, and how Rabi Lamichhane is going to justify some of these moves. After all, making politics, governance, and bureaucracy a meritocracy has been the core tenet of the RSP, and it risks alienating its mainly youth base if these missteps persist.
But at least for now, most RSP supporters seem to be giving the party the benefit of doubt.