TikTok has come under scrutiny for misuse as a platform for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/recruiters-of-nepalis-into-russian-army-identified">recruiting Nepalis into the Russian Army</a>, or promoting irregular migration.&nbsp; One <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-s-unchanging-migration-saga">prevailing narrative on migration</a> is that workers just post pictures in front of, say, Petronas or Burj Khalifa that<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/you-must-be-having-so-much-fun-there"> glamorises their lives overseas </a>which can mislead folks back in Nepal. This is further fueled by brokers who over-promise and deceive workers.&nbsp; TikTok is different. The video-based app is unparalleled in its portrayal of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/shared-stories-shattered-dreams-of-south-asian-migrant-workers">reality of migrant lives</a>. Whether it is a Qatar-based Nepali camel herder who lives in the desert, a domestic worker in Oman who shares her life with fellow domestic workers from Kenya and Philippines, or a farmhand knee deep in a water spinach field in Korea, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/taking-back-tiktok">TikTok</a> provides a window to the daily lives of migrant workers as is.&nbsp; With live commentary covering the good and bad, the posts are filled with humour, insights and creativity. And it is in the mundane that viewers become invested and aspirants learn more about<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/speaking-the-language-of-overseas-work"> lives overseas</a>. The platform also allows the mini-influencers to feel more connected digitally, as overseas jobs especially in domestic work and agriculture can be isolating. &nbsp; The videos are also a refreshing contrast from how migration is portrayed in movies or songs, or the mainstream media. Workers who pick up their phones and film their daily lives or thoughts, raw and unscripted, present migration in all its complexity, not with a binary lens of good or bad.&nbsp; Migration is such a human centric topic that there are conversations, encounters, talent or moments that stay with us, tug at our hearts that we want to archive, share and revisit. TikTok allows that, and perhaps that is why we at <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab">Migration Lab</a> are so invested in the platform, even though it is time-consuming and not monetised. &nbsp; Our <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7391048965900209440">first TikTok post</a> was by a Malaysia-bound poet from Jajarkot who recited a poem that he had composed on the go at the airport. A <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cQvM_yAUETg">migration song</a> that another worker from the same recruitment drive sang has been reused over 2,300 times. A returnee <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7486852070629215510" target="_blank">explaining</a> why everyone should migrate at least once has generated a huge response, as did a <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7476070712290151702" target="_blank">father</a> bidding farewell to his UK-bound son at the airport from his duty in Qatar. Our stories for TikTok are just miniature versions of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/50-diaspora-diaries-in-nepali-times">Diaspora Diaries</a> series in this newspaper. It is formatted for today’s attention span. Indeed, retaining viewers is tough in this fast-paced platform where views really do not amount to much on their own. What TikTok rewards most, we learn, is relatability. If you can see yourself, your values or your experiences reflected in what you are watching, you are more likely to stay longer and engage more.&nbsp; But ideally, that same relatability can also serve as inspiration to encourage someone to aim higher. If a seasoned migrant’s story resonates with viewers because of shared experiences like starting their overseas stints at <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7489075333816225047">low-wage positions</a>, then what they <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/playlist/Bidesh%20bata%20farkepachi-7524547573806402326">have achieved despite the odds</a> might also feel within reach.&nbsp; Stories of migrant upward mobility, successful returnee entrepreneurs, and lessons learnt overseas can carry lessons useful for others. How can people like Yasmeen Naaz, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/a-woman-s-drive-to-push-boundaries" target="_blank">Shanti Bhandari</a> who drives a double-decker tourist bus in Dubai, or <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/diaspora-diaries/the-return-of-a-master-baker">Raju Pakhrin</a> who returned to Nepal to run a <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7437126060757585185">successful bakery</a>, inspire more people to be bolder to reach their potential?  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250814090824_6a5ba908d0e4c86620a78ac6116c8bdb5cb2fa824e4c12382941c92be91e3418.jpg" data-media-id="editor_17" data-image-id="20250814090824_6a5ba908d0e4c86620a78ac6116c8bdb5cb2fa824e4c12382941c92be91e3418" data-rendition-name="original" width="3000" height="1235" loading="lazy" alt="TikTok Migration Lab NT"> </figure>  ETHICAL JOURNEY TikTok is also a useful tool to help people understand <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/playlist/Shunya%20lagat%20shrinkhala-7524550534783601430">what ethical recruitment is</a>, and to promote responsible migration practices. Nepalis seeking jobs overseas often do not believe that ethical opportunities exist — they <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7537715519596662038">fear being scammed</a> or left stranded abroad. Our research with the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/valuing-moral-migration">ethical recruiter</a> partner International Manpower Recruitment (IMR) shows that most believe that only those with privileged connections can migrate without being cheated. But research also shows that perceptions can change, especially if there is a trusted person in the network who has been ethically recruited. If used correctly, TikTok can be a second-best alternative to personal networks by directing those seeking <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/dying-to-work-overseas">overseas jobs</a> to ethical channels.&nbsp; Repetition and relatability can alleviate the mistrust migrants have towards <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/valuing-moral-migration">ethical recruitment practices</a>, and TikTok content can show migrant workers that responsible recruiters do exist.&nbsp; But there are limitations. Brokers that we encourage workers to bypass also have access to the same platform, or are in their proximity. It is also well-documented that even when workers do pay high fees, they have been made to sign documents or even make videos saying they have not paid. How not to be dismissed as just another fly-by-night is a challenge.&nbsp; Nagendra Kumar Sah was recently recruited by IMR, and told us that he was initially skeptical of video testimonies on TikTok about ethical recruitment, but the comment section helped him build trust. Candidates who speak on camera may have been coerced to do so, but the comments pouring in from all over the world can share experiences about how much was paid and to whom. Such unsolicited feedback in the comments section can be powerful reviews of recruiters or employers.&nbsp; <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7519133141756333334">Intentionally opening the ‘room’</a> for discussion to counter the disbelief and mistrust has sometimes worked for our TikTok account. The platform can also help understand public sentiments better. <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/playlist/Livable%20wages%20in%20Nepal-7524610442360670998">What wages would make living in Nepal affordable</a>, for example, is a common question that generates a lot of engagement.&nbsp; Awareness raising on its own does not amount to much, though. Knowing about ethical recruitment does not necessarily improve a migrant’s situation if the only available overseas jobs require a hefty fee.&nbsp; Workers who pay Rs400,000, even when they know better, face the same debt traps and diminished returns as those who do not. And the already small number of ethical drives in Nepal have <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/fee-free-migration-is-possible">shrunk significantly</a> after Malaysia closed its doors to foreign workers. &nbsp; In an ideal world, if there was a critical mass of zero or low cost recruitment opportunities in the market, our social media efforts would have been more interesting because we could then try to generate upward pressure from workers so they only select the best opportunities and agencies. Already, there are some workers who waited for ethical recruitment without applying for jobs that required fees. In the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/free-visa-free-ticket-policy-in-limbo?%2F">current climate in which employers</a> themselves do not abide by the employer-pays principle, the best we can hope for is that it at least makes people a little intentional and mindful while choosing their migration journey — think twice, do research, explore all avenues and not blindly rely on fraudulent middlemen. The <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab?lang=en">Migration Lab TikTok account</a> recently hit the 100,000 followers milestone. The platform is wildly unpredictable: one of our early videos that was quickly put together on a phone took off, and far outperformed carefully edited posts.&nbsp; Our first ‘viral’ moment on TikTok was a lesson not to overthink it and just post if it is relevant to our work.&nbsp; We want to be more intentional about leveraging the platform to promote good migration, shape thoughtful narratives and tell good stories. Without being too serious about it lest the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/tiktok-has-taken-nepal-by-storm?%2F=">TikTok algorithm </a>picks up on it, and punishes us. Upasana Khadka heads <a href="https://www.migration-lab.com/">Migration Lab</a>, a social enterprise aimed at making migration outcomes better for workers and their families. Labour Mobility is a regular column in Nepali Times.

Upasana Khadka

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Real migration stories on TikTok

The National Assembly will discuss the government’s contentious Social Media Bill which has been criticised by press freedom watchdogs, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/makeshift/addressing-nepals-digital-divide">digital rights</a> experts and journalists.
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/protecting-free-speech-on-nepal-s-cybersphere-osx1xz46">Nepal’s cybersphere </a>is also largely united in condemning the proposed Bill, which seeks to monitor content on <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/digital-discrimination">digital platforms</a> and criminalise what it deems as offensive with hefty fines and jail terms for users and service providers.&nbsp;
“The Bill has brought matters relating to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/no-freedom-after-expression">freedom of expression</a> entirely under criminal law, making them state party criminal cases,” explains &nbsp;Baburam Aryal, digital law expert. “We already have laws that address defamation, indecent posts and extortion which extend to online spaces. Why has the government not tried to address these issues through existing laws?”&nbsp;
Activists say the Bill does not seek to regulate social media so much as control what Nepalis say on them. The proposed restrictions would also undermine <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/press-for-people">press freedom</a> since mainstream media also have a presence on digital platforms and websites.
Says Nirmala Sharma, Chair of the Federation of Nepalese Journalists: &nbsp;“The government might have drafted this bill with the intention of regulating social media, but this must not be done at the cost of the people’s right to express themselves freely. It will also affect press freedom at a time when much of Nepal’s media reaches its audience through digital platforms.”
The Bill seeks to criminalise content sharing on social media that ‘disturbs the sovereignty, territorial integrity, national unity and security of Nepal’, with imprisonment of up to five years, or fines of up to Rs500,000 or both.
The definitions of what is objectionable is so broad, anyone can be prosecuted. The Bill states that users must not ‘engage in offensive words and audiovisuals, trolling, or use abusive, insulting, or hate speech to harm or humiliate others’, and must not ‘<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/inoculation-against-misinformation">spread false and misleading information,</a> or distort information.’
The Bill will also require network companies like Meta and X to be registered in Nepal, establish an office, and pay taxes. Companies operating without registering will be fined Rs2.5 million.
Digital rights experts say that the government might be pushing registration of social media companies to gain access to personal data that &nbsp;companies may be reluctant to hand over otherwise.
“If these global social media companies have not shared data with the authorities even in the countries where they are based, they will not do it for Nepal,” says Aryal, “They are not just answerable to Nepal but the entire world. They will not play by different rules for us.”
It is impossible for the thousands of apps Nepalis use on a daily basis to register and establish points of contacts in Nepal. Just because these digital services are easily available does not mean that they will be as easy to regulate.
“These companies have data protection obligations, and will not exchange information with Nepali authorities unless we provide a robust legislative framework and we can assure that the data will be used in case of civil wrongs and not criminal wrongs,” says Aryal.
The social media bill defines ‘hate speech’, but does not set parameters for ‘trolling’, ‘abuse’, ‘insult’ and ‘misleading information. It is all left purposefully vague so the government can take it to mean whatever it wants.
This is ominous because such broad provisions can allow Nepal’s authorities to bend the law to silence any criticism of politicians and muzzle anti-government sentiments.
While some terms are broad and undefined, the definition of terms like cyber-stalking, cyber-bullying, and hate-speech do not qualify as their actual definitions, and there are inconsistencies with punishments associated with the same offence in two different clauses.
The Bill would prohibit <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/internet-in-everything">social media</a> users from creating anonymous profiles or use fake names, which will carry a prison term of three months or a fine of Rs50,000 or both. Section 25 would also punish those disseminating content that is ‘obscene, false, or misleading with Rs300,000 fine and two years in jail or both.
Adds Aryal: “If an administrative agency becomes the final arbiter of what is wrong and harmful information, it opens up the possibility of maximum misuse of authority.”
To be sure, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/facebook-nation">Facebook</a>, Instagram, YouTube, X and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/taking-back-tiktok">TikTok </a>do have content that propagates misinformation and disinformation, primarily due to lack of media literacy, click-bait journalism, and targeted content.
“While social media has become an essential source of news and information, it remains unreliable,” says pollster Madhu Acharya of &nbsp;Sharecast Initiative. “Unlike legacy media, social media lacks gatekeepers, making it more susceptible to the spread of false information.”
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/balancing-free-expression-with-fake-news-on-social-media">Balancing free expression with fake news on social media</a>
There is disinformation on both social and mainstream media, but the Bill bypasses existing legal provisions to criminalise it outright.&nbsp;
Says Nirmala Sharma: “Government bodies must not be given absolute authority on social media usage over existing legal remedies.”
Ram Prasad Dahal, also of FNJ, adds, “Instead of focusing on genuine regulation and accountability, the entire bill appears to be a strategic move towards greater state control and censorship on social media platforms.”
Nepal’s leadership seems to be taking its cue from autoritarians in the region to stifle dissent and the freedom of the press. In India, even as much of the mainstream media fell under PM Narendra Modi’s tutelage, his loyalist Gautam Adani brought NDTV, one of the last mainstream media attempting to hold the Modi government to account.
In the USA, Elon Musk, who owns X, gleefully became the mouthpiece of Trump during his candidacy and now has an active role in shaping the US government. Other media entrepreneurs like Jeff Bezos, who owns the Washington Post, have also cosied up to the American president, who has repeatedly undermined the legitimacy of the press.
Nepali leaders have tried to muzzle the media in instalments in the past, but public outrage has stopped those measures. Last year, three people were arrested for sloganeering against Prime Minister KP Oli and Sher Bahadur Deuba of NC at a festival. Some who criticised the government on social media platforms have also been detained.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/media-matters">Media matters</a>, Shristi Karki
Leaders have in the past arrested owners of media that have exposed corruption, and journalists reporting on natural resource extraction and corruption have received death threats.&nbsp;
The watchdog Freedom Forum recorded 53 violations in 2024, of them 19 journalists received death threats, seven were detained, and three faced cybercrime charges. Additionally, 28 journalists were attacked and one journalist in Sudurpaschim Province was killed for reporting on corruption.
Nepal’s mainstream press is not without problems. It often puts out partisan content, and there have been allegations of blackmail.&nbsp;
Hate speech, incitement of violence, and infringement of privacy on social media do go unpunished. The absence of fact checking means glaring falsehoods go uncorrected.
Ultimately, lines have to be drawn to safeguard social harmony and protect individuals from wanton reputational harm. With companies like Meta abandoning <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/punished-for-fact-checking-in-nepal">fact-checking</a>, digital media platforms may need more national oversight.&nbsp;
But this must not undermine <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/jail-the-messenger">freedom of expression in Nepal</a>, one of the few countries with an open society in the region.&nbsp;
“We have made it clear that the Bill in its current form must not be passed by Parliament, and the government must consult stakeholders to review and make necessary amendments,” says Nirmala Sharma.
With additional reporting from Sangya Lamsal.

Shristi Karki

No comment.

Sometimes, we need to take a step back to realise what a tectonic movement Nepali politics witnessed this month.
In a region and world ruled by elected authoritarians, Nepalis &nbsp;went to the ballot box freely to express a collective will for change.
These faces in this group photo of the RSP’s 180 freshly-minted MPs at the ballroom of the Royal Tulip Hotel on Wednesday is symbolic of what Nepal has come through.&nbsp;
The ship of state righted itself after the September Storm, installing an interim government that held an election within six months in which voters banished obsolete politicians and their parties into oblivion.
Nepalis, fed up with the inept kakistocracy of the past three decades, took the country into a post-ideological phase — replacing Marxists, Maoists and monarchists &nbsp;with a belief in a new governing culture that rewards delivery and accountability. And they have trusted the RSP to carry it through.
Nepal’s history has never been linear, it jerks ahead in lurches. The polity also tends to take one step forward and two steps back, so the public’s great expectations is tempered by a sense of cautious optimism and guarded pessimism.
This could be the great leap forward that Nepalis have waited for and deserve, but it could also be a Gramscian interregnum in which the old is dead and the new is not yet born. We will have to wait to see whether this transitional period will also see ‘morbid symptoms’.
As disruptor-in-chief, it was the Balendra Shah ‘wave’ or ‘craze’ that propelled the RSP to power. The former Kathmandu mayor needed a party platform, and the RSP’s tainted leader Rabi Lamichhane required a booster. Nepal's voters were looking for a saviour.
Personality-wise Shah and Lamichhane are poles apart: one is Type B and the other Type A. One is enigmatic, the other phlegmatic. But yin and yang do also tend to complement each other.&nbsp;
Kathmandu’s chattering class is already making self-fulfilling prophecies about the two falling out, and are fishing for hints that they already have. Shah’s absence from the RSP’s orientation this week was taken as a clue.&nbsp;
Closing the two-day tutorial on Wednesday, Lamichhane delivered a fiery 30-minute speech that laid out the RSP’s main agenda: to function differently from the old parties, serve the people, avoid middlemen, become true lawmakers without taking the law into their own hands.&nbsp;
“The old political parties contributed to history, we will build the future with a new political contract with citizens,” he said, trying to rise over past controversies and his abrasive rhetoric to sound statesmanlike.&nbsp;
GIVE AND TAKE
Lamichhane is said to be in touch with the reclusive Shah to announce a compact cabinet next week. Its composition will be an indication of how much give-and-take there was, and whether the criteria for selecting ministers is competence or loyalty.
Will RSP ministers behave like rulers or service providers? The new government will dive right into the economic fallout of the West Asia war with soaring fuel &nbsp;prices, inflation and uncertainty about remittance inflows.
On Thursday, Gagan Thapa resigned as NC chair, taking moral responsibility for the party’s election loss. The UML’s unrepentant K P Oli does not share the same sentiment about who is responsible for his own party’s historic downfall.&nbsp;
NCP chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who was luckier than his cross-party cohort, is now a comparative relic in a Parliament largely comprised of freshmen and sophomore lawmakers.
But the NC, UML and NCP still control provincial and most municipal governments. The old parties could try to make things difficult for the RSP at the centre, but it is also an opportunity for them to clean up their act ahead of local elections next year.&nbsp;
Another test for the RSP will be dealing with a heavily-politicised klepto-bureaucracy which has to frontend its policy decisions. &nbsp;

People’s power

This week, the RSP held a two-day closed orientation camp for its newly elected members of Parliament. The party has also decided to assign parliamentary and Cabinet roles to leaders only after the new MPs are sworn in on 28 March.&nbsp;
This means the new prime minister and his cabinet of 15 ministers are likely to be installed closer to the Nepali New Year, and the expectation is that it will also usher in a new era of governance and politics in Nepal.&nbsp;
Between now and then, there is much speculation regarding who will become new ministers and from which camp—Balendra Shah's or Rabi Lamichanne’s. Meanwhile, the final argument in the petition against the Rabi Lamichanne case revision is set for Thursday, with a verdict expected on the same day.
“In the past, parties did anything to form coalitions and to keep them from splitting ministries and appointing anyone they wanted to, even going against the spirit of the Constitution, but the RSP doesn’t need to partake in any such activities,” says political analyst Indra Adhikari.
Adhikari notes that governance failures in the past was often the result of coalition governments formed through political bargaining that meant the primary party often had to compromise on their agenda.&nbsp;
“But nothing is stopping the party from fulfilling its election manifesto,” she says. “And if they aren’t able to deliver, we know Nepalis are prone to protests, so another revolt is also a possibility.”
Journalist and author Mohan Mainali agrees that the everyday Parliamentary proceedings should go smoothly for new government because of their majority.&nbsp;
But there are questions as to what a near two-thirds majority allows the RSP to achieve in Parliament. Its 182 seats in the Lower House allows the party to enact and amend laws without hurdles and bypass Upper House’s request for Bill revisions. But the RSP has no presence in the National Assembly, and that means that its majority in the Lower House is not enough to amend the Constitution.&nbsp;
“The Constitution poses no obstacles for the RSP to work on improving governance, development and delivery,” says Mainali. &nbsp;“If they do show some performance, it will be easier for them to go into the next election and ask for a two-thirds majority to also amend the constitution,” he adds.
The last coalition government of the UML and Nepali Congress before the GenZ protests had been built upon a primary agreement to make amendments to the Constitution. So, depending on the nature of amendments, the RSP might find some support within the National Assembly at a time when some of the older parties, such as the Nepali Congress, have committed to supporting the new government as well as internal party reforms.
“What we need is a structural overhaul, from our laws and foreign policy to economy and security apparatus, and for this the RSP needs to champion collaboration and consultation for the sake of nation building,” says Indra Adhikari. “So it all comes down to the understanding and judgment of the RSP’s leadership. If they try to go at it alone, it will lead nowhere.”
To be sure, the provincial government could also clean up their act before the next local and provincial elections, which would help the older parties to regain some of their lost footing and rebuild trust.
As it stands, RSP lawmakers will also have to learn to work with each other. Mainali notes that the RSP not being bound by one clear ideology might lead to future problems, including the rumoured animosity between party president Rabi Lamichhane and prime minister-in-waiting Balendra Shah.
“Parties that came before the RSP had an ideology, whether they followed them or not, but the RSP is made of different kinds of people,” says Mainali. “If they are not motivated by a common goal of achieving something tangible in the next five years, it might be difficult for them to stay together.”
Adds Adhikari: “Balendra and Rabi don’t seem to be compatible. Rabi has already failed when it comes to the matters of governance, and Balendra won’t carry that burden. Additionally, there is a struggle between the two in terms of party hierarchy.”
Speaking at the closing of the two-day orientation, from which Balendra Shah was noticably absent, Rabi Lamichanne said that the RSP’s image as intolerant needs to be changed, and that the country is not heading towards totalitarianism but is in the hands of good, new people.
Regardless of the assurance, the general public has seen Balendra Shah and Lamichanne’s disposition in the last several years, and analysts are worried that their personalities and ambition might lead to an environment of increased intolerance.&nbsp;
As it stands in absence of a strong opposition, the responsibility falls on the media and the civil society to be the watchdog and play an effective check and balance role.&nbsp;
“Seeing how Balendra has ignored the media so far and Rabi has made inflammatory remarks in the past, they are probably more intolerant than the likes of Trump and Modi,” says Mainali. He notes that the party does not just have technical human resource and cyber army but a large number of dedicated supporters.&nbsp;
The media must thus continue to build trust by highlighting good work, educating the public on the importance of impartial journalism in democracy and debate any Bill purposed in Parliament, Mainali adds.&nbsp;
Says Adhikari: “The media should praise the government when they do well, motivate them, but it should also point out wrongdoings without fear, and provide recommendations to do better. Otherwise, absolute power corrupts absolutely, which we have seen happen happen in America with Trump and in India with Modi, where extremism has taken over and democracy has been curtailed.”

Balancing act

Deadly floods two years ago along the southern fringes of Kathmandu Valley killed 200 people. Climate change was blamed, but the destruction was magnified by quarries and sand mining owned by local politicians and crony contractors. Disaster mitigation and environmental risk was not a priority for any of the political parties that ran and won Nepal’s election last week. Although the RSP has a supermajority, rural municipalities that grant mining contracts are still ruled by the established parties that supply aggregates and sand to feed &nbsp;Kathmandu’s construction boom. Here in Lele Valley, residents are worried about another monsoon season that will start in June and fear more floods bringing unmanaged gravel from quarries down the Nallu River.&nbsp; The house of Sanumaya Nagarkoti, 65, and ten neighbours were washed away by the flood on the night of 28 September 2024. She and her husband petitioned the ward and municipal council to remove the crushers but no one listened. The slopes above are scarred by landslides from two years ago, and the banks of the river are strewn with bounders the size of cars that were brought down. “We live in constant fear of landslides,” says Chakra Nagarkoti, “the heavy crusher machinery and tipper trucks also constantly shake the house.”&nbsp; Google Earth images show that 24.6 hectares of mountain flanks have been excavated since 2010, and despite the disaster no lessons have been learnt.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090348_bdce7f17500eadac0ce0814c32c2b4190d01325976fd4d29db9985148459c0bc.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260319090348_bdce7f17500eadac0ce0814c32c2b4190d01325976fd4d29db9985148459c0bc" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="907" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>Photo: GOOGLE EARTH</figcaption> </figure>  The RSP might have got a near two-thirds majority in Parliament but decision-making at the community level is controlled by politicians in cahoots with contractors.&nbsp; Along the Mahadev Khola, the Department of Mines cancelled excavation permits for crushers citing flood and landslide risk. Yet there are still 21 contractors mining stones and sand.&nbsp; Nearby Godavari Municipality also instructed operators who had not renewed permits to close down. No action was taken. One of them is Vinayak Multipurpose which delivers aggregate and stones for United Cement. Local ward chair Milan Silwal, has a stake in Vinayak and locals accuse him of taking the side of industry.&nbsp; Another slope is being gouged out near Mahadev Khola, and comparing satellite imagery from 2010 shows that the scar on the mountain is now five times bigger.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090348_21a8f7f7f9d6cc784c35719da737b20283f934bbe16c9de971d91bf01012499a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260319090348_21a8f7f7f9d6cc784c35719da737b20283f934bbe16c9de971d91bf01012499a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>United Cement operating near Mahadev Khola. Photo: ARCHANA DARJI</figcaption> </figure>  Nearby stands the lone house of 55-year-old Sabina Tamang, who lives with her husband and daughter. Due to the sound of the stone-breakers, they cannot hear each other speak. “Last year, a landslide destroyed our cowshed and latrine,” she says. “Next it is going to be our home.”&nbsp; DRY SPRINGS Lele gets its water from several perennial springs which have gone dry in recent years. One of them is near where the cement factory quarries limestone. “We hardly get any water, and the little that does flow is murky and red,” says local resident Rajesh Shrestha. A parliamentary committee directive ordered excavation to stop 15 years ago after a similar flood to the one in 2024.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090352_af7da754299116578cc1dd91d5318ec337b69e74b0676599260b7c57c6ec6fd7.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260319090352_af7da754299116578cc1dd91d5318ec337b69e74b0676599260b7c57c6ec6fd7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="494" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>Lele over the years. Photo: GOOGLE EARTH</figcaption> </figure>  United Cement’s manager Hari Upreti says his company has fulfilled all requirements and has permission to mine 15 hectares of its own property and 4 hectares of government land. “We have the Department of Mines permit which is valid till 2036 and extract 1,600 tons of limestone every day,” says Upreti. “The local community knew about the mining and if there is a problem with springs going dry it is not because of us.” Environmental researcher Uttambabu Shrestha, however, says there is a direct correlation between the quarry operation and floods, landslides and dry springs.&nbsp; “Extraction should not be allowed without an environmental impact assessment, and companies must stick to set limits,” he says. Investigation of permits show that there is collusion between local officials and contractors. Godavari-6 Chair Bishnuman Maharjan has investment in two quarries and crusher companies operating along Nallu Khola. A paper trail links Maharjan also to Sagarmatha Stone Crusher and Mankamana Aggregate Industries. IMPUNITY&nbsp; Godavari Municipality published a notice in June 2024, instructing crusher companies to submit environmental reports within two weeks, covering initial examination and impact assessment. It also told them to pay local development fees and clear outstanding dues. The municipality even wrote to the Department of Mines clarifying that it had issued permits to only five out of 27 contractors. Within a month, the Department wrote to the District Administration Office (DAO) and District Police Office instructing them to stop illegal excavation, and sent a copy to the Lalitpur Division Forest Office. The DAO then wrote to Lalitpur Police naming Machindranath Multipurpose as operating illegally and should be shut down. There was no followup. The municipality then issued fines worth Rs 60 million to it and one other company for non-compliance. The companies stalled, disputing the calculations.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090356_6e96403d3c5be4aef4d030974d6d92029a0eb396deafd19c511978dae30dd3d2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260319090356_6e96403d3c5be4aef4d030974d6d92029a0eb396deafd19c511978dae30dd3d2" data-rendition-name="original" width="4000" height="2250" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>Another site of extraction near Mahadev Khola in Godavari. </figcaption> </figure>  Machhindranath Multipurpose operator Kedar Timalsina Shashi denies doing anything wrong, and says the landslides were collateral damage because of the steep terrain. When contacted Godavari Municipality Deputy Mayor Muna Adhikari declined to comment. It has been 10 years since Rajesh Shrestha, Nikesh Shrestha, and others raised their voices against the environmental destruction caused by the construction mafia. An agreement was finally reached two years ago between locals and mining and transport businessmen, stipulating that stone mines must close permanently by mid-2025. The agreement also stated that check dams must be built to manage mining debris, and damaged structures must be restored to their original state. Trees were to be planted at sites where stone mines had operated. But the mines in the catchment are still in operation with 500 tipper trucks working on the site every day, transporting stones and aggregate. Local youth have continued holding sit-in street protests and at Lalitpur DAO.&nbsp; After one sit-in, the mines closed for about a month but they started back up a month later.&nbsp; Birendra Maharjan owns one of the crusher units, and says he follows all environmental protocols. He told us: “You need stones to build, and we must dig to extract stones. Some trees have to be cut, people get employment, and besides, floods and landslides happen across Nepal.” &nbsp;&nbsp; Centre for Investigative Journalism – Nepal.

Loot in Lele

The RSP and its prime minister are being sworn in this week after gaining an unprecedented election victory. This is a welcome change for many Nepalis who see it as a remedy to decades of coalition instability.&nbsp; Yet Nepal’s political history suggests otherwise. No majority government has ever completed its full term. This reveals a deeper structural problem: weakly institutionalised parties dominated by personalities rather than ideas. 1951: Dissatisfaction with the oppressive Rana regime among the educated elite led to the creation of political parties like the Nepali Congress (NC), Praja Parishad (later merged into the Nepali Congress), Gorkha Parishad, and the Nepal Communist Party.&nbsp; They emerged secretly, mainly in India during the height of that country’s independence. They organised a successful armed uprising against the Rana rule.&nbsp; 1959: The NC won a two-thirds supermajority in the first general election. Within a year, King Mahendra staged a coup and established the partyless absolute monarchy called the Panchayat system.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130332_a416ab5703287898f0566dc6d2a6b95d797ce2f4ed55bffcfae2e8edc7737c5e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260322130332_a416ab5703287898f0566dc6d2a6b95d797ce2f4ed55bffcfae2e8edc7737c5e" data-rendition-name="original" width="675" height="849" loading="lazy" alt="Mahendra and BP"> </figure>  1991: After the People’s Movement, the ban on parties was lifted and Nepal became a constitutional monarchy. Elections were held under a new Constitution and the NC won 110 out of 205 seats, joining the United Leftist Front which functioned as a loose coalition.&nbsp; Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala’s first term ended with his resignation due to infighting, particularly with Ganesh Man Singh, who accused him of <a href="https://doi.org/10.2307/2645025" target="_blank">“emerging as a dictator, downgrading democratic norms and values, and even selling out national interests.”</a> Parliament was dissolved and the NC ended up losing the ensuing elections. 1994: Following the NC’s defeat, a <a href="https://doi.org/10.2307/2645025" target="_blank">hung parliament emerged</a> with the UML forming a minority government that lasted only nine months before collapsing after a no-confidence vote, allowing a NC-led coalition to return to power.&nbsp; 1999: Voters gave the NC a second chance and the party won 111 out of 205 seats. The party was divided between supporters of Koirala and Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, who became prime minister. &nbsp;The internal NC power struggle intensified and Koirala became prime minister again only to face bribery scandals, the Maoist insurgency, and the royal massacre.&nbsp; In 2001, under growing pressure from both the public and the party, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2001/07/20/world/nepal-premier-resigns-caught-in-chaos-after-royal-blood-bath.html" target="_blank">Koirala was forced to resign</a> to be replaced by Sher Bahadur Deuba. The party eventually split into Koirala’s NC and Deuba’s NC (Democratic). &nbsp;In this chaos, king Gyanendra dissolved the parliament and assumed executive powers.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130332_e107b95de5641044f72a13fd20f417d16b9a2d1ecbae3492126ee5fd4244bd84.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260322130332_e107b95de5641044f72a13fd20f417d16b9a2d1ecbae3492126ee5fd4244bd84" data-rendition-name="original" width="1250" height="753" loading="lazy" alt="Deuba and Girija"> </figure>  2017: This was the first election under the federal constitution. The UML and Maoists created a surprise pre-electoral alliance, breaking the Maoist coalition with the NC. The left alliance won a massive victory with the UML winning 121 seats and the Maoists 53 seats. Prime Minister K P Oli fell out with Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoists. The House was dissolved, with the UML itself breaking into factions. What followed was seven shaky coalition governments in eight years.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130352_8b09b374d7fcb811e0a652c7f60b30eea4b9052a19ed3d768ba8ca9aaeb4dec7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260322130352_8b09b374d7fcb811e0a652c7f60b30eea4b9052a19ed3d768ba8ca9aaeb4dec7" data-rendition-name="original" width="667" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Oli and Prachanda"> </figure>  2022: The RSP was formed only four months prior to elections, but managed to become the fourth-largest party. In this month’s &nbsp;election, the RSP won a commanding parliamentary majority by presenting itself to the electorate as different from the discredited old parties.&nbsp; The RSP leadership structure is largely personality-driven and opaque. Party leader Rabi Lamichhane joined the governing coalition with the Maoists and UML securing four ministerial positions. Lamichhane became Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, using his swing vote to be the kingmaker party in the coalition. Lamichhane was embroiled in various scandals which he blamed on political vendetta. There was internal dissent within the party and among supporters who felt the coalition betrayed RSP’s founding ideals.&nbsp; Lamichhane <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2023/02/key-ally-quits-government-in-nepal/" target="_blank">reportedly</a> bypassed the party’s internal mechanisms, unilaterally deciding to pull out of the government without broad consultation.&nbsp; The youth-led September protests gave the RSP an opportunity to represent GenZ aspirations, and its popularity was cemented after Balendra Shah joined the party as a prime ministerial candidate.&nbsp; With its dramatic election victory, there is a question whether the &nbsp;party can separate itself from its two leaders, and have internal democracy. Or will it just be a vessel for new political elites to continue staying in power?&nbsp; ‘BALEN PARTY’ The RSP has increasingly relied on the same tactics that the NC once used in its heyday. Backed by Balendra Shah’s meteoric rise to fame, the RSP is called ‘The Balen Party’. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/cyberia/rsp-s-pr-list-is-not-good-pr" target="_blank">RSP’s PR list</a> includes celebrities, actors, singers, pageant winners, business personalities, and athletes to maximise visibility and public appeal. Many of these soon-to-be MPs have little to no experience working in government, or together as a team. Which is perhaps why they needed a two-day orientation last week. In today’s attention economy, political currency depends on visibility. This is why the RSP’s strategy to harness Shah’s popularity was necessary to secure victory, while Shah needed a political platform for the election.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130348_abd1522a1f4f8ad4a0861c3916d86bd9688deafc7c44081b976378405d2b8e39.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20260322130348_abd1522a1f4f8ad4a0861c3916d86bd9688deafc7c44081b976378405d2b8e39" data-rendition-name="original" width="900" height="900" loading="lazy" alt="Balen and Rabi"> </figure>  Political parties are essential for a democracy, but when they &nbsp;revolve around one dominant leader, internal institutions become weak, and decision-making becomes centralised in the leader rather than in party committees, rules, or ideological platforms.&nbsp; This is exactly what led to the downfall of the NC and the UML. Both over the years were ridden with inter- and intra-party strife and failed the electorate. RSP must take a lesson from this and unite to institutionalise beyond its two personalities. Or it will suffer the same fate as the legacy parties. Since its inception, RSP has espoused a populist and anti-establishment agenda. The ‘new’ RSP with the Balendra brand gained massive support by being a clear ‘other’.&nbsp; The RSP can fall into the same trap as the NC and the UML by defining itself by what it is not, rather than what it is for. Beyond the external enemies they oppose, these parties often struggle to articulate what they actually stand for.&nbsp; RSP positions itself as an alternative to established parties — a pragmatic, results-oriented political force rather than one driven by traditional ideologies. However,<a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/theorizing-in-comparative-politics/parties-and-ideology/8386083191B53EC86A239B8852D4A6A6" target="_blank"> ideology gives a party identity and direction.</a> Without ideological grounding, RSP risks becoming a hollow vessel for power-chasing politicians who oppose each other’s every move, a story that is all too familiar.&nbsp; RSP can no longer define itself as being anti-establishment. It is now the establishment.&nbsp; While RSP might look like Congress 2.0 to many who have seen Nepal’s democratic trajectory, RSP does differ from past majority parties in both positive and negative ways.&nbsp; Times have also changed. Nepal is no longer a monarchy, literacy rates are much higher, social media has made information more accessible, and Nepalis are less forgiving, as seen by the events that transpired on 8-9 September 2025.&nbsp; The RSP has fielded more qualified candidates, and they could steer the country in the right direction. Many are experts in their fields and have had years of experience prior to joining politics. Having experts from such different backgrounds is a huge asset.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130352_426011e8c377bffcef6fcb4371325b36fb940eb5a8ab66d3c76ff5cf6f1943c7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20260322130352_426011e8c377bffcef6fcb4371325b36fb940eb5a8ab66d3c76ff5cf6f1943c7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1066" loading="lazy" alt="RSP new MPs"> </figure>  Moreover, having MPs from various other parties/fields can also prevent a cult following of hardcore loyalists within the party.&nbsp; There are members loyal to certain RSP leaders in the party, but there are also those who will not hesitate to go against their leaders if need be. The RSP has little opposition in Parliament, so its own members may have to take on a check-and-balance role. Nepal is in a much better spot institutionally compared to what it was like back in the early days of its democracy. There is a Constitution, there is no active conflict, the monarchy is no longer an existential threat to democracy, and the local and provincial governmental bodies have had the time to settle.&nbsp; This means the RSP is in a better position to work without the basic institutional hurdles that previous governments faced, but it will not be able to hide behind institutional issues if it fails to deliver.&nbsp; In the past, majority parties could easily pin the blame on an authoritarian monarchy, a Maoist conflict, a lack of consensus during the constitution-building process, or a newly implemented federal system.&nbsp; Most of these were just excuses for incompetency. Governments were formed and fell based on self-serving negotiations, but they managed to keep the parties afloat, and the citizenry was willing to give them a second, third, or even fourth chance.&nbsp; The RSP will not have this privilege. Nepal has many problems, but its governmental bodies are better institutionalised than when the NC last had a majority. A challenge for RSP now would be fixing broken institutions, not building new ones. A recurring issue during Balendra Shah’s tenure as Kathmandu’s mayor were his <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/politics/2026/01/28/can-nepal-s-viral-mayor-run-the-country" target="_blank">disputes with the bureaucracy</a> that resulted in months of unpaid salary for KMC staff, a lack of collaboration between him and Deputy Mayor Sunita Dangol, and rarely any public appearances.&nbsp; The RSP is inheriting a bureaucracy tainted by deep-seated patronage networks. Sustaining a government requires institutional collaboration and a willingness to work together, not disruption and division.&nbsp; While Nepal has seen the rise of many populist figures in its democratic history, the RSP’s victory based on Balendra Shah’s fame is new. Populism is usually harmful for a democracy because it punishes dissent, turns criticism into betrayal, and fuels hyper-nationalism, authoritarianism, and polarisation. A trend of punishing criticism is already visible on online spaces. Without an effective parliamentary opposition, the responsibility for democratic accountability will fall on the media and civil society. If the trend of intolerance to criticism deepens, Nepal risks sliding toward a majoritarian politics where popularity replaces accountability. Time and again, the Nepali people have given opportunities to parties that promise change, only to face disappointment. Nepal’s political history shows that majority governments fail not because they lack seats, but because they lack institutions.&nbsp; The electoral earthquake Nepal just witnessed could bring sweeping reforms or drown the country’s fragile democracy. If RSP hopes to succeed where others failed, it must build a party that outlives its founders. Suvexa Pradhan Tuladhar is an Early Career Policy Research Fellow at the Nepal Institute for Policy Research (NIPoRe).

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Loot in Lele

Will it be different this time in Nepal?