<img width="1648" height="512" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161152/636d1e639c7e80680e0af409png.png" alt=""/>Standard Chartered in its 35th Annual General Meeting recorded operating and net profits of Rs2.01 billion and Rs1.40 billion respectively in 2020/21. The AGM approved payment of cash dividends of 3.06% and bonus shares of 10% to the shareholders. The bank posted a growth of 26% on its risk assets to reach Rs72.95 billion, deposits declined marginally by 3.30% to Rs 95.99 billion.

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Standard Chartered's AGM

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109171144/636bd96a9c7e80680e080211jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2880" height="1920"/><figcaption>Anirvan Ghosh Dastidar, Chief Executive Officer for Standard Chartered Bank in Nepal.</figcaption></figure>Meet Anirvan Ghosh Dastidar, Chief Executive Officer for Standard Chartered Bank in Nepal. Before arriving in Kathmandu last year, he served as CEO of bank in Brunei, Philippines and Sri Lanka. Nepali Times spoke to him about the current Covid-19 crisis and its impact on financial systems worldwide and in Nepal.Nepali Times: What is your assessment of Nepal's macro-economic situation and the risks to the banking sector? Anirvan Ghosh Dastidar: Nepal’s GDP composition is largely driven by the service sector which amounts to more than half of the total output. The pandemic has rapidly slowed down this sector which maybe causing majority of the aggregate demand subdue. A slowdown in services also means both consumption and production would be impacted since interlinkages between services, agriculture and manufacturing are very high in our economy. Though it may seem on the outside that Nepal’s economy is only consumption led – Nepal’s interlinkages to the global economy on both demand and supply drivers are very high. This also is one reason that the credit demand is quickly picking up after the lockdown was lifted which can be seen from the CCD ratio – since Nepal’s economy is dependent on drivers that may not need so much time for recovery like remittances and the service sector to drive majority of the demand, and, imports to drive majority of the supply.Banks in Nepal are directly impacted by how the economy performs since there are no complex financial instruments in the system that stabilise or delay the impact of economic shocks. Most real GDP economic forecasts for Nepal have relied on a few assumptions: there will be localised lockdowns only until the end of 2020 and cases will gradually decline, economic activities will gradually return to normal starting 2021. Forecasts based on these assumptions estimate Nepal’s real GDP growth to be between 2 to 2.5% for 2020. I have a similar assessment for Nepal’s macroeconomic situation: if there is no second wave and there only are local lockdowns until the end of 2020 – Nepal will gradually go into the recovery phase and it will be quick due to the drivers of our economy.Nepal Rastra Bank has allowed rescheduling and restructuring loans, would this provide relief or just postpone the problem given that economic activity is not picking up? This would be completely dependent on how the economy would recover. If there is no recovery of economic activity, given a subdued demand, the problem would be there irrespective. In this case, there is no other option but to reschedule and restructure loans with an expectation that in the recovery phase things will get back to normal – this trend can be seen across the world, not only in Nepal. I think the factor causing the problem here should be understood well – the Central Bank Policy has in no way got to do anything with the problem, in fact these regulations are there by definition to ease the burden for all stakeholders in the system. The problem is external, which is dependent on market forces and these factors are beyond anyone’s control given the global pandemic. I am in fact appreciative of the efforts Nepal Rastra Bank has taken to stabilise the negative economic impact caused by this crisis – the impact would have been much worse if it were not for the effective actions of our Central Bank.There was always a chronic liquidity crisis among Nepal's banks, but that is not the reality now. Would this not be a time to prime up investment? This is largely dependent on what you are investing in. However, on a broader scale, trying to invest now just because there is liquidity and prices of certain markets are low, would be a myopic view – one might also argue that interest rates are down so credit is cheaper. However, I think the fundamental laws of the markets and economics cannot be ignored. As long as the economy is down, so is the aggregate demand. When aggregate demand is down, an overall subdue in economic activities is bound to exist – this is a vicious cycle. Having said that, Nepal’s economy is slowly picking up because of an ease in the lockdown, but not in all sectors. I would thus say investment decisions would depend more on the sectors involved. The same time maybe prime for some sector and some investments, when it is not for some.Do you see the possibility of mergers of financial institutions during this crisis? There is no straightforward answer when it comes to mergers of financial institutions, and there are various academic arguments on various variables from economies of scale, synergy, efficiency of the industry, quality of assets and returns of the market the financial institutions are operating in. The sky is the limit for these variables. One can add the geographic argument and build a spatial model, one can also argue that traditional models miss the current trends of digitisation or new trends in the economy which may also have different implications to the debate and add these variables. Arguments also differ because of the tools and models which are used to analyse these variables – ranging from Optimized Mathematical Game Theory Models, Time-Series Econometric Models to even Economic General Equilibrium Models. Therefore, commenting on the possibility of mergers is very complicated and this should be based on various factors that are important to the market and industry in question. Ultimately, however, there are fundamental rules always govern any banking industry: a bank needs to be profitable to sustain and should comply with the rules laid forward by the Central Bank.What would be Standard Chartered’ s strategy to ride out this crisis, and indeed see it as an opportunity for expansion? There was an interesting article in <a href="https://hbswk.hbs.edu/item/why-japan-s-businesses-are-so-good-at-surviving-crises">Harvard Business Review</a> on the Japanese way of dealing with a crisis which points towards a long term outlook of the society a business operates in. This article argues that the more we contribute towards the overall development of the economy and communities in the economy, the more we benefit. I think our purpose also follows the same concept which includes a focus on the long-term prosperity and economic development of Nepal which in-turn has a direct relationship to the banking industry’s health. We are committed to the sustainable growth priorities of Nepal and are focused on helping businesses and communities revive post Covid-19.Having said that we have had our share of learnings during the pandemic and we have already devised plans to refresh our operating models. Our plans are geared towards enhancing our digital capabilities to support clients with their banking needs. We also feel, as have many institutions internationally, that our operating model will also consist of a refreshed health and safety standard where there will be a certain element of working from home even after the Pandemic. I think our focus is more towards supporting our clients recover from this crisis and keeping our colleagues safe, more than expansion.

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“We are focussed on post-Covid revival of Nepal’s business”

<figure></figure>										<img width="1698" height="1176" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109151112/636bb58f9c7e80680e07bc0djpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: CIJ NEPAL</figcaption>												Top secret documents prepared by the US government’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) and leaked to the media have revealed $2 trillion in suspicious money transfers, and include files that involve some of Nepal’s top banks.The information is contained in ‘Suspicious Activity Reports’ (SARs) sent by banks to the American financial watchdog between 1999 to 2017, and most involve transactions with countries on which the US has imposed sanctions, like Russia, North Korea, Iran and Cuba, or Chinese companies which Washington has blacklisted. Some of these SARs involve transfers through Kathmandu-based banks, and by Nepali firms a few of which appear to be front or fake companies, or ones that are defunct. Banks report transactions when they suspect that money laundering or criminal activity is suspected, but they do not necessarily mean that the companies or individuals named have broken the law.The Nepal files contain transactions made through nine banks, 10 companies and other individuals between 2006-2017 and include some of the big names in banking. However, the companies are less well known, and some of the individual names appear to be security guards or Nepali overseas workers sending money home. Even so, some of the Nepal-based companies named appear to have been involved in smuggling gold, antiquities, or trading in asphalt and telecommunication equipment. The transactions flagged in the FinCEN leaks in Nepal were through Standard Chartered Bank, Prime Commercial Bank, Bank of Kathmandu, Nepal Investment Bank, Everest Bank, Mega Bank, Himalayan Bank, Apex Development Bank of Kaski, and Nepal Bangladesh Bank.The leaked documents contain the names of 10 little known Nepal-based companies including Rauniyar Brothers &amp; Co of Birganj, Subha Samriddhi Traders Pvt Ltd of Kathmandu, Shasta Trading Company, Setidevi Export Import Pvt Ltd, L D International Pvt Ltd, Felt and Yarn Pvt Ltd, Woman’s Paper Crafts, Acme Money Transfer Service, and Sunny Enterprises. Some these were never registered, others appear to be front companies, and some are closed. Of the nearly $300 million worth of transactions through Nepal that were flagged in the FinCEN documents, $177.6 million were bank transfers of which $103 million were transferred out of Nepal and $74.6 million were remitted into the country. There were also $48.2 million worth of possibly illegal transactions in various countries with Nepal links, and another $75 million transactions not in Nepal, but involving Nepali-sounding surnames and addresses. Most of the transactions in the FinCEN leaks that raised red flags, including those by Rauniyar Brothers and Shubha Shambridhi Traders, involved over $70 million in Letters of Credit through Standard Chartered Bank in Nepal and its branches abroad. The Rauniyar transactions went through the Dubai-based Kite International FZE, and involved import and export of petroleum products. They were sourced from Bandar Abbas port in Iran in contravention of US-sanctions, and the shipment documents were reportedly forged to look like they came through Dubai.When asked to respond, Pranu Singh of Standard Chartered Bank Nepal said the bank was bound by client confidentiality and did not comment on specific cases. ‘The reality is that there will always be attempts to launder money and evade sanctions,’ she wrote in an email reply. ‘We take our responsibility to fight financial crime extremely seriously and have invested substantially in our compliance programs.’  The other companies involved appear to have been involved in using banking channels to fund gold smuggling operations via jewellery companies in Hong Kong and Dubai between 2009-2011. Some banking transactions appear to have been listed in the SARs because they involved Chinese telecommunication company ZTE that is on a US blacklist, while others were  transfers from Nepal to known tax havens like the British Virgin Islands, Seychelles and Luxembourg.  The leaked files also include transfers of amounts as small as $120-500 to Nepali companies and from Nepali workers in Iraq and other countries that for some reason were in the suspicious activity reports sent by corresponding banks as long as ten years ago. However, some of the companies listed, like Woman’s Paper Crafts, are not even officially registered in Nepal.Two separate reports in the FinCEN leaks concern possible payments for smuggled Nepali religious artifacts. Standard Chartered Bank New York flagged American Nancy Wiener Gallery and several other dealers suspected to be involved in the illegal trade of antiquities. Some of them were linked to Subhash Kapoor, an Indian national and the Art of the Past Gallery owner in New York, who used to facilitate artifacts smuggling from India to the United States. He was arrested by Interpol in 2011 at Frankfurt airport.Nancy Wiener Gallery was cited in the FinCEN leaked files for suspicious transactions worth $27 million between 2010-2017. This is the same gallery that sold a stolen 16th-century bronze from Nepal in 2010 and transferred the payment to Pantheon Worldwide in Hong Kong. The bank that filed the suspicious activity report said: ‘The transactions appear to be related to antiquities that were potentially purchased and sold illegally.’Nepal’s Money Laundering Prevention Act requires banks and financial institutions to report suspicious transactions to the Nepal Rastra Bank’s Financial Information Unit (FIU). The Act bars clients from making transactions under anonymous or fictitious names. Financial institutions also need to keep a separate record of transactions of high-ranking officials in the political, administrative, and judicial spheres. Although some of the suspicious transactions in the FinCEN report are dated, there appears to be a gap in the way Nepal’s banking sector monitors international transfers. This poses a serious challenge, and could push Nepal towards an international blacklist of high-risk countries.Nepal Rastra Bank Governor Maha Prasad Adhikari says Nepal has enacted laws against money laundering and has set up a Financial Information Unit (FIU) at the central bank. “However, having legal provisions doesn’t mean that money laundering will not happen. We don’t claim that we are good at implementing laws, but it’s getting better as time passes,” Adhikari added. “We have fined six banks and financial institutions for mishandling Know Your Customers forms and failing to monitor and report money laundering. Nepal Rastra Bank is committed to preventing money laundering. There won’t be any ifs or buts.”The latest ‘<a href="https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/jasonleopold/fincen-files-financial-scandal-criminal-networks" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">FinCEN Files</a>’ contain top secret financial records obtained by BuzzFeed News and shared with the <a href="https://www.icij.org/investigations/fincen-files/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ)</a> and other news organisations. In Kathmandu, follow up investigations were conducted by the <a href="https://cijnepal.org.np/fincen-files-nepal-nexus/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Centre for Investigative Journalism Nepal (CIJ-N)</a>.Krishna Acharya, Ramu Sapkota and Shiva Gaunle. Arun Karki and Pramod Acharya also contributed to this report.Centre for Investigative Journalism Nepal

Nepal figures in leaked money laundering report

It was pure drama: the political transition in Madhes unfolded by the dawn’s early light. At around 4AM on Monday, Province Head Sumitra Subedi Bhandari quietly departed Janakpur saying she was headed to Kathmandu for health reasons.&nbsp;
Outgoing Chief Minister Jitendra Sonal, whose coalition had begun to unravel, even saw her off, asking supporters to clear the road for her motorcade.
But an hour later, instead of continuing on to the capital, Bhandari stopped in Bardibas on the East-West Highway. There, as the sun started rising over the misty plains, she administered the oath of office to Saroj Kumar Yadav of the CPN-UML, invoking Article 168(3) of the Constitution.&nbsp;
Bhandari is also a member of the CPN-UML. The provision she invoked is typically used only after coalitions fail under Article 168(2), and the timing and location of the swearing-in have since drawn scrutiny.
Bhandari was subsequently relieved of her duties, and former National Planning Commission member Surendra Labh Karna was sworn in as the new Madhes province head on Tuesday.
Sonal had formed his government barely a month ago, with the backing of 56 provincial lawmakers but it became evident he would not secure the 54 votes needed to survive a confidence motion.&nbsp;
Several lawmakers in his coalition publicly signalled they would abstain. Still, the seven-party alliance that opposed Yadav’s appointment argues that the Province Head, who is the highest constitutional rank in the provincial structure, acted prematurely and under pressure from central UML party command.&nbsp;
A coalition of seven parties, including the Nepali Congress (NC), had been urging the Province Head to invite them to form a new government under Article 168(2). At the same time, the UML, which had been holding demonstrations outside the Province Head’s office in Janakpur, was calling for the formation of a minority government under Article 168(3).
The alliance of the seven parties that included the NC and Maoist Centre took to the streets. By mid-morning, protests had escalated outside Madhes Bhawan with cadre vandalising both the Chief Minister’s office and the Province Head’s office.
This was the third government in Madhes to fall since the 2022 provincial elections, and it follows a similar pattern. The previous Chief Minister Satish Kumar Singh of the Janamat Party, resigned before a scheduled confidence vote after losing the support of his own party and others including NC and LSP.&nbsp;
His resignation unfolded amid nationwide GenZ protests against corruption, demanding accountability and reform. The recurring instability points to a structural tension in Nepal’s federalism.&nbsp;
Provincial politics remain closely tied to alliances shaped in Kathmandu. The withdrawal of support by parties like the NC and Maoist Centre in provinces often reflects national-level calculations rather than provincial priorities.
As a result, the Provincial Assembly is repeatedly consumed by survival of the coalition instead of governance. Development work stalls. Budget execution slows. Public frustration grows. In a province that was at the forefront of the movement for federalism to counter what is seen as neglect, apathy and discrimination by Kathmandu, the sense that the system may not delivering on its promise is becoming increasingly pronounced.
If federalism is to be strengthened, provincial governments must be able to function with a degree of autonomy that currently exists more in principle than in practice. Otherwise, the perception that federalism is costly, unstable, and ineffective will continue to expand, providing fertile ground for anti-federal sentiment that is already gaining traction.
Earlier examples such as the NC General Secretary Bishwo Prakash Sharma in January calling for a new government in Madhes led by his party demonstrates how the central party leadership deliberately intervenes in provincial affairs. His remarks came during campaigns for bi-elections in Madhes when former CM Singh had been in office for six months only.&nbsp;
Likewise, in early June 2024, the federal coalition in Kathmandu shifted from a Maoist Centre and NC to form a new alliance between the NC &nbsp;and the UML. Within a day, coalition negotiations in Madhes changed to mirror this.
UML leaders publicly stated: “The issues at the federal and provincial levels will be resolved together.” This indicated that the realignment in Madhes followed national party decisions rather than provincial deliberation.
The events that unfolded in Madhes are a reminder that federalism in Nepal is still in transition, and that its success depends on political actors honouring the constitutional framework.

Chronic instability in the Madhes

New and old, businessmen and former diplomats, engineers and academics — they have all been trooping to the Election Commission to register political parties ahead of the Sunday deadline.
Till press time Thursday, five new parties had been registered and 21 new parties were in the process of applying. Behind the scenes, new parties are head-hunting, well-known figures are shopping for parties to join, while older parties are splitting or uniting to form new united parties.
“It is reason for optimism that people are enthused to form new parties,” notes political analyst Indra Adhikari. But, she adds, this does not mean that despite the celebrity status they will win votes and succeed in politics.
The outlier in all this are the Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML, which are still licking the wounds after being swept out of power by the GenZ protests in September. Neither are too keen on elections because of the prospect of losing badly.
Former prime minister K P Oli is the most recalcitrant, and seems to want to scuttle elections so Parliament will be reinstated. After announcing that he was stepping down, the NC’s Sher Bahadur Deuba has had a change of heart in Singapore and is gunning to restore Parliament.
Neither party and their leaders have shown any remorse for the 8 September massacre, or understood the outrage on the streets against their decades-long incompetence and corruption. &nbsp;
Among those registering parties are various GenZ youth groups and family members of those killed during the September protests. Notable among the new parties certified this week was Gatishil Loktantrik Party (गतिलो) backed by Buddha Air founder Birendra Basnet and led by sociologist Dinesh Prasai. Dharan Mayor Harka Sampang’s Shram Sanskriti Party is also registered.
Energy and Infrastructure Minister in the interim government Kulman Ghising has backed the Ujyalo Nepal with former secretary Anup Kumar Upadhyaya as its chair. Ghising has been playing coy about his political ambitions, and is planning to resign from his cabinet post before elections.&nbsp;
Ghising had been talking to Rabi Lamichhane’s RSP about joining, but that negotiation failed. Former RSP lawmaker Sumana Shrestha was supposed to join Ghising, but pulled out following Ghising’s reluctance to resign from government.
Ghising has much public support because he is credited with ending power cuts as head of the Nepal Electricity Authority, but is now getting flak for being unwilling to give up his ministerial portfolios while still wanting to contest elections. &nbsp;
Ujyalo has hit other snags. GenZ activist Tashi Lhazom, who was considered for a Cabinet position last month but was dropped by Prime Minister Sushila Karki, has said she is not in Ujyalo despite being listed as a Central Committee member. Another member has said that he will not be a part of Ujyalo due its “a lack of political culture”.
Even though Nepalis from across backgrounds and professions are eager to participate in the country’s new political landscape, there are doubts about the structure of their parties, ideology and electoral platforms.&nbsp;
Hurriedly set up parties without a shared philosophy have less chance of political influence and longevity. For example, the RSP was formed just months before the 2022 polls to become the fourth-largest party in Parliament, has lost its momentum, and its leader is in jail.
“Parties like the RSP, which did some positive work after being elected, have still not been able to establish a clear ideological roadmap or organisational structure,” Adhikari says. &nbsp;“It is easy to form parties, the real work goes into building an institution, which is the hard part”
Meanwhile, despite expectations of increased and inclusive youth participation not just at the polling booths but also on the ballot, only a few GenZ-led parties are applying at the Election Commission. They include the Rastriya Pariwartan Party and the Rastriya GenZ Party Nepal. Most other parties are led by men in their 40s, even in their 70s.&nbsp;
Analysts note that despite hopes of young blood in politics, Nepalis are still inclined to trust those with experience, as evidenced by GenZ’s choice of Sushila Karki to succeed KP Oli as Prime Minister after the September protests.&nbsp;
“So it will be difficult for young Nepalis without prior political experience to lead parties and it will be even more difficult for them to cultivate enough public trust to get votes,” says Adhikari.&nbsp;
Then there are the old political players, who have been breaking up and making up new alliances. Resham Chaudhary quit his Nagarik Unmukti Party and registered a new one.
Last week, Puspha Kamal Dahal’s Maoist Centre, and Madhav Kumar Nepal’s Unified Socialists merged along with smaller leftist parties to form the Nepali Communist Party (NCP). Disgruntled former UML members like Bhim Rawal have also joined the NCP. On the other hand, Janardan Sharma has fallen out with Dahal and is going his own way.&nbsp;
Even though the NC, UML and NCP show little sign that they have learnt their lesson and will be turning a new leaf, they still have the party organisation and vote banks to fall back on at election time in the runup to 5 March. &nbsp;
Says Adhikari: “At the end of the day, Nepali society remains hyper-partisan. And although the newly-formed parties and their popular candidates may give older leaders a run for their money, established parties will still benefit from their solid vote base.”

Party Time

The very first frame in The Lama’s Son starts with a vision of Shangrila and the quest of a mythical utopia in the Himalaya when the rest of the world is crumbling away. It is also the personal search of filmmaker Kesang Tseten, but what he finds there are adherents of the Bon Po faith clinging to the last remnants of a culture as it erodes away like the sandstone cliffs of Mustang. “It was while editing the documentary that the story became distilled: how does what we see in the high Himalaya relate to the notion of the Shangrila idyll that especially the West ascribed to them,” asked Tseten during a recent trip to Kathmandu from Berne where he now lives. He continued: “Often and perhaps rightly criticised as an orientalist construct, I wondered if there was any basis at all to the Shangrila notion, and I hung the film on that idea.”&nbsp; Tseten takes us to the vast vistas of Mustang and Dolpo, a landscape of his Tibetan ancestors. This is as much an intimate documentation of families on Nepal’s Himalayan rimland torn between remoteness and globalness as it is about Tseten’s own quest for rootedness.&nbsp; We start from Lubra, a 3,000m village in Mustang the 15 households of which follow the Bon faith. Lama Tsultrim is from a 900-year-old lineage of the animist faith and an exponent of the tradition that is slowly being subsumed first by Buddhism and now modernism. For Tseten, the material is familiar, and not at all exotic as it is for non-Nepalis and indeed for many urban Nepalis. Bon, founded in Tibet, predates Buddhism, but over time, the two religions have come to resemble each other.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111156_ecf8148fbaa17b93c81ddfa3ed244bed266e3ef6af0cd5e6ca7b64c181b97d45.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251113111156_ecf8148fbaa17b93c81ddfa3ed244bed266e3ef6af0cd5e6ca7b64c181b97d45" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="The periphery cannot hold NT"> </figure>  ‘Both believe in karma, rebirth, and that humans can become enlightened. Nature and spirits are predominant in Bon, and rituals are what keep them benign and alight,’ says Tseten, who rarely narrates in his documentaries. “This is not really a personal film as such, but it has a point of view,” Tseten said. “I decided to have a voice-over on this one and cast my presence in the film.”&nbsp; Lubra's Lama Tsultrim is called upon to perform rituals from Kagbeni and other villages, but there is no one to continue the tradition after him, which is passed from father to son. Lama Tsultrim’s son (hence the title of the film) is a sushi chef in New York and has been gone for 20 years. “The Lama is like a setting sun, his son should come back and take over his father’s responsibilities,” says a local youngster chatting with friends. “If he dies tomorrow, where do we go? We can’t just light butter lamps ourselves to the gods.” It is not only the Lama’s son who has left. The village is nearly empty, and more are planning to leave. One of them is Chimi, a teacher who will be joining her fiancé who is an Uber driver in New York. Her brother is already in Hong Kong. In Lo Manthang a local is back home for a three-month vacation after being in New York for 12 years. A shopkeeper was in Japan for several years, and has returned. “Everything has changed, our language, our tsampa, our religion. We used to work and live together, now the children live separately,” says a middle-aged woman. “There are roads now, and vehicles stop right outside our house, but what’s the point? No one stays home.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111156_47b4c4984fa33e42791b16dba1f078aaa7f9d8bd51ca3bfd5415b436c3a0bf2c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251113111156_47b4c4984fa33e42791b16dba1f078aaa7f9d8bd51ca3bfd5415b436c3a0bf2c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="The periphery cannot hold NT"> </figure>  Like most of Tseten’s films, The Lama’s Son is an honest documentation of a place and people whose lifestyle, culture and heritage cling precariously to the past. In Dri village we come across local women filling their buckets with water. Tseten asks them why the village is so empty: “Where is everyone?” The women reply that they are “here, there and everywhere”. Then it is their turn to ask Tseten about where he lives and what he is doing in their village. Migration is a recurring theme in Tseten’s documentaries from We Corner People, In Search of the Riyal, or Saving Dolma. His previous film Diversity Plaza documented the lives of Nepali and Tibetan emigrants in Jackson Heights in the borough of Queens in New York.&nbsp; Diversity Plaza was shown at DOC NYC in 2023, and The Lama’s Son will be one of only two Asian films shown next week at one of the biggest documentary film festivals in the world.&nbsp; “The Lama’s Son is not loud, not attention grabbing but intimate, so I was surprised they chose a quiet film for a big, flashy event,” Tseten told us. In Lama’s Son, we also see how climate breakdown is impacting Nepal’s trans-Himalayan regions. Lama Tsultrim shows us the aftermath of a recent glacial flood that swept away houses and fields. The debris-covered farms are as hard as cement.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111156_c82126a3c2dc4577b99beb9bef20aafa16f532a3f41e59caea17c93914c59fff.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251113111156_c82126a3c2dc4577b99beb9bef20aafa16f532a3f41e59caea17c93914c59fff" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="The periphery cannot hold NT"> </figure>  The nearby village of Dhey at 3,900m is a high and dry cold desert. Farmers get one crop in a year, but the springs have gone dry and there is no snow in winter. So they are relocating to New Dhey, closer to the road. We follow Kesang Tseten to Samling in Dolpo, which at 4,200m is another Bon village. Locals are preparing for the Walchu festival in which Lama Sherrab carries out elaborate rituals to appease spirits that can turn malevolent. But unlike Lama Tsultrim in Lubra, Lama Sherrab has a community of lamas to help him, including two sons, one of whom will eventually take on his role. We move on to the adjacent village of Bicher and listen in as locals talk about how despite being dirt poor, they thrive in scarcity and are resilient. “We wear sheepskin, eat stew and yak meat, and drink wine. But we are very poor, we have nothing. Look at how dirty our clothes are. We may be dirty, but we have few illnesses,” says one. But even here in Upper Dolpo, a week’s walk from the nearest road, things are changing. There are mobile phones, readymade clothes and instant noodles.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111156_d1472165cfa9ffa6edbf72de59167e8cbddcc2bf4a7928f7830e099966259a78.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251113111156_d1472165cfa9ffa6edbf72de59167e8cbddcc2bf4a7928f7830e099966259a78" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="The periphery cannot hold NT"> </figure>  At the Walchu ritual, Tseten watches men and women with hand-woven blankets and down jackets sing and dance after the main ceremony. He narrates: “Bon is sustained by a way of life that fosters a fine but fragile balance between nature and people, where humans come before gods. This is what lies at the heart of Shangrila if there is such a thing.” The film then takes us half-way around the world to a Bon centre in New York, but (spoiler alert) the eponymous Lama’s son never appears. He did not want to be filmed, but it makes for a more powerful portrayal of the life of emigrants forever trapped between two worlds. “Bon villages may be in danger, but the Bon has spread widely across the world,” narrates Tseten, a director who likes to call his storytelling ethnographic, and avoids coming to an apt conclusion. Lama Sherrab’s words after the Walchu ritual is a perfect segue:&nbsp; “Whether you say om mani padme hum (in Buddhism) or matri mi yu (in Bon) they are the same. When you go up, it’s the same heavenly realm. If you go down, it’s still the lord of death who awaits. There isn’t a separate heaven and hell for Buddhists and Bon, it has to be the same for both.” &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025111312110_82817ef48840bb6baa1732d5b0b90c90ead2f9bd9eb0c289940fa61d8058de8d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2025111312110_82817ef48840bb6baa1732d5b0b90c90ead2f9bd9eb0c289940fa61d8058de8d" data-rendition-name="original" width="7087" height="10004" loading="lazy" alt="The Lama's Son NT"> </figure>  The Lama’s Son by Kesang Tseten, 2025 Shunyata Films To be screened at DOC NYC 16 November at 2:05PM local time, Online: 17-30 November Details <a href="https://www.docnyc.net/film/the-lamas-son/">here</a>.

The periphery cannot hold

You do not have to be a climate expert or atmospheric pandit to claim that Nepal is not pulling its weight on the grand narratives of the Anthropocene. As a heavily populated ‘country-on-an-incline’ from the Tarai to the Himalaya, Nepal is a thermometer of global warming.&nbsp; Its people are human witnesses to environmental and climate breakdown, but remain mute observers to the unfolding crises. Nepal should be leading the pack at the COP30 climate conference in Belém, backed by science and lived experience. But it is doubtful that two of the most crucial climate-related subjects central to the culture, economies and human wellbeing in the Himalaya and South Asia will be discussed at the summit that started this week in Brazil.&nbsp; The first topic that should be raised at COP is Black Carbon or the South Asian Brown Cloud, made up of tiny suspended particles in the air. This is not just a transboundary health hazard, there is now enough science to make the case that Himalayan snowmelt is accelerated significantly by the albedo effect that makes ice melt faster because of reduced reflectivity. But Kathmandu has not been able to make governments near and far listen. In 2014, I wrote a short piece published in Outlook magazine explaining why India’s Prime Minister Modi looking northward from a SAARC Summit retreat in Dhulikhel was unable to see the Jugal Himal range barely 30km away. His view was obscured by the pollution layer arriving from as far away as Lahore with substantial contribution from the Delhi region. That summit itself was an opportunity for Nepal to inform the Indian and Pakistani prime ministers that much of the haze, smog, dust and soot that settles on our slopes was generated in Sindh, Punjab, Punjab, Haryana, Western UP and Delhi NCR, carried by prevailing westerly winds up to the Himalaya. The forest fires within Nepal as well as Kathmandu Valley’s pollution contribute to the haze, but the shroud that suffocates the region through autumn, winter and spring is mostly transnational. Last year, these anthropogenic fine aerosols actually curled over the Bay of Bengal and invaded the airspace of Sri Lanka and Maldives.&nbsp; Even as the soot particles accelerate glacial melt and impact everything from infrastructure to public health, the most visible effect is on tourism. Nepal’s economic future is based on tourism, and much of this relies on being able to see the snow mountains. Why should travellers go to Pokhara if they cannot see the Annapurnas?&nbsp; Hoteliers in Nagarkot have started a campaign: ‘Visit Nagarkot 2025: More than Sunrise and Sunset’. While clever, the slogan is a response to the acclaimed Himalayan vista from Everest to the Annapurnas from the hill station, now obscured by the brown curtain of haze for most of the year. As the bellwether country of South Asia when it comes to the climate crisis, Nepal must build diplomatic confidence to reach out to the governments of Pakistan and India even in their present state of antagonism. Kathmandu must launch ‘haze diplomacy’ for its own sake and for the region.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113001132_16c9941da7b31c1d4683c06dc0f8a572803240701270606848851f915140329c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251113001132_16c9941da7b31c1d4683c06dc0f8a572803240701270606848851f915140329c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1005" height="695" loading="lazy" alt="permafrost"> </figure>  IMPERMANENT FROST&nbsp; Permafrost is understood mostly as a phenomenon of the Arctic, Antarctica, Siberia and Alaska. Mountains elsewhere did not figure, though it was natural for the ground to freeze all year round at high altitudes.&nbsp; In the Himalaya, besides the snowfields and glaciers, frozen moisture binds rocks and stabilises slopes. But global warming is melting the permafrost that used to cement mountain flanks, including boulders, sand and scree slopes. Some of the debris (गेग्रान) did tumble down, but much of it remained entombed on high, thanks to permafrost. Pokhara Valley and the Seti River reaching all the way up to the base of the Annapurnas, is the best place to observe this dance of geology between gravity and the mountain range. Rubble from the collapse about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/remembering-the-seti-disaster">700 years ago of paleo-Annapurna IV </a>created the sediment field on which Pokhara is situated today. However, much of the debris from the crumbled mountain is still lodged up on and around Annapurna IV, but the binding is loosening with the warming earth. A <a href="https://www.icimod.org/event/analysing-permafrost-in-the-hindu-kush-himalaya-using-open-access-tools/">2024 report by the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD)</a> indicates that global warming is thawing the permafrost across High Asia. Among the unintended consequences of climate breakdown is that mountains and moraines are collapsing, with <a href="https://www.icimod.org/press-release/everest-region-a-hotspot-of-cryosphere-linked-hazards-icimods-new-study-on-nepals-2024-thame-flood-confirms/">cascading impact</a> that includes glacial lake outburst floods, reduced groundwater recharge as well as winter flow in the Ganga, Indus and Brahmaputra. No one has calculated the total volume of rubble locked in by permafrost across the Himalaya. Despite the increased risk, there is accelerated construction of highways, hydropower projects, housing and tourism infrastructure across the Himalaya. While the COP conferences discuss rising oceans and receding glaciers (without doing much about it), Himalayan permafrost has been melting unremarked. In their path-breaking September 2024 <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/the-not-so-permanent-frost">article in Nepali Times</a>, Wilfried Haeberli and Alton C Byers argued that the extreme events of the past few years that led to mountain and moraine collapses, unleashing destructive debris flows downstream, were the result of melting permafrost. Haeberli and Byers suggest that the avalanches and floods including those of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Anatom-of-a-Himalayan-tsunami,1330">Seti (2012)</a>, <a href="https://www.icimod.org/article/understanding-the-chamoli-flood-cause-process-impacts-and-context-of-rapid-infrastructure-development/">Chamoli (2021)</a>, Birendra Tal (2023), <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2772883825000251">Sikkim (2023)</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/climate-breakdown-linked-to-thame-flood">Thame (2024)</a>, <a href="https://himat.org/publication/byers-rockfall-induced-2019/">Barun (2017)</a> and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/drones-to-the-rescue-in-melamchi">Melamchi (2021)</a> were the result of the thawing of frozen ground. They say that the collapse of the lateral moraine on the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/sikkim-flood-is-warning-to-nepal">South Lhonak glacial lake</a> in Sikkim on 4 October 2023 that swept away more than 100 people, destroyed the $1 billion Chungthang Dam as well as houses, roads and farms far downstream, was also caused by cloudburst on a lateral moraine that had lost its permafrost adhesive. There will be permafrost sceptics, as there have been climate change deniers. But it is time to wake up to the reality that the Himalayan peaks are no longer the immutable sentinels as regarded by humanity since prehistoric times.&nbsp; Modern society has pumped so much greenhouse gas into the atmosphere that now even the mountains are giving up. And we have not even begun to think about the bacteria and viruses locked away in the permafrost up the slope.&nbsp; Loss of permafrost adds to the cumulative impact of climate breakdown, including extreme weather events, drought and cloudbursts, heat waves in the plains affecting lives and livelihoods, creating mass migration, social unrest, and upending politics and geopolitics. The government and polity of Nepal have a duty to themselves and the larger humanity to wake up to the climate breakdown. The Sagarmatha Sambaad conclave organised by the Government in May failed to emerge as a pulpit for global warming and associated ills. Our political class, bureaucracy and academia should make up for lost opportunities to rise to the occasion and take the lead.&nbsp; Kanak Mani Dixit is writer, commentator and founding editor of Himal Southasian.