<img width="800" height="343" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111156/636cd9889c7e80680e092ea7jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>The year 2020, with its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-economy-already-weak-takes-direct-hit/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">economic downturn</a> brought on by the Covid-19 pandemic affected million of lives. But how many people lost their jobs, how many families fell into poverty or how many were affected by lack of food? There is no reliable data to accurately measure the impact of the pandemic. The question then arises: if we do not know the scale of the problem how are we going to address it?In fact, if one were to look for statistics on the total number of farmers in Nepal, or how many Nepalis live abroad, or how many live below the poverty line, there are wildly differing figures. Relevant government agencies themselves do not have the statistics. Whatever data is available is either outdated or unreliable, and are used as the basis for policy and planning despite their unreliability, which poses a risk of poor communities not benefiting from programs targeted towards them.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-economic-downturn-1-year-after-lockdown/">Nepal’s economic downturn, 1 year after lockdown</a>, Ramesh KumarThe 15th plan published by the National Planning Commission states that the population living below the absolute poverty line in Nepal has dropped to 18.7%. However, this is only an estimate made from the Third Living Standards Survey published by the Central Bureau of Statistics in 2011 which concluded that Nepalis earning less than Rs53 -- which is 25% of the population -- lived in poverty. No such survey has been conducted ever since.An unpublished World Bank study found that the 2015 earthquake had increased the poverty rate by 6%, which combined with the Covid pandemic might have pushed families living just above the poverty line below the line again. The National Planning Commission (NPC) reported that 0.9 million people employed within Nepal and 0.6 million Nepalis employed overseas had lost their jobs due to the pandemic as of July 2020.Former Agriculture Minister Ghanshyam Bhusal noted at a program recently that there was no data available regarding farmers and farming communities, and it is unclear how many farmers depend on agricultural income. As per 10-year-old government records gathered through the 2011 agricultural census, 3.83 million farming households accounted for 70% of total households in the country.The figures however, are not telling of the actual production of paddy or other crops every year.  The Agricultural Census 2011 mentions that Nepali farming households possess 2.5 million hectares of land, out of these temporary crops are planted in 2.1 million hectares and permanent crops in 0.17 million hectares.This data is however, incomplete as there is no information on barren agricultural land, or the decrease of agricultural land due to urban plotting in the cities. There are no updates on how many households in the country do not own land, which leaves out a whole chunk of population unaccounted for.One of the key areas of study for Nepal would be the economic migration, as at least one in two households is estimated to have family members in foreign employment. The Economic Survey of 2019/2020 by the Finance Ministry recorded 4.8 million Nepalis had left from April 2019-February 2020 for overseas employment, but there are no records on how many of them have returned.This leaves us with no leads as to how to gauge the situation of Nepal’s labour market. The only other survey that takes up this area is the third edition of the Nepal Labor Force Survey published by the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) in 2019, which was again released a after a decade of its previous edition.The course for numbers on industrial production, consumption or household income is no different. Consumption data is collected to check market activities and the economic status of the consumer. In their absence, it becomes difficult to analyse the drop in the market due to the pandemic.Not only are data important for long-term policymaking, but also for making important short-term decisions. The Ministry of Finance had, for instance, decided in April 2020 to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-covid-19-relief-package/">provide relief</a> to Nepal’s daily-wage working class. But there is no record of how many or who are defined as daily-wage workers, let alone of who and how many citizens received relief.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/instability-to-cost-nepal-dear-in-2021/">Instability to cost Nepal dear in 2021</a>, Ramesh KumarThe government had also announced exemptions and other facilities to businesses affected by the pandemic, but predictably, there is no record of who and how many businesses came under this category.The absence of a reliable data system is the cause of hindrances in identifying potential beneficiaries and make arrangements for relief distribution. A reliable database of at-risk groups can help prevent misuse of assistance and relief in case of emergencies and disasters, while disorganised archives leave loopholes for rampant misuse of resources.Under the government's senior citizens' social security stipend scheme, almost 3 million senior citizens currently receive the allowance. But since there is no separate record of their financial status, the allowance goes out to even those who do not need it. Head of the Department of Economics at Tribhuvan University, Dr Shivaraj Adhikari argues that the data reporting system is weak in the absence of periodic and regular surveys. "There is a lack of reliable data because living standards surveys, industrial surveys, agricultural censuses and surveys are not conducted regularly,” says AdhikariA year since Nepal went under the impact of the pandemic, there are no statistics on the extent to which the economy has been affected. A committee of economists was formed under the coordination of the former Vice Chairman of the National Planning Commission Min Bahadur Shrestha to study the impact, but the report is yet to be released.There are a host of problems in terms of quantity, quality and usefulness of data, and its impact on conducting in-depth research. To the extent that statisticians have called the quarterly GDP figures published by the CBS 'weak'. Manik Lal Shrestha, who has worked at the International Monetary Fund (IMF), says: "There is much to be done in terms of investing in data production and management, categorising data in a way that citizens can understand it.”Last year, there were conflicting reports on paddy production, with some showing a spike and others showing a slump. CBS publishes the data of economic growth every year based on the data of agricultural production provided by the Ministry of Agriculture. Even if the data on paddy production alone is unrealistic, it threatens to undermine the overall figures.Data discrepancies are not limited to the agriculture sector. The import-export statistics published by three government agencies, the Customs Department, Nepal Rastra Bank, and the Trade and Export Promotion Center do not match. The sectoral data of the economic survey made public by the Ministry of Finance has found to be inconsistent with data from other bodies.Limited resources at the CBS is a hindrance for proper and efficient data collection, as a result of which various ministries have to be relied upon for regional statistics regarding education, agriculture and health. Senior Statistics Officer at the Ministry of Agriculture, Ram Krishna Regmi, says: "There is a problem in the statistical system, and it is not right to formulate government policies and plan without improving the system."Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/lies-and-damned-lies/">Lies and damned lies</a>, Editorial

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Lies, damned lies, and statistics

Samsung Nepal has opened pre-orders for the Galaxy A57 5G and A37 5G. Both phones run Samsung’s One UI 8.5, featuring AI capabilities like voice transcription, Circle to Search, and photo editing. They feature a 50MP triple-camera system, a Super AMOLED display, and six years of OS and security updates.

Galaxy A series

Know your Ministers

‘One early morning, we heard the ambassador’s wife cry out, “Ram, Ram, Ram!” A disaster has befallen Nepal!” She had heard on the radio that a fire had consumed Singha Durbar." This is not about the arson attack on 9 September 2025, but the one on 8 July, 1973. It started in the South Wing of the then single-largest building in all of Nepal. It took two days to bring the blaze under control, requiring the use of explosives to demolish one wing to protect the imposing western facade. As Bhekh Bahadur Thapa recalls in the English translation of his memoir A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy, he was then on leave from the Nepal government serving with the IDRC in Ottawa.&nbsp; He had already served as Nepal’s Finance Secretary at age 25, went on to be Finance Minister and Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank. He was already younger than some of the GenZ ministers in Nepal’s present RSP government. Thapa, now 89, was at the launch of the book in February which was attended by former diplomats and bureaucrats. After speeches by panelists, there was a question from the audience about how Thapa had managed to be the diplomat he was, managing Nepal’s international relations on the world stage.&nbsp; Writer and journalist Akhilesh Upadhyay, who was moderating the panel, responded by going into the section of the book where we see Thapa as an ambassador to the US, playing tennis with White House officials, cultivating a network of contacts to project the identity and welfare of Nepal, and making it possible for a state visit by King Birendra to Ronald Reagan’s America. The book is full of anecdotes that suggest Thapa was a clever and strategic diplomat, always calm and unruffled, easily making friends in high places with his maturity and engaging sense of humour. Thapa’s memoir is heavy on details about Nepal’s administrative history during the years he was active in public service, serving as minister and ambassador under three kings: Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra, and alongside five prime ministers.&nbsp; Aside from an insider look on how certain treaties, development deals and research projects in Nepal came into fruition, Thapa goes into great detail about his personal and professional relationships with the kings, ministers, ambassadors, foreign leaders and politicians.&nbsp; As a reader, one is struck by the level of detail around the events that unfolded in Nepal over the years during Thapa’s tenure. Was Thapa recording a journal over the years of the events and the conversations that transpired, or were they committed to his phenomenal memory? Either way, the reader gets a glimpse of Nepal’s recent history from the early days of the Panchayat, through the People’s Movement and the democracy period, the Maoist insurgency, Royal Palace massacre of 2001, and Gyanendra’s coup of 2005.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1584" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="How to win friends and influence nations NT"> </figure>  Not enough is said about the political parties of the time whose presence led to the way Nepal’s multiparty democracy came to be shaped. The book keeps its focus on the administration and the key figures around it, mostly those in the Panchayat era. Towards the second half of the book, we do start to hear about political parties, but not in great depth. Another figure whose presence in the book is conspicuously less prominent is that of his wife, Rita Thapa — the person who seems to have rescued him every time financial quandary or family care became a challenge. Yet, we do not see her as a full person. Perhaps because of the personal tragedies in his life, the children are also barely mentioned.&nbsp; The book is therefore less personal and more technical. Throughout, we learn about Thapa’s thinking as he navigated the world of diplomacy to win him the trust of those who mattered. There are tips here for a new generation of Nepali officials and diplomats about how much commitment and focus is needed to be good at one’s job and serve the national interest. This book adds to tomes that have been written on Nepal’s fragile relationship with India. ‘India has always wished for Nepal to remain dependent on it,’ writes Thapa, who served as Nepal’s ambassador to India and later in the Eminent Persons Group &nbsp;on Indo-Nepal relations that has been allowed to languish. The book has several insights into the Indo-Nepal trysts with diplomacy and agency.&nbsp; China’s role is also recorded, viewed through conversations during a visit to Beijing, but all that was before Nepal’s neighbour to the north emerged as a world economic and military power. The book also has such sudden instances of quirkiness and humour. For instance, we see a young Thapa in America explaining to a government official why he would like to return to Nepal instead of settling down in the US. “Because, Nepal is beautiful,” he said. The text is immaculate and does not read much like a translation, credit for which clearly goes to the team that put the edition together: translator Prawin Adhikari, &nbsp;Anagha Neelakanthan and Bhekh Thapa’s daughter, Manjushree. As Nepal enters a new era of governance and diplomacy, A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy should be essential reading for students of political science, economics and foreign affairs who can gain a fresh perspective on the country’s trajectory.&nbsp; There are dozens of forgotten state secrets recorded in the book, but the reader must also remember this is a story told from one person’s perspective and there may be others.&nbsp; So, what really made Thapa the diplomat he was? I met him in 2004 at the Kantipur TV studio when he was serving as king Gyanendra’s foreign minister. He was there for a studio interview, and I was just done with my English newscast.&nbsp; He surprised me at the door: “Pratibha! I’ve been reading your articles in The Kathmandu Post. You must keep writing.” I thanked him, glad to have been noticed for my work by a stranger. That was perhaps one of the things that set Thapa apart — he excelled at staying close to those in power, while also noticing those who were not.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Book details"> </figure>

How to win friends and influence nations

Prime Minister Balendra Shah on Wednesday broke tradition and met with 17 foreign envoys collectively, a move that was a notable departure from how his predecessors operated.&nbsp;
Shah had already set himself apart by talking less, listening more, and delegating to trusted friends. But by meeting all ambassadors at one go in the presence of the Foreign Ministry, he signalled a paradigm shift in how he wants Nepal to be seen: no longer just balancing India and China, but as a country confident about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/tripolar-contestation-over-nepal">strategic importance and place in the world</a>.
In just two weeks, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rsp-dos-and-don-ts">RSP has sprung into action </a>on multiple fronts to implement its ambitious 100-point, 100-days action plan. It has taken short-term measures to mitigate the impact of the Gulf war, as well as medium- and long- term measures to streamline the bureaucracy. A few high-profile figures have been made examples of to drive the message home.
Earlier this week, the government recalled six politically appointed ambassadors, the most notable being long-serving Shankar Sharma from New Delhi. The Kathmandu District Court issued arrest warrants against former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his former foreign minister wife Arzu Rana on charges of money laundering and corruption.
Each ministry has been trying to clean up the accumulated rot from the past three decades: regulatory overhaul of microfinance, education, health and service delivery.&nbsp;
These actions widely disseminated campaign-style on YouTube and TikTok have made most Nepalis hopeful that the party they installed in power means business.
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BACKLASH
But such attempts to overhaul a long-entrenched political culture were bound to face backlash. In their impatience and enthusiasm to get things done, some of Prime Minister Shah’s ministers have over-reached.
It was common knowledge that government-paid advertising in the mainstream press was kickback-driven, but the PMO’s directive that official notices be published or broadcast only on state-run media has been denounced — especially as the media industry struggles to stay afloat.
More serious are some recent appointments by ministers of relatives and figures closely associated with the RSP to key positions. This has rankled because this party built its political plank on ending nepotism and graft.&nbsp;
News that Home Minister Sudan Gurung allegedly had not paid rent on leased land, which illegally encroached on the lake in Pokhara did not help. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Shah himself has come under scrutiny for appointing a kitchen cabinet full of male buddies from his time as Kathmandu mayor. To douse criticism he brought in as adviser investigative journalist Deepa Dahal, who has exposed corruption in high places of the previous coalitions.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment of another political adviser Asim Shah to the head Constitution Amendment Task Force, is also seen as problematic. He is a filmmaker and former lawmaker, but does not have a background in constitutional law.&nbsp;
Even more controversial is the Cabinet’s decision to appoint RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane’s legal counsel, Narayan Kandel, as Attorney General. Kandel used to be a UK permanent resident, and does not have as much experience practicing law in Nepal.&nbsp;
Kandel’s appointment drew flak and raised eyebrows, and with the pending legal cases against Lamichhane this appointment represents a flagrant conflict of interest.
Health Minister Nisha Mehta was also accused of favouritism after reappointing Junu Shrestha, wife of Labour Minister Dipak Kumar Shah, as member of the Health Insurance Board which had earlier suspended her. The Labour Minister’s rambling rant at the Board’s meeting on Tuesday has not helped the RSP’s image.&nbsp;
(UPDATE: On Thursday, Prime Minister Shah sacked the Labour Minister after the RSP found him in breach of the party's code of conduct and discipline. He served 14 days in the Cabinet, one of the shortest tenures for a minister in Nepal )
It is hard to know what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Balendra Shah is thinking</a>, and how Rabi Lamichhane is going to justify some of these moves. After all, making politics, governance, and bureaucracy a meritocracy has been the core tenet of the RSP, and it risks alienating its mainly youth base if these missteps persist.
But at least for now, most RSP supporters seem to be giving the party the benefit of doubt.

statistics

Lies, damned lies, and statistics

Galaxy A series

Know your Ministers

How to win friends and influence nations

Nepal’s new government springs into action