<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101136/636b74f29c7e80680e0623bfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1512" height="1134"/>Wednesday was Nepal’s Democracy Day, it was the 27th anniversary of Kantipur Media Group, and the day Anup Kaphle was stepping down as editor of The Kathmandu Post. What he probably did not expect was such a high profile send-off from the Chinese Embassy in Kathmandu.A strongly worded statement by the embassy named Kaphle, accused him of being ‘always biased' against China and issued unspecified threats against the paper for <a href="http://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud=20200216000248" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud%3D20200216000248&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1582210409064000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFwYJiI7rrY96bToHdKN_KCuyQuPg">a column reprinted</a> (pictured above) from The Korea Herald by former US ambassador to NATO Ivo Daalder, that was critical of China’s response to the Covid-19 epidemic.This was uncharacteristic of an embassy that usually keeps a low profile in Nepal, and has upheld an official policy not to interfere in Nepal’s internal affairs, to go so public with such a direct attack against a Nepal-based media. In the past, the embassy has preferred to work discreetly behind the scenes by channelling its complaints against editors through the Foreign Ministry or Home Ministry.However, it looks like the reaction from the embassy was not restricted to Nepal, but part of a broader worldwide offensive against negative coverage of China over the coronavirus epidemic, and a backlash from Beijing against those it saw as ‘kicking China when it is down’. Beijing has been critical of especially the United States for using the epidemic for geo-strategic gain.On Wednesday itself, China <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/feb/19/china-bars-wall-street-journal-reporters-over-derogatory-column" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/feb/19/china-bars-wall-street-journal-reporters-over-derogatory-column&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1582210409064000&amp;usg=AFQjCNH4tCOLDDpSnxZ-kUc1Xr1zUHutVA">cancelled the press accreditation</a> of three Wall Street Journal reporters for a story that in its headline called China ‘the real sick man of Asia’. The Foreign Ministry in Beijing said the story was racist and set back the country’s efforts to combat the epidemic. This is the first time that there have been multiple expulsions of Beijing based foreign correspondents since the time of Mao Zedong.In Kathmandu, the embassy’s press statement brought a quick rebuke from a group of editors from a cross-section of the media which hit out at the embassy for naming the editor, and issuing threats against the media.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101136/636b74f59c7e80680e0623c0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="868">‘We condemn the statement by the embassy which also violates diplomatic norms,’ the statement (pictured above), signed by 17 of the editors of Nepal’s mainstream newspapers and magazines, said.The <a href="http://np.chineseembassy.org/eng/News/t1746464.htm" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://np.chineseembassy.org/eng/News/t1746464.htm&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1582210409064000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFiLAwHHDHDUHH8QWpxMuUOd2t9QA">Chinese embassy statement</a> lashed out at The Kathmandu Post, and singled out its outgoing editor for special mention. It said the Ivo Daalder op-ed: ‘deliberately smeared the efforts of the Chinese government and people fighting against the new coronavirus pneumonia and even viciously attacked the political system of China ... This fully revealed its ignorance and prejudice on China, deeply hurt the feelings of the Chinese people ...’The statement concluded with the following sentences: ‘It is regrettable that Mr Anup Kaphle, Chief Editor of The Kathmandu Post has always been biased on China-related issues. This time he went as far as disregarding the facts and becoming a parrot of some anti-China forces and, therefore, his ulterior purpose is destined to failure. The Chinese Embassy in Nepal has made solemn representations to the newspaper and himself and reserves the right of further action.’<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101136/636b74f79c7e80680e0623c1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="167">Chinese Ambassador Hou Yanqi immediately tweeted (pictured above) the statement, provoking a firestorm in social media from both those who supported and opposed the issue. Some pointedly reminded her that Nepal was a democracy, unlike China -- and that it had no right to tell Nepal’s media what to do on the country’s Democracy Day. Others criticised The Kathmandu Post for insulting a friendly neighbouring country, and most of those posts used the identical analogy: asking what would have happened if it was an illustration of Gandhi wielding a gun in Kashmir.The objection seemed to be less about the content of the Daalder op-ed which many did not even seem to have read, and more about the Shutterstock image of Mao Zedong on China’s 100 yuan banknote wearing a mask. There are no reports of the Chinese Embassy in Seoul issuing any statement against The Korean Herald which first published the op-ed.Many social media users posted pictures of the cover of a recent issue of The Economist (pictured below, left) which also depicted Mao wearing a mask, and asked what the fuss was all about. Others dug up an issue of Himal bimonthly magazine from 25 years ago which photo montaged a Nepali cap on Mao Zedong (pictured below, right) to illustrate a story about the spread of Maoism in South Asia.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101136/636b74fa9c7e80680e0623c2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1244" height="844"><a href="https://kathmandupost.com/editorial/2020/02/19/why-china-s-statement-targeting-the-post-is-a-cause-for-concern" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://kathmandupost.com/editorial/2020/02/19/why-china-s-statement-targeting-the-post-is-a-cause-for-concern&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1582210409064000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGXhRe14kLViyhe6gqFi2AVpdamMQ">In a strongly-worded editorial</a>, The Kathmandu Post on Wednesday fired back: ‘... the Chinese embassy did not just express its discontent with the article published; it went so far as to disparage the Post’s Editor-in-Chief and employ threatening language. The undiplomatic—and frankly menacing—manner in which the Chinese embassy made its objections known is condemnable ... If Nepal is to keep its sovereignty, it needs to ensure that no foreign nation, no matter how powerful, gets to dictate what principles Nepalis uphold.’China is sensitive to the epidemic bringing out racist stigmatisation of people of Chinese ethnicity all over the world, and feels that it is not getting due credit for its strict quarantine rules to prevent the virus from spreading.Nepal has felt its geopolitical fallout. For a country that hardly ever sees anti-Chinese protests or criticism of China’s human rights record in the media, the embassy statement and the debate it has sparked will mark a watershed.

Kunda Dixit

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Nepal media feels China’s wrath in coronavirus fallout

Samsung Nepal has opened pre-orders for the Galaxy A57 5G and A37 5G. Both phones run Samsung’s One UI 8.5, featuring AI capabilities like voice transcription, Circle to Search, and photo editing. They feature a 50MP triple-camera system, a Super AMOLED display, and six years of OS and security updates.

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‘One early morning, we heard the ambassador’s wife cry out, “Ram, Ram, Ram!” A disaster has befallen Nepal!” She had heard on the radio that a fire had consumed Singha Durbar." This is not about the arson attack on 9 September 2025, but the one on 8 July, 1973. It started in the South Wing of the then single-largest building in all of Nepal. It took two days to bring the blaze under control, requiring the use of explosives to demolish one wing to protect the imposing western facade. As Bhekh Bahadur Thapa recalls in the English translation of his memoir A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy, he was then on leave from the Nepal government serving with the IDRC in Ottawa.&nbsp; He had already served as Nepal’s Finance Secretary at age 25, went on to be Finance Minister and Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank. He was already younger than some of the GenZ ministers in Nepal’s present RSP government. Thapa, now 89, was at the launch of the book in February which was attended by former diplomats and bureaucrats. After speeches by panelists, there was a question from the audience about how Thapa had managed to be the diplomat he was, managing Nepal’s international relations on the world stage.&nbsp; Writer and journalist Akhilesh Upadhyay, who was moderating the panel, responded by going into the section of the book where we see Thapa as an ambassador to the US, playing tennis with White House officials, cultivating a network of contacts to project the identity and welfare of Nepal, and making it possible for a state visit by King Birendra to Ronald Reagan’s America. The book is full of anecdotes that suggest Thapa was a clever and strategic diplomat, always calm and unruffled, easily making friends in high places with his maturity and engaging sense of humour. Thapa’s memoir is heavy on details about Nepal’s administrative history during the years he was active in public service, serving as minister and ambassador under three kings: Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra, and alongside five prime ministers.&nbsp; Aside from an insider look on how certain treaties, development deals and research projects in Nepal came into fruition, Thapa goes into great detail about his personal and professional relationships with the kings, ministers, ambassadors, foreign leaders and politicians.&nbsp; As a reader, one is struck by the level of detail around the events that unfolded in Nepal over the years during Thapa’s tenure. Was Thapa recording a journal over the years of the events and the conversations that transpired, or were they committed to his phenomenal memory? Either way, the reader gets a glimpse of Nepal’s recent history from the early days of the Panchayat, through the People’s Movement and the democracy period, the Maoist insurgency, Royal Palace massacre of 2001, and Gyanendra’s coup of 2005.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1584" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="How to win friends and influence nations NT"> </figure>  Not enough is said about the political parties of the time whose presence led to the way Nepal’s multiparty democracy came to be shaped. The book keeps its focus on the administration and the key figures around it, mostly those in the Panchayat era. Towards the second half of the book, we do start to hear about political parties, but not in great depth. Another figure whose presence in the book is conspicuously less prominent is that of his wife, Rita Thapa — the person who seems to have rescued him every time financial quandary or family care became a challenge. Yet, we do not see her as a full person. Perhaps because of the personal tragedies in his life, the children are also barely mentioned.&nbsp; The book is therefore less personal and more technical. Throughout, we learn about Thapa’s thinking as he navigated the world of diplomacy to win him the trust of those who mattered. There are tips here for a new generation of Nepali officials and diplomats about how much commitment and focus is needed to be good at one’s job and serve the national interest. This book adds to tomes that have been written on Nepal’s fragile relationship with India. ‘India has always wished for Nepal to remain dependent on it,’ writes Thapa, who served as Nepal’s ambassador to India and later in the Eminent Persons Group &nbsp;on Indo-Nepal relations that has been allowed to languish. The book has several insights into the Indo-Nepal trysts with diplomacy and agency.&nbsp; China’s role is also recorded, viewed through conversations during a visit to Beijing, but all that was before Nepal’s neighbour to the north emerged as a world economic and military power. The book also has such sudden instances of quirkiness and humour. For instance, we see a young Thapa in America explaining to a government official why he would like to return to Nepal instead of settling down in the US. “Because, Nepal is beautiful,” he said. The text is immaculate and does not read much like a translation, credit for which clearly goes to the team that put the edition together: translator Prawin Adhikari, &nbsp;Anagha Neelakanthan and Bhekh Thapa’s daughter, Manjushree. As Nepal enters a new era of governance and diplomacy, A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy should be essential reading for students of political science, economics and foreign affairs who can gain a fresh perspective on the country’s trajectory.&nbsp; There are dozens of forgotten state secrets recorded in the book, but the reader must also remember this is a story told from one person’s perspective and there may be others.&nbsp; So, what really made Thapa the diplomat he was? I met him in 2004 at the Kantipur TV studio when he was serving as king Gyanendra’s foreign minister. He was there for a studio interview, and I was just done with my English newscast.&nbsp; He surprised me at the door: “Pratibha! I’ve been reading your articles in The Kathmandu Post. You must keep writing.” I thanked him, glad to have been noticed for my work by a stranger. That was perhaps one of the things that set Thapa apart — he excelled at staying close to those in power, while also noticing those who were not.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Book details"> </figure>

How to win friends and influence nations

Prime Minister Balendra Shah on Wednesday broke tradition and met with 17 foreign envoys collectively, a move that was a notable departure from how his predecessors operated.&nbsp;
Shah had already set himself apart by talking less, listening more, and delegating to trusted friends. But by meeting all ambassadors at one go in the presence of the Foreign Ministry, he signalled a paradigm shift in how he wants Nepal to be seen: no longer just balancing India and China, but as a country confident about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/tripolar-contestation-over-nepal">strategic importance and place in the world</a>.
In just two weeks, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rsp-dos-and-don-ts">RSP has sprung into action </a>on multiple fronts to implement its ambitious 100-point, 100-days action plan. It has taken short-term measures to mitigate the impact of the Gulf war, as well as medium- and long- term measures to streamline the bureaucracy. A few high-profile figures have been made examples of to drive the message home.
Earlier this week, the government recalled six politically appointed ambassadors, the most notable being long-serving Shankar Sharma from New Delhi. The Kathmandu District Court issued arrest warrants against former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his former foreign minister wife Arzu Rana on charges of money laundering and corruption.
Each ministry has been trying to clean up the accumulated rot from the past three decades: regulatory overhaul of microfinance, education, health and service delivery.&nbsp;
These actions widely disseminated campaign-style on YouTube and TikTok have made most Nepalis hopeful that the party they installed in power means business.
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BACKLASH
But such attempts to overhaul a long-entrenched political culture were bound to face backlash. In their impatience and enthusiasm to get things done, some of Prime Minister Shah’s ministers have over-reached.
It was common knowledge that government-paid advertising in the mainstream press was kickback-driven, but the PMO’s directive that official notices be published or broadcast only on state-run media has been denounced — especially as the media industry struggles to stay afloat.
More serious are some recent appointments by ministers of relatives and figures closely associated with the RSP to key positions. This has rankled because this party built its political plank on ending nepotism and graft.&nbsp;
News that Home Minister Sudan Gurung allegedly had not paid rent on leased land, which illegally encroached on the lake in Pokhara did not help. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Shah himself has come under scrutiny for appointing a kitchen cabinet full of male buddies from his time as Kathmandu mayor. To douse criticism he brought in as adviser investigative journalist Deepa Dahal, who has exposed corruption in high places of the previous coalitions.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment of another political adviser Asim Shah to the head Constitution Amendment Task Force, is also seen as problematic. He is a filmmaker and former lawmaker, but does not have a background in constitutional law.&nbsp;
Even more controversial is the Cabinet’s decision to appoint RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane’s legal counsel, Narayan Kandel, as Attorney General. Kandel used to be a UK permanent resident, and does not have as much experience practicing law in Nepal.&nbsp;
Kandel’s appointment drew flak and raised eyebrows, and with the pending legal cases against Lamichhane this appointment represents a flagrant conflict of interest.
Health Minister Nisha Mehta was also accused of favouritism after reappointing Junu Shrestha, wife of Labour Minister Dipak Kumar Shah, as member of the Health Insurance Board which had earlier suspended her. The Labour Minister’s rambling rant at the Board’s meeting on Tuesday has not helped the RSP’s image.&nbsp;
(UPDATE: On Thursday, Prime Minister Shah sacked the Labour Minister after the RSP found him in breach of the party's code of conduct and discipline. He served 14 days in the Cabinet, one of the shortest tenures for a minister in Nepal )
It is hard to know what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Balendra Shah is thinking</a>, and how Rabi Lamichhane is going to justify some of these moves. After all, making politics, governance, and bureaucracy a meritocracy has been the core tenet of the RSP, and it risks alienating its mainly youth base if these missteps persist.
But at least for now, most RSP supporters seem to be giving the party the benefit of doubt.

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Nepal media feels China’s wrath in coronavirus fallout

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Nepal’s new government springs into action