<img width="1424" height="1042" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111015118/636d062c9c7e80680e0a5f4ajpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Nepal has experimented with different kinds of restrictions on the mobility of its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/history-of-female-immobility-in-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/history-of-female-immobility-in-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1625629625122000&amp;usg=AFQjCNG7YP9YiTPw3eesrCUWsDMgQKO98g">women migrant workers</a>: age bans, blanket bans, country specific bans, sectoral bans. But <a href="https://www.ratnanagarmun.gov.np/en" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ratnanagarmun.gov.np/en&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1625629625122000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEtwI_gVE_QSGkwF9fvuZyqFzYhmg">Chitwan’s Ratnanagar</a> has gone a step further to restrict women with children under two years to travel abroad for foreign employment. The ban will go into effect from 15 August, and is a departure from previous restrictions on women workers going overseas because it is not at the instruction of a parliamentary committee in Kathmandu, but by a local government.The rule will apply to all mothers with babies under two years regardless of what kind of work they will be doing abroad. While some previous bans have used the age of women for travel bans, this is the first time a rule uses the age of children as a criteria.And while previous bans usually cited women’s safety as the main rationale, the new restriction claims to be protecting the rights of children. “Children are deprived of maternal care when mothers migrate for work, this decision was to ensure that babies are not deprived of their mother’s care including breastfeeding by leaving them with parents or parents-in-law,” says Shishir Poudel, an official at Ratnanagar Municipality. The first few years after birth are formative and have a lasting impact on a person’s growth." Nepal is not the first country to experiment with such policies. A similar rule in Sri Lanka for a  <a href="http://www.slbfe.lk/page.php?LID=1&amp;MID=62" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.slbfe.lk/page.php?LID%3D1%26MID%3D62&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1625629625122000&amp;usg=AFQjCNER69ObSBz3HgW35SGx-XS5LV-o7Q">Family Background Report (FBR)</a>was introduced in 2013 and restricts labour migration of females with children below the age of five, while mothers with older children need to prove that they have sufficient care arrangements. Sri Lanka also has restrictions on the age of women going abroad to work. “The rule demonstrates a patriarchal way of thinking, with women being relegated just within their homes with no power to make decisions regarding livelihoods for themselves or their families,” says Andrew Samuel of the Community Development Services (CDS) in Colombo. The criticism about <a href="https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CEDAW/Shared%20Documents/LKA/INT_CEDAW_NGO_LKA_26306_E.pdf" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CEDAW/Shared%2520Documents/LKA/INT_CEDAW_NGO_LKA_26306_E.pdf&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1625629625122000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEXif9qmHwTXOzBFZK3QcZab5OSBA">FBR in Sri Lanka</a> parallels restrictions on women workers in Nepal over the years. Like Nepal, the FBR was introduced based on anecdotes rather than empirical research and without consulting those involved. The restrictions in both Nepal and Sri Lanka have also been criticised because they violate a woman’s right to employment and freedom of mobility, and also because similar rules do not apply to men and relinquishes fathers from parental responsibilities. Many women also choose to migrate either because they have no alternate sources of income or because they are victims of abuse and exploitation at home. Restricting women from finding work abroad could also spur internal migration for work in which case a child would be left behind regardless. The bans also do not take into account that the absence of income due to the mother being compelled to remain at home may have an even more negative impact on the wellbeing of her children.“Women going for higher paying jobs manage to bypass FBR whereas domestic workers are subject to restrictions and are impacted negatively,” explains Andrew Samuels of CDS. “With the imposition of FBR, we have seen an uptake of visit visas so women can travel overseas for work without a family background report.”At the Institute of Policy Studies of Sri Lanka, Bilesha Weeraratne has <a href="https://www.wider.unu.edu/publication/ban-female-migrant-workers" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.wider.unu.edu/publication/ban-female-migrant-workers&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1625629625122000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGJSurbMJZIi8L9SQaRO-uegvOpEw">found that FBR  disproportionately impacts</a> those in the lower rungs of skills. She says, “Initially when the restriction only applied to domestic workers, there was a drop in their departure, and an increase in mid-level and professional workers leaving. This indicates people were mis-reporting occupations to bypass FBR restrictions.” But even after the FBR was later expanded to all sectors in 2015, Weeraartne found that there was an increase in departure of women in the higher skilled groups, showing that the policy was more stringent towards lower skilled groups and lax towards the higher skilled ones.Recruiters also preferred to diversify towards the higher occupational categories where the FBR was implemented more loosely, she adds. Lower-skilled workers are more vulnerable to recruitment-related corruption, higher vulnerability and lower foreign employment opportunities. Experts warn that Nepal could also face similar outcomes if the ban on women with babies goes into force. And there has been mixed reaction on social media to the Ratnanagar announcement. Some who favour restrictions on mothers of young children have said the local government should then ensure jobs at home so the poorest can provide for their children.‘Will the Municipality be responsible for my household expenses as a single mother? The government is oblivious to my requests for support but also wants to stop me from travelling,” reads one post. ‘If you can, also provide children of single mothers with free education and healthcare. If not, allow those of us who want work to do so.’ Another points out: ‘Imagine the circumstances that force a mother to leave behind her baby to work overseas. It is not enough to ban them, the government needs to provide alternatives.” <img width="739" height="273" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111015118/636d062f9c7e80680e0a5f4bjpeg.jpg" alt=""><img width="762" height="129" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111015118/636d06319c7e80680e0a5f4cjpeg.jpg" alt="">Devolution under Nepal’s federal constitution had brought hopes for better management of migration given the proximity of local elected officials to those who want to leave and their families. The Local Governance Operation Act <a href="https://moless.gov.np/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Migration-Report-2020-English.pdf" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://moless.gov.np/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Migration-Report-2020-English.pdf&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1625629625122000&amp;usg=AFQjCNE8OcY4SX53YCAuSX_IN4Z11Q_cmQ">gives local governments responsibility</a> for returnee management, data collection and information dissemination.  Instead, they seem to be using their power to increase state control over women’s mobility.Shishir Poudel denies that the Municipality has no jurisdiction over migration policy, adding that  migrants already need various documents from his office during the migration process, and the new rule would be feasible to enforce.   There are also practical consequences to implementing local restrictions when they go against national policies and regulations. The Department of Foreign Employment, for example, restricts labour approvals for domestic workers, but not for women with children under two that is specific to any of Nepal’s 753 municipalities. Such policy incoherence leaves room for corruption among recruiters and other officials. To be sure, the social costs of migration on families left behind, especially young children and ageing parents does need more attention. But instead of bans, struggling families need more support, alternate employment opportunities within Nepal, and the role of spouses of female migrants in childcare responsibilities needs to be re-evaluated.

Upasana Khadka

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Nepal town to ban mothers migrating

Nepali Congress (NC) President Gagan Thapa's candidacy in Sarlahi-4 has thrust this Madhes constituency into rare national focus. If Thapa wins and the NC emerges as the largest party, Sarlahi-4 will send Nepal's next prime minister to Parliament. But if he does not, Nepal’s grand old party will face the next years in the opposition to fight another day. There is a troubling paradox in Sarlahi-4 where the district bordering the Indian state of Bihar has been a battleground for national politicians with fierce electoral competition, all while remaining one of the region's most underserved and underdeveloped constituencies.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260305140344_069cbbc11e971a851b444866dee57f760c0cc611ed40bdf96c627e343e3c0485.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260305140344_069cbbc11e971a851b444866dee57f760c0cc611ed40bdf96c627e343e3c0485" data-rendition-name="original" width="1802" height="1276" loading="lazy" alt="Sarlahi-4 voting"> <figcaption>Photo: MADHES PAHARA MEDIA</figcaption> </figure>  Ever since Mahant Thakur split from NC in 2008 to form the Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party, the district has seen rotating political alliances and fragmented votes. Yet, despite 18 years of candidates promising change irrigation schemes remain incomplete, market access for farmers has not improved, unemployment is high.&nbsp; On election day, voters here marked their ballots with fingers stained by dye from the Holi festival the day before. The road leading to Barathawa Bazar was deserted for the most part, except for some youth riding in motorcycles. This is where the high-profile contest between Gagan Thapa and RSP nominee Amresh Singh is being staged. Among the other aspirants is 27-year-old UML candidate Amnish Yadav, the son of former MP Shiv Pujan Yadav. The Yadavs are a political family with considerable caste influence in the constituency. In 2022 Yadav’s daughter Madhumala Yadav received over 14,000 votes here, ranking third overall. Yadav was voted MP from the Maoist party, but defected to the UML this time. His other son is the chair of Sarlahi’s Ramnagar Rural Municipality. Sarhali-4 has 121,012 voters, and the Yadav is banking on the 27,000-strong Yadav vote bank. Sarlahi-4 voter Avishek Sah told us he wanted his vote to go to a young nominee and not someone who has been MP thrice already, like Amresh Singh. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260305140344_527c5c2f9aa6a6c7e3bbdfbfe79fdafb0a0b56a62427e9ced86b924c6c563b10.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260305140344_527c5c2f9aa6a6c7e3bbdfbfe79fdafb0a0b56a62427e9ced86b924c6c563b10" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Sarlahi-4 voting"> <figcaption>Photo: AYUSHA CHALISE</figcaption> </figure>  To make local loyalties even more complicated, Amnish Yadav’s uncle, Harinder Yadav is an active NC member and walked side by side with Gagan Thapa during his door-to-door campaigns.&nbsp; The NC is betting on Thapa getting over 60% of the total votes. Amresh Singh’s tally could be limited to 10,000 votes — that too because of the nationwide RSP wave, and the popularity of its prime ministerial hopeful Balendra (Balen) Shah. “Amresh Singh lost his appeal when he played victim after he was denied a ticket by the NC in 2022,” Harinder Yadav says. Voters we spoke to here agreed with this assessment that Singh did not do much for the district once he got elected in the past, and being a part of the RSP seems to be his biggest asset. “The only reason I voted for Amresh Singh is because Balen is in RSP,” local voter Mahendra Gupta from Barathawa. &nbsp;“This is his last chance to return the people’s trust.”&nbsp; Gupta is aware of the institutional presence of the NC here. The party received the most votes in 2022 local elections, adding that the candidacy of someone as high-profile as Thapa is a positive sign for Sarlahi-4.&nbsp; Other voters like Ruby Gupta are rooting for both the NC and the RSP. “I will vote for Gagan and for Balen,” she says, adding that her FPTP vote will go to Thapa while her PR ballot would be for the RSP. RSP supporters are confident that their candidate will win big because even though many voters may not have openly voiced their support they still voted for the party and candidate. The Balen Wave was not limited to RSP voters, but also to UML candidate Yadav, who said in a gathering that he will be “the voters Balen” if they elect him. He touted his party’s track record in government, and largely campaigned on administrative efficiency, infrastructural expansion, and local service delivery. Amresh Singh ran on the RSP’s anti-establishment brand, promising to fight corruption, challenge traditional party politics, improve basic services such as education, health, jobs, and infrastructure, while pushing for stronger representation and development for Madhes.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260305140344_982df01801fa7d3532ca0555ecb8a0756e3223be3d93650e08ca82a312dc2ebd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260305140344_982df01801fa7d3532ca0555ecb8a0756e3223be3d93650e08ca82a312dc2ebd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Sarlahi-4 voting"> <figcaption>Photo:AYUSHA CHALISE</figcaption> </figure>  Singh’s rivalry with his NC competitor goes beyond the ballot— he allegedly blames Thapa for being denied the NC ticket in 2022, which led him to win the election from Sarlahi-4 as an independent. &nbsp; For his part, Gagan Thapa focused on a more pragmatic development agenda that includes upgrading roads and irrigation, improving schools and hospitals, supporting farmers, and creating employment opportunities with improved governance at the centre. He also promised to build an engineering college in the constituency.&nbsp; Thapa also promoted his own anti-establishment image within the NC, repeatedly reminding voters on the campaign trail that he represents the aspirations of the youth.&nbsp; On Thursday, as voting progressed, there were violent disruptions in two centres where voting was briefly halted. But Sarlahi district police spokesperson Saroj Rai told Nepali Times that there were no major problems. Police in collaboration with the Nepal Army sent the ballot papers to the district’s counting stations, where the votes are expected to be tallied through the night and the winner announced Friday morning.

Sarlahi-4 nervously watches ballot count

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Nepal Election live results

As this report is uploaded, the latest results in Nepal’s election show that the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is headed for an even bigger sweep than most had predicted.
The RSP was leading by large margins in 49 of 165 constituencies, &nbsp;with the UML, NC and NCP trailing far behind. Prominent political figures from the old parties like K P Oli, Minwndra Prasad Rijal, Ishwar Pokhrel, Bishnu Prasad Poudel, Bimalendra Nidhi all seem headed for defeat.
It does look like the RSP’s bell election symbol is ringing right across Nepal — from cities to the remotest districts in the mountains and plains. The party’s blue colour is sweeping the land.
The Nepali people seem to have sent a clear message that they were throughly dissatisfied with the chronic failure of the three main parties to work in the national interest to create jobs and deliver development. It was also an expression of lingering outrage over the the 8 September massacre outside Parliament. &nbsp;
It now looks almost certain that Balendra Shah will get to be Nepal’s next, and youngest, prime minister. Hopefully he will be leading a cabinet of competent and honest technocrats. It remains to seen how the power equation between Shah and the RSP’s leader, Rabi Lamichhane will play out.
Lamichhane is out of jail on bail for fraud cases which he has called political vendetta by the previous regime. Both he and Shah are charismatic and ambitious. Their working relationship will determine Nepal's political stability and whether it can avoid the political cronyism of the past.
This election was not just about casting votes. It was about standing up to principles and a value system, and respecting the hopes and aspirations of Nepal’s youth. It to push for transparent government and against impunity — including for the gunning down of young Nepalis in cold blood.
<div class="embed-block"><iframe src="https://election-geo-dashboard.pages.dev/" width="100%" height="600" frameborder="0"> </iframe>Live election results as winners of candidates are announced.</div>
CAN DO MAN
Shah got mixed reviews as mayor. He was impulsive and ad hoc, but most people inKathmandu and beyond liked his can-do attitude and unconventional style which stood in sharp contract to the legacy leaders. Over his three year mayorship he showed more maturity and planning capacity.&nbsp;
But he always ran headlong into opposition from the federal government over his urban planning and other initiatives to make Kathmandu more liveable. Coming from a civil and structural engineering background, he was involved in building low-cost housing after the 2015 earthquake.
But his public persona is more tied to his irreverent rap lyrics that stood up for the marginalised underprivileged in society, while exposing the high-handedness and apathy of the state. But this also exposed contradictions because he also used his own municipal guards to beat and chase away street vendors and squatters.
But there is no doubt that a combination of the sharp messaging in his rap videos amplified by the algorithms of social media ignited Nepal’s youth to rise up. It was more about optics and emotion than policy and strategy.
He studied Kathmandu district for five years, visiting experts in every field before announcing his independent candidacy for mayor in 2022. Many like me in his own constitunecy did not know who he was and where he came from.
He is a year younger than my architect son, and I saw in him a reflection of my own son’s commitment to serving the nation. I voted for him to be mayor despite his sometimes erratic behaviour, which could be attributed to his youth.
The best sign of his strategic planning, which unsettled septuagenarian and octogenarian politicians, is the he did not grab the first easy option of becoming prime minister in September when GenZ activists offered him the post.&nbsp;
Joining RSP was a masterstroke, as was his challenge to Oli in Jhapa to project national branding. He needed a party platform and Lamichhane needed a popular prime ministerial persona since he himself could not hold the post.
Shah has shown the capacity to take risks when he believes the value justifies the action for the country. Now, he will have to show more strategic thinking on a national scale, as well as understand the delicate geopolitics of Nepal.&nbsp;
He must rise above the kind of crude social media posts that earned him followers on X, but did nothing to erase his erratic and impulsive image.&nbsp;
Some assume that behind his trademark RayBan shades is a closet dictator, and his past remarks about Hitler are still up on social media. He has in the past shown impatience with criticism, unleashing supporters on social media to troll detractors.&nbsp;
Even so, the public seems willing to place their hope on an educated young man with integrity and a proven record for planning at the helm. By tomorrow it will be clear whether the hope Nepalis have held has been fulfilled, and the coming years will show if the RSP will lead Nepalis to a better future.
The voters seem to have shown the door even to the NC despite the fact that under Gagan Thapa, the party had turned a new leaf. A strong government under Prime Minister Balendra Shah heading a carefully selected cabinet and a strong opposition of the NC, UML and other parties for check and balance may be just what we need for a stable Nepal.&nbsp;
Nepalis have collectively always shown maturity in elections. This time they have given a resounding endorsement for integrity and for good governance.

Bells ring all over Nepal

After Thursday’s election, Nepalis are in a wait-and-watch mode. The Election Commission says counting ballot papers will be expedited this time, and the results for the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) will start being declared within days. In 2022, it took three weeks for the final results to be tallied.&nbsp;
But winning an election is only half the challenge for the parties, forming a government under parliamentary politics is like a complicated mathematical equation.&nbsp;
In 2022, the Nepali Congress (NC) emerged as the biggest party, winning 89 seats. But the UML with 78 seats and the Maoists with 32 formed a minority government. In fact, Sher Bahadur Deuba did not become PM then despite leading the biggest party in Parliament.
This time, there is an unmistakeable Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) wave led by its prime ministerial candidate, Balendra Shah. Besides his own popularity, Shah represents change which most Nepalis are clamouring for after decades of corrupt and feckless coalitions that did not deliver.&nbsp;
The past months of campaigning has seen massive youth engagement on social media through memes, AI clips, and viral images. Digital content that appeals to emotion rather than policy debate between candidates shape electoral outcomes in Nepal and elsewhere. &nbsp;
Shah represents GenZ aspirations, and was their candidate for prime minister. It was only when he declined that Sushila Karki was nominated. None of the political parties in the recent past -- new, old, or revolutionary — have won enough seats to go it alone.&nbsp;
The most recent majority government was formed by the short-lived Communist Party of Nepal after the UML-Maoist merger in 2022. But that rare two-thirds majority collapsed after a power struggle between K P Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal. The only party to have won a majority was the NC in the 1991 and 1999 elections. But it is near impossible for it to repeat this success now, even with Gagan Thapa's rebranding of the party.&nbsp;
We have compiled these possible scenarios for election outcome in order of likelihood:
RSP gets a majority
RSP hits the magic 138 to form a government entirely on its own. Balendra Shah wins Jhapa-5, and becomes the new prime minister at 35, the youngest ever to hold the office in Nepal. But danger lurks: there could be a personality clash between Shah and Lamichhane who are both equally ambitious. History could repeat itself.&nbsp;
RSP wins but does not get a majority
RSP is likely to sweep the most votes, but what if it does not secure enough seats for a majority? It would need a coalition partner and Nepali Communist Party (NCP) under Pushpa Kamal Dahal could fit the bill, but only if it has the numbers. The RSP is not likely to team up with the UML or NC.
The NCP is relatively untainted by the 8 September events, and also has former UML defectors like Madhav Kumar Nepal and Bhim Rawal who could bag their rural vote banks. After all, there are no permanent foes in politics. If the royalist RPP and Tarai-based Janata Samajwadi have enough seats, those could be options for the RSP. &nbsp;
NC is second
The NC under the new leadership of Gagan Thapa could become the second biggest force and form a government with RSP in a power-sharing deal with Shah. This would be the most stable scenario since the RSP and NC have competent and idealistic young technocrats. Thapa himself embodies a strong combination of both old and new politics to navigate the system for more efficient government. But then Thapa and the RSP's Rabi Lamichhane do not get along.
NC and NCP form a majority
If the NC becomes the largest party but not by a big margin, it could join up with the NCP and Ujyalo. Teaming up with the UML would likely face backlash with the party and outside. If Gagan Thapa becomes prime minister he will face internal pressure from both Deuba loyalists. Same old story.
Minority coalition of NC, UML and NCP
RSP becomes the first party but does not get a majority, paving the way for the three legacy parties to cobble together a minority government. While this is possible in Nepal’s parliamentary system, such a scenario is likely to lead to more instability and dissatisfaction among young Nepalis demanding change, and even trigger street unrest. &nbsp;

working-mothers

Nepal town to ban mothers migrating

Sarlahi-4 nervously watches ballot count

Nepal Election live results

Bells ring all over Nepal

The magic 138