<figure><img width="2211" height="1541" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101116/6372080d9c7e80680e0b54c7jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>A much-delayed half-billion dollar US government project to upgrade Nepal’s infrastructure <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mcc-row-rocks-nepals-ruling-coalition/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mcc-row-rocks-nepals-ruling-coalition/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587117000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1mPNK10b4Qti4kBCQ2ZqtY">threatens to split Nepal’s governing coalition</a>, amidst indications the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/china-lobbying-against-mcc/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/china-lobbying-against-mcc/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587117000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3xLZatwKG1qUAKCvOP5DVb">Chinese have intensified lobbying</a> with politicians to oppose it.Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba of the Nepali Congress (NC), a minor coalition partner Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP), as well as the main opposition UML support the project. But it is vehemently opposed by two Communist parties: the Maoist Centre (MC) and the Unified Socialists.The strain within the coalition appears to have taken a turn for the worse after Prime Minister Deuba got wind that <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-speakers-ipu-trip-slammed/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-speakers-ipu-trip-slammed/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587117000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1748mrZsIq3zaEcjwoZOZ_">Parliament Speaker Agni Sapkota</a> of the MC postponed a sitting of the House on Sunday that was to discuss the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) project.After a meeting of the five coalition partners on Saturday failed to agree on getting the MCC ratified by Parliament, Sapkota called off a scheduled House sitting for ten days without informing the prime minister.Deuba is said to be so put off that he has leaked a threat to register a proposal to unseat Speaker Sapkota, and has hinted that he will push through the MCC even if it means a split in the coalition.China’s Ambassador to Nepal Hou Yanqi has been meeting various coalition leaders in the past months to lobby against the MCC, the latest was a one-on-one with the opposition UML’s K P Oli at his residence on 22 December.Then on Saturday, just after the inconclusive coalition meeting, the Maoist Centre’s Pushpa Kamal Dahal held an hour-long hush-hush virtual meeting on Saturday with Song Tao, the high-ranking head of the International Department of the Communist Party of China (CPC).Although the conversation was said to have centred around greeting each other on Chinese New Year and Dahal being congratulated for being re-elected chair of the Maoist Centre, the timing of the online discussion on Saturday evening is seen as significant.In November also, CPC officials had talked to senior party leaders in Kathmandu to actively dissuade them from passing the American project. The deputy head of the International Department of the CPC Chen Zhao had even called the UML General Secretary Ishwar Pokhrel on 13 December to try to change his party leadership’s pro-MCC stance. Zhao also spoke to Madhav Kumar Nepal of the Unified Socialists, and the latter is said to have assured him that he would not let the MCC be ratified.Speaker Agni Sapkota has been known to be close to Beijing, and has made no secret for his opposition to the MCC, and this week was not the first time that he blocked ratification in Parliament. His predecessor Krishna Bahadur Mahara, also a close confidante to Dahal, was also publicly anti-MCC before he was removed from office in 2019 after allegations of rape.   <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-china-now-micro-managing-nepal-politics/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-china-now-micro-managing-nepal-politics/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587118000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1ZjFWwIUS-IjUQIDA_jTNV">China’s suspicions about the MCC</a> as being an American geo-strategic counter to its own Belt Road Initiative (BRI) can also be gleaned from Chinese academics who have been <a href="https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/TgjzJv5skEkt6rjm9pyU8w" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">writing in state controlled media</a> as well as in interviews with Nepali portals. Wang Yiwei of Renmin University in an op-ed in October called the MCC ‘American ploy’.Besides geopolitics, the MCC has also become a factor as <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/dance-of-democracy/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/dance-of-democracy/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587118000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2v7G-9XPUQE_b0yVvy5RP7">Nepal’s domestic politics</a> as parties try to position themselves for upcoming local government elections in May and federal polls later this year.Last week, Deuba managed to convince Dahal and Nepal to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-coalition-dilly-dallying-on-polls/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-coalition-dilly-dallying-on-polls/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587118000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3bRn0dwVnuNcGvc5nNm05E">lift their opposition to holding local elections</a> on time in exchange for keeping the coalition in an electoral alliance. Although NC insiders say they also got a commitment from them to back the MCC, the two leaders have denied this.Both say they will back the MCC only “with amendments” to clauses in the contract that they say undermines Nepal’s sovereignty.For its part, the UML has obstructed Parliament for the past six months, accusing Speaker Sapkota of allowing a breakaway group from the Nepal faction to keep their seats.Amidst all this, Deuba appears to be losing his patience with coalition partners. He takes personal responsibility for having signed the MCC agreement during his previous tenure five years ago, and fears loss of credibility for Nepal from international partners if the agreement is not ratified.Sources said that in Saturday’s meeting, Deuba actually brought up the possibility of the coalition splitting if the MCC is not passed. Deuba is gambling that an electoral alliance with the coalition is important for the MC and the Unified Socialists, both of which have been <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/who-wants-early-elections-and-why/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/who-wants-early-elections-and-why/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587118000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3EuLUjhgdgtlUAmjsBpP1O">weakened by their split with the UML.</a>The UML itself is now playing coy, and K P Oli has made no secret of its aim to use the MCC to split the coalition. Deuba is determined to push the MCC to Parliament even if it means getting UML support, since the NC and JSP alone do not have the numbers to ratify it.UML Chair K P Oli was a strong backer of the MCC when he was prime minister till July last year, and it was in fact his erstwhile party colleagues Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Madhav Kumar Nepal who <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mcc-damned-if-we-do-damned-if-we-dont/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mcc-damned-if-we-do-damned-if-we-dont/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587118000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2o4JhiHrU0WJYe66eGhiHV">weaponised the MCC</a> to bring him down. Ultimately, this led to their Nepal Communist Party to split into the MC and the UML, and the UML itself later split with Nepal breaking off to form the Unified Socialists.Having been so vehemently opposed to MCC, Dahal and Nepal can now not do a 180 degree on the project. And they also have to contend with the Chinese breathing down their necks.One of the more vocal proponents of the MCC has been former Maoist ideologue and ex-prime minister Baburam Bhattarai who fell out with Dahal and is now with the JSP.Bhattarai, who also has a PhD in urban planning, tweeted on Monday: ‘The MCC is a trial by fire for Nepal’s political parties, mainly the Communists. First: Will we try to balance the US and India and China or be beholden to one of them? Second: If we do not want American support, what will we do with aid from the WB, IMF or ADB? If an American grant is untouchable, how about aid from India, China or others?’ <img width="640" height="175" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101116/637208109c7e80680e0b54c8jpeg.jpg" alt="">The $500 million project was signed in 2017 when Prime Minister Deuba led a coalition that also had the Maoists as a partner in government. The Americans have denied that the project has any military component, saying Nepal qualified for it and there are no strings attached.Increasingly impatient with delays in Nepal and irritated with what it sees as Chinese obstruction, the Americans have sent a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mcc-row-rocks-nepals-ruling-coalition/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mcc-row-rocks-nepals-ruling-coalition/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587118000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2Io7kTRWitTQBFQcPJndxQ">slew of high officials to Nepal</a> in the past six months, who has also warned Nepal that project approval is time-bound, and the MCC can withdraw the grant if Nepal does not want it.The project will pay to expand <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-cost-of-no-mcc/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-cost-of-no-mcc/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587118000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3ftWPiTFZ8uZospptUy9b3">Nepal’s electricity grid</a> with a 400kVA transmission line to distribute power from eastern to western Nepal, as well as export surplus to India. Nepal’s <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-precious-electricity-going-waste/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-precious-electricity-going-waste/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587118000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2H55BAU4KQwQs8tcmB84xz">power producers could lose</a> up to Rs142 billion annually if the electricity lines are not built to evacuate the estimated 5,000MW of generation capacity by 2025. The project also has a component to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/generating-electricity-and-cash-for-nepalis/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/generating-electricity-and-cash-for-nepalis/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1643783587118000&amp;usg=AOvVaw212arRNKdVKZSYW2VBkCRW">boost economic growth</a> through improvements in highway connectivity in Central Nepal.

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MCC risks split in Nepal’s ruling coalition

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110912114/636b8a0c9c7e80680e06b21cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1076" height="911"/><figcaption>Guangzhou at rush hour this week. China's experience in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic has triggered a debate about whether authoritarianism or democracy works better in a crisis like this. Photo: Pramod Ghimire</figcaption></figure>The spread of the novel coronavirus has led governments across the world to implement extraordinary measures to rein in the pandemic and cushion its serious economic impact.It has been nearly four months since the virus was first identified in Wuhan, and as it spread the response of countries has been a tale of <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/277a4cc6-598d-11ea-abe5-8e03987b7b20" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ft.com/content/277a4cc6-598d-11ea-abe5-8e03987b7b20&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586056719141000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEtXHBh0Drhvwvc7cgVzF1RPMZv0A">two intersection curves</a>. On one curve, is the unprecedented lockdown of China’s Hubei province for two months since 23 January which is now being <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/jamesasquith/2020/03/27/china-to-lift-travel-restrictions-from-april-8-residents-in-wuhan-will-be-allowed-to-travel-again/#3afca6c42e32" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.forbes.com/sites/jamesasquith/2020/03/27/china-to-lift-travel-restrictions-from-april-8-residents-in-wuhan-will-be-allowed-to-travel-again/%233afca6c42e32&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586056719141000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHcbQfbOXchlqhxkVLBGw43QEMrug">lifted gradually</a>, with travel restricted eased from 25 March.On the other curve, countries across the world including Nepal and India have tried to enforce draconian measures with strict lockdowns to prevent the virus from ricocheting within their boundaries.What was framed as a disaster for the Chinese government at the start of the pandemic has now earned it plaudits for arresting the spread of the virus within the country and for demonstrating its international leadership in supporting the rest of the world. This U-turn has shown China’s capacity for administrative enforcement and campaign-style mass mobilisation to combat the epidemic.There is a history to this from the foundation of the People’s Republic in 1949: under Chairman Mao the Ministry of Health established a centralised reporting system for epidemic prevention and subsequent network nodes at each provincial, local and township level to facilitate swift response. Once top-down directives were enforced, it is difficult to not abide by and subsequently by 1962 China had <a href="https://www.who.int/about/bugs_drugs_smoke_chapter_1_smallpox.pdf" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.who.int/about/bugs_drugs_smoke_chapter_1_smallpox.pdf&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586056719141000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHhR1FQ4ONjxIlk8EpNLqMPTsf6sw">completely eradicated</a> smallpox -- 10 years before WHO announced its global extermination.After China opened up in 1978, local institutions gained policy flexibility to design their own reforms and mobilise resources. The central government set economic targets measured in GDP growth at local level with stronger incentives for development and investment. Regional competition became the engine to growth with local governments rewarded and promoted while those failing to meet targets were punished.Each agency in local government, apart from their individual functions (law enforcement, public campaign, education etc) were all involved in the process and all of them contributed to development. At that time, for a country with little human capital but abundant labour, the <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/reviews/capsule-review/2017-12-15/how-china-escaped-poverty-trap" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.foreignaffairs.com/reviews/capsule-review/2017-12-15/how-china-escaped-poverty-trap&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586056719141000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHIFdjTI2bFauIQr0fb51peD6xF4w">phenomenon</a> dubbed the ‘bee-hive campaign’ was the pilot strategy for aggressive growth that has lasted for well over four decades.A lot has changed since 1978. China is now a global powerhouse with significant leverage in the world economy. While regional competition exists to achieve economic targets, during times of emergencies China’s bureaucracy is swift to implement inter-government coordination measures. For instance, during the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake, the central government paired each affected county with a non-affected one to speed up recovery. As a result, 99% of the rebuilding was completed <a href="https://blogs.worldbank.org/eastasiapacific/four-years-on-what-china-got-right-when-rebuilding-after-the-sichuan-earthquake" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://blogs.worldbank.org/eastasiapacific/four-years-on-what-china-got-right-when-rebuilding-after-the-sichuan-earthquake&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586056719141000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEcTFouzwwh_lDjLG2R1YspmtpUqg">within 2 years</a>.Similarly, after the Wuhan outbreak, cities from across China immediately deployed more than <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-02/17/c_138791902.htm" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-02/17/c_138791902.htm&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586056719142000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGlQmvbrcOkvMhHaPwytTFCZR3S4Q">20,000 doctors, nurses and 180 medics</a> and also mobilise workers to build a temporary hospital in just 10 days. In a way, China’s authoritarian system that allows it to bypass the checks-and-balances and legislative scrutiny in democracies is why China is able to respond so swiftly even if some of these policies are deemed unpopular.China’s response to COVID-19, however, had a major flaw: <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-020-00741-x" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-020-00741-x&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586056719142000&amp;usg=AFQjCNE52lUNbeRoQ8K9rZJT_BoV1_DZtg">it started too late</a>. This had led to a vigorous debate about the merits of authoritarianism vs democracies, and China vs the West. However, judging from results so far, China’s response shows that its system is better equipped to handle crises not just efficiently, but also swiftly.When WHO declared COVID-19 <a href="https://www.who.int/westernpacific/emergencies/covid-19" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.who.int/westernpacific/emergencies/covid-19&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586056719142000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGwjnatlAP6xjr3cL4KzvMuLwmB-w">a global health emergency</a> on 30 January, I was in Beijing and there were barely enough masks. A month later, not only had China contained the spread of the virus, it is now flying masks and other medical equipment across the world, including Nepal.The Chinese have a phrase ‘Time is money, efficiency is life’ coined during a parade in Tiananmen Square in 1984. Xi Zhongxun, the then member of the Standing Committee endorsed the slogan as a symbolism to reform and open up. Four decades later, his son President Xi Jinping has put the slogan to the test. Xi’s goal now is to revive China’s economy and normalise life. His father’s motto could apply equally to other countries that are now struggling to cope with the COVID-19 pandemic.Raunab Singh Khatri is a graduate student from the Yenching Academy of Peking University in China.

What Nepal can learn from China about COVID-19

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101140/636b75829c7e80680e0623f2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1365"/>Nepal’s Communist Party leaders must take note of two events that unfolded in India this week: <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-51638345" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the roaring welcome to US President Donald Trump</a> and the ongoing communal riots in Delhi’s northeastern suburb.That the Narendra Modi government was able to put up a great two-day show to woo Trump, who repeatedly praised Modi and said “America loves India” has been somewhat overshadowed by the violence that has claimed over 20 lives in Delhi.The two events depict contrasting pictures: one of a new emerging India eager to engage with superpowers, even taking lead in issues of international concern. And the other of an India engulfed in violence between some Hindus and Muslims. The ruling BJP and Modi, supported by the right-wing groups like RSS and VHP, find themselves in the vortex of this violence.Trump reached India on Monday and along with Modi addressed the ‘Namaste Trump’ rally in Ahmedabad’s Motera Stadium, the largest cricket stadium in the world, attended by over 100,000 people. The two presented their visions for the next phase of Indo-US strategic partnership.Although the much-awaited trade deal did not happen, the two sides pulled together a $3billion military deal, sought commitments to fight terrorism, narco-terrorism and organised crime and signed three MoUs in the health and oil sectors. Trump even discussed the importance of a secure 5G network in India, ahead of trials involving China’s Huawei which he said must be “a tool for freedom, progress, prosperity, not a conduit for suppression and censorship”.Important for Nepal to note is their dialogue in security cooperation. Besides reiterating that the two countries will work to combat “radical Islamic terrorism” which will dearly affect the functioning of SAARC, Trump praised the military cooperation and said that the US and India, along with Japan and Australia, should work together for security of the Indo-Pacific region as the Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue) grouping.The diplomatic and military arrangements of the Quad are widely viewed as a response to the rapidly increasing economic and military power of China in the region. Sandwiched and landlocked between India and China, Nepal will have to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-now-has-to-balance-not-just-india-and-china-but-also-the-west/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">balance its relations between China and a US-backed India</a>.As it is, a $500 million US-funded <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mcc-row-damages-nepals-credibility/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Millennium Challenge Corporation</a> (MCC) deal to improve Nepal’s connectivity <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/a-millennium-challenge/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">is in limbo</a> because of opposition from a faction of the ruling Communist Party that sees it as a part of the American Indo-Pacific Strategy. Parliamentary ratification of the project has been delayed.The MCC is viewed with much interest by India’s civil society and academia lately, and is seen as a direct counter to China’s Belt Road Initiative (BRI). Sections of the Nepali establishment views India as an obstructionist power, and are trying to develop closer ties with China.But India is finding more grounds of convergence with the US, which now views South Asia as a vital part of its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/between-two-oceans/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indo-Pacific Strategy</a>. Smaller countries in India’s periphery are bound to be trapped in this rivalry. With pressing domestic concerns at home over opposition to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/indian-nepalis-alarmed-by-citizenship-amendment-bill/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the Constitution Amendment Act (CAA) India </a>may play silent and quiet diplomacy leaving the US and China to compete for influence in India’s neighborhood.Trump and Modi are said to have discussed developments in South Asia at length during this visit, meaning they will collaborate and closely consult each other on regional matters. Nepal must gear up to deal with a more forceful America in the near future even when it is already grappling with <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-is-xi-jinpings-big-surprise/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">a dominant China</a>.It is in India’s advantage if the US temporarily fills the vacuum in Nepal, which New Delhi feels is its traditional sphere of influence. So, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/a-yam-between-3-boulders/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">foreign policy challenge for Nepal</a> will not be to balance between India and China so much anymore, but getting into meaningful dialogue with China and the US to protect its national interest.India considers the US as its ‘natural ally’. The Modi-Trump equation seen in Gujarat and Delhi this week speaks volumes of their friendship and desire to foster closer ties between the world’s oldest and largest democracies. Even in midst of communal riots in Delhi, Trump stated at a press conference “it is up to India” to deal with the CAA matter, quickly adding that Modi is committed to “religious freedom in India.”Most analysts conclude that if Trump is re-elected in November elections, India’s relations with the United States could be further strengthened.The author is a Nepali journalist and researcher based in New Delhi.

The India, US, Nepal, China quadrangle

<figure><img width="1000" height="667" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71c49c7e80680e0600ebjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: JAGAT AMBU GURUNG</figcaption></figure>When Hong Kong was thrown into a political crisis last year after the government of the autonomous region proposed a bill that would allow Beijing to extradite Hong Kong criminals to mainland China, the territory’s Nepali community was ambivalent.Many were fed up with violent demonstrations and national shut-downs called by political parties back home in Nepal, and were dismayed that street protests followed them to Hong Kong. However, some <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/two-nepalis-held-in-hong-kong-protest/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepali students here have joined the protests</a>, and have even been arrested.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/hong-kongs-jana-andolan/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Hong Kong's Jana Andolan</a>, Sonia AwaleProtests have gone on for eight months, and continued over the Chinese New Year and despite the Wuhan coronavirus outbreak .Hong Kong’s 25,000-strong <a href="https://nepalitimes.atavist.com/tunnel-vision" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepali community</a> has been directly impacted by the protests. ‘Little Nepal’ in the Jordan neighborhood in Kowloon has seen some of the most violent clashes between protesters and police.Read also: <a style="letter-spacing: 0.01em; background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/two-nepalis-held-in-hong-kong-protest/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Two Nepalis held in Hong Kong protests</a>, Irtika BajracharyaFollowing massive demonstrations of 1 October, the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities Hong Kong confirmed that two <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/young-Nepalis-eager-to-come-home,2686" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepali students</a>, Jenny Rai and Rosemary Limbu, had been arrested.“I just came out for my city,” Rai told Nepali Times. “This is where I was born. I’m sure if this happened in Nepal, they would have gone out just like me without any regrets.”On the day of Rai’s arrest, she was grabbed by an officer from behind while she was trying to run away. He pinned her to the ground, pressing her face to the metal shutter of a closed shop. She yelled out her name – a common practice among arrested protesters so witnesses can inform family and friends. <img width="640" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71c79c7e80680e0600ecjpeg.jpg" alt=""><img width="640" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71ca9c7e80680e0600edjpeg.jpg" alt="">                                   Photos: JAGAT AMBU GURUNG <img width="640" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71cc9c7e80680e0600eejpeg.jpg" alt=""><img width="640" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71cf9c7e80680e0600efjpeg.jpg" alt="">After Rai was brought into a police vehicle carrying other arrestees, police looked up her identity. She says one officer made multiple derogatory remarks about her Nepali ethnicity.As an ethnic minority and someone who now has an arrest record, Rai is worried about her future and that of her family, especially after 2047 when Hong Kong is scheduled to lose its special administrative status.Rai spent almost 48 hours in custody with no contact with anyone outside, and was released on the understanding that police would continue to seek evidence for prosecution.“If I had to do this again, I definitely would. How can I have any regrets? I would never regret just showing my support for Hong Kong,” she said. <img width="640" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71d19c7e80680e0600f0jpeg.jpg" alt=""><img width="640" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71d49c7e80680e0600f1jpeg.jpg" alt="">                                        Photos: WILL PATTERSON <img width="640" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71d89c7e80680e0600f2jpeg.jpg" alt=""><img width="640" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71db9c7e80680e0600f3jpeg.jpg" alt="">Other, mostly older, Nepalis are wary of getting swept up in the movement, either because it may affect the economy and hence their jobs, or because they believe no good can come out of challenging Beijing.“Being a minority community, most Nepalis here do not want to take sides in the protests, and are worried that they will be caught in the middle,” explained Hong Kong-based journalist Dambar Krishna Shrestha. “All they want is peace and stability to get on with their lives.”When Hong Kong was still a British colony, Gurkha police were deployed to quell deadly ethnic riots in 1967. A proposal to use Gurkhas again to defend Hong Kong’s MTR public transport network against vandalism was rejected after criticism that it would provoke a backlash against Nepalis. <figure><img width="1000" height="667" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71de9c7e80680e0600f4jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Since Rai and Limbu’s arrest, the protests have continued and the recent addition of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/why-nepal-must-watch-about-coronavirus-but-not-panic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Wuhan coronavirus</a> to Hong Kong’s political landscape has further complicated matters. Face masks have become part of the city’s daily attire, dredging up memories of the 2002 SARS outbreak. Schools and universities have cancelled in-person classes until 17 February — extending the Chinese New Year break to three weeks.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/a-nepali-in-beijing-during-coronavirus-scare/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A Nepali in Beijing during coronavirus scare</a>, Rastraraj Bhandari<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/why-nepal-must-watch-about-coronavirus-but-not-panic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Why Nepal must watch Coronavirus, but not panic</a>, Sameer M DixitMessages between protesters via the Telegram application popular among them indicate widespread concern about the government’s leniency with travel between mainland China and Hong Kong and its potential to spread the virus.  <a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/28/world/asia/coronavirus-hong-kong-border.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Concerns about the virus and anti-government sentiment seem to be merging</a>. On Sunday night, angry locals and anti-government protesters demonstrated against the creation of a quarantine facility near a residential area.Molotov cocktails were launched into the building and windows were smashed. A device exploded in a hospital bathroom early Monday morning, prompting the temporary evacuation of some people. <figure><img width="1500" height="1080" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71e19c7e80680e0600f5jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Hong Kong’s premier Carrie Lam has been a target of the popular movement. General consensus amongst protesters is that she is acting on behalf of Beijing, and not in the interests of Hong Kongers. Lam’s full withdrawal of the extradition bill in September via public video address did not pacify protesters, who continued with other demands.“Five demands, not one less” is a common protester chant referencing the five primary demands of the movement. Other than the withdrawal of the Extradition Bill, which took place formally in October 2019, these are: Amnesty for protesters arrested or charged for their participation in the movement, an independent investigation into police force against protesters, apology and retraction of the characterisation of protesters as rioters and Lam’s resignation and her replacement with a leader elected through universal suffrage.

Nepalis caught up in Hong Kong protests

<figure><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Wuhan-coronavirus-spread-worldwide-in-map-NT.jpg" data-elementor-open-lightbox="yes"></a></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101120/636b71a89c7e80680e0600e2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1456" height="793"/><figcaption>The worldwide spread of the Wuhan coronavirus as of 31 January 2020.</figcaption>The ongoing outbreak of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/a-nepali-in-beijing-during-coronavirus-scare/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">2019 novel coronavirus in China</a>, also called the Wuhan coronavirus, has now affected at least 17 countries. Approximately 6,000 cases have been reported with the majority being diagnosed in China.The total fatalities have crossed 130, a majority of them in the Hubei Province in which Wuhan is located. Nepal has reported its first confirmed case: of a student studying in China who had been visiting Nepal when diagnosed.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/a-nepali-in-beijing-during-coronavirus-scare/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">A Nepali in Beijing during coronavirus scare</a>, Rastraraj BhandariViruses of the coronavirus family have historically caused diseases of the respiratory tract in human populations worldwide. Recent outbreaks included the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=2664#.XjFpRjIzaUk" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) in 2002</a> and the Middle Eastern Respiratory Syndrome (MERS) in 2012. Both affected thousands of people and were fatal in some cases.SARS killed 10% of infected individuals while MERS was fatal in 37% of the infected population. The current fatality rate due to the Wuhan Coronavirus is 2.2%. If we are to describe this statistic in reverse, about 98 percent of those infected with this virus do not die.The question then is, why is there so much concern regarding this outbreak, given the relatively low mortality rate in comparison to previous coronavirus outbreaks?The first reason is that the <a href="https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Wuhan coronavirus is ‘novel’.</a> This term is used in viral epidemiology to indicate a new strain, one which has not been detected previously in the population. Scientists therefore do not have adequate information regarding the characteristics of the virus to provide evidence-informed public health instructions on containment and treatment.Second, unlike SARS and <a href="https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/mers/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">MERS</a>, this virus has an incubation period of up to 14 days and asymptomatic infected individuals can transmit the disease to others during that time. Even infected individuals who show improvement can continue to transmit the virus.The R0 (pronounced ‘r naught’) value of this virus is estimated at 3, meaning that an infected person on average will transmit to three other persons. This is considered a high infectivity number, but still lower than that of SARS or MERS.The Chinese authorities have put in place <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-51236450" target="_blank" rel="noopener">strict measures in Wuhan</a> to try to contain the spread of the virus. However, this may not be enough as many infected individuals might have already traveled out of town by the time the measures were put in.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101120/636b71ab9c7e80680e0600e3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101120/636b71ae9c7e80680e0600e4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71b29c7e80680e0600e5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71b69c7e80680e0600e6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">                                              Photos: BIKRAM RAIWuhan has a population of 10 million, and many had begun to travel in advance of the Chinese New Year this week. Experts at Imperial College London have estimated infected population numbers to be already at around at 100,000.We can therefore expect more cases around the world as infected individuals travel and transmit the disease. However, once again, the question emerges of what the reported fatalities so far are among this large number of infected individuals. Could it be that the virus is spreading but not causing too many deaths?Nepal has seen regular outbreaks of respiratory diseases including seasonal influenza, ‘avian influenza’ and ‘swine flu’. The Nepali media often reports cases of ‘unknown viral disease’. The Nepal government had established screening centres for the coronavirus at airport and border checkpoints even before the first infected person was diagnosed in Tibet on Monday.The National Public Health Laboratory is working with private hospitals and laboratories to provide timely and accurate diagnostics of the Wuhan coronavirus with technical support from the World Health Organization (WHO).Cases are being referred to Sukraraj Tropical Infectious Diseases Hospital as the focal center and the Epidemiology and Disease Control Division is monitoring signs of possible outbreaks in country. The Ministry of Health and Population has directed all private hospitals around country to have ventilator supported ICUs to be on standby should those be required.The state mechanism appears to have learnt from weaknesses is showed during the SARS and H1N1 (swine flu) outbreaks of the past. However, accurate clinical diagnosis of this disease is going to be a challenge given the likelihood of infected individuals arriving at checkpoints showing no symptoms and because individuals infected with other viruses like influenza or other weaker strains may show similar symptoms as those infected by the Wuhan coronavirus.Screening is the only way of identifying the maximum number of cases entering the country and preventing those from infecting the population. There have been no further coronavirus infection cases reported in Nepal since 25 January. The first case, reported on that day, is so far the only one.Global media reporting of this outbreak has focused on fatality rather than recovery, and appears to have failed to notice that the WHO, with its expertise and access to data, has not yet declared the Wuhan coronavirus outbreak a public health emergency.The experience of having made the ‘premature and hasty’ decision to term the 2009 influenza A (H1N1) – or swine flu – outbreak a pandemic still being fresh, this time WHO has decided to monitor the situation closely before making any decision in this regard.The WHO has focused on China as a priority for action while observing rest of the world. This does not mean we can be complacent, as the threat of the virus mutating into a more severe form is real. However, it also does not help to panic. We need to look at the numbers, listen to experts in the field and move ahead accordingly.Sameer M Dixit is a public health research scientist at the <a href="http://www.cmdn.org.np/">Centre for Molecular Dynamics Nepal</a>.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101124/636b71b99c7e80680e0600e7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="126" height="145">

Why Nepal must watch Coronavirus, but not panic

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101120/636b71809c7e80680e0600d4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1440" height="1080"/><figcaption>Peking University campus on the 26th of January. Photo: MADISON PLASTER</figcaption></figure>For the past week, I have been in a voluntary lockdown in Beijing because of the rapid spread of the coronavirus in China. A trip to the supermarket to stock up on supplies felt like being in a post zombie apocalyptic breakout, not waiting for the infected to attack you but actively making a run when someone coughed or sneezed. Relying on homemade noodles, I am looking forward to flying out of Beijing soon with no knowledge on when I will be back as many universities in Beijing have requested students not to return until further notice.As seen in <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK92479/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK92479/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNF3tSZYxe_Ww_d6Hv2DoRvSoKHD5Q">China’s 2002 SARS pandemic</a> that infected more than 5,300 people and killed 349 nationwide, the government has yet again relied on putting almost 50 million people in quarantine to contain the crisis. According to <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S2VoEvDEuxw" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v%3DS2VoEvDEuxw&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHxS4nKpuTtjHXhJHlS4zi-tjlDMQ">news</a> from the BBC, as on January 26th, the number of people killed in China has risen to 81 with almost 3,000 confirmed ill.Embassies continue to work for the wellbeing of their citizens, and neighbouring countries such as Mongolia and North Korea are reported to have <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/report-mongolia-closes-border-china-amid-virus-fears-68557875" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/report-mongolia-closes-border-china-amid-virus-fears-68557875&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNE4MB58BpGrDibXc8rfZpEgAZtTvw">closed down borders</a> with China. Acknowledging the uniqueness and severity of the situation as people were traveling for Lunar New Year, the Chinese government has extended the Lunar New Year holidays and both public and private sectors are adding buffer time periods before things start moving business as usual.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101120/636b71839c7e80680e0600d5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1125" height="1500"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Like many crises situations, there seems to be more unknowns than knowns. While Wuhan seafood market was initially believed to be the source of the novel virus, a <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)30183-5/fulltext" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(20)30183-5/fulltext&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNF3MXldTizCebbsdGu1o3RPlNtrjw">new study</a> published in <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/home" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/home&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGSNtrH9F-1Q6aP25WKdl9kI4WfIw">The Lancet</a> of 41 hospitalised patients who had confirmed infections challenges that hypothesis. According to an <a href="https://www.sciencemag.org/news/2020/01/wuhan-seafood-market-may-not-be-source-novel-virus-spreading-globally" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.sciencemag.org/news/2020/01/wuhan-seafood-market-may-not-be-source-novel-virus-spreading-globally&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFtb1KBIlj4mlVhbjLL_50gOHu5yQ">article published</a> in the <a href="https://science.sciencemag.org/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://science.sciencemag.org/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFc4FOYJSQSQtW3Iv0WItiwgvZqLw">Science</a>, Daniel Lucey, an infectious disease specialist at the University of Georgetown, asserts that “The virus came into that marketplace before it came out of that marketplace.”Transparency from the government in reporting the crisis also continues to be questioned within and beyond China. While state run media channels such as CGTN are showing hundreds of medical personnel <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ydphq5uA_Jg" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v%3Dydphq5uA_Jg&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFO7K2xW_laJTA2asovWvLK4zJC1Q">voluntarily traveling to Wuhan</a> out of a sense of duty to the nation, and a <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VbA2PRYsakA" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v%3DVbA2PRYsakA&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGV9x-Kx5xOlevsbCmyhYdOFFvrgw">wonderfully staged case</a> of people recovering from the virus and heading back home, people continue to question the legitimacy of the magnitude of the crisis as reported from the Chinese government.While <a href="https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK92479/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK92479/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNF3tSZYxe_Ww_d6Hv2DoRvSoKHD5Q">previous experiences suggest</a>, be it during the air pollution crisis in 2008 or the 2002 SARS pandemic, that China has not been the most transparent in reporting crisis, the rise in social media and the internet means that complete lack of transparency from the government might not be just impossible but also counterproductive.https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=2&amp;v=ydphq5uA_Jg&amp;feature=emb_logoBut in fleeing China for Nepal, I cannot question but wonder if I am safer in Beijing than I am in Nepal. A day after the first coronavirus case was confirmed in Nepal, two more suspected cases have emerged. While countries around the world are figuring out the best response mechanism to contain the crisis, Nepali authorities appear particularly unprepared.The Epidemiology and Disease Control Division reportedly chose not to speak to the media, in following the orders from the Ministry of Health.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101120/636b71869c7e80680e0600d6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1080" height="1440"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The rudimentary screening mechanisms alongside the lack of human resources and technology at the country’s only international airport needs no mention. And while China is <a href="https://news.sky.com/story/coronavirus-china-to-build-two-wuhan-hospitals-in-under-three-weeks-11917336" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://news.sky.com/story/coronavirus-china-to-build-two-wuhan-hospitals-in-under-three-weeks-11917336&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHsoNgF7mWsi-yXGbB-mYgF5dsBeQ">building two health facilities</a> with enough space for around 2,300 patients over the next few weeks, the Sukraraj Tropical and Infectious Disease Hospital in Teku lacks even a <a href="https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1219763/two-more-coronavirus-cases-suspected-in-nepal" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1219763/two-more-coronavirus-cases-suspected-in-nepal&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1580228862390000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHBbq7QdxT_FH6WsvrO7kZzHAEVOQ">dedicated isolation ward</a>.It is disheartening to see fellow friends at university hear from their respective embassies whilst I was forwarded with a “do and don’t” list issued by the Nepal Embassy from a WeChat group. It is not that Nepali people expect a lot from their governments, but I can’t help but contemplate why I feel safer in the hotspot of a global pandemic than I would at my own home country.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VbA2PRYsakA&amp;feature=emb_logoGrappling with this idea has been difficult, but it also serves as a reminder for the very reasons why we must continue to fight to contribute to the development of Nepal in every way possible.Rastraraj Bhandari is currently pursuing a Masters in Economics and China Studies at the Yenching Academy of Peking University in Beijing, China. <img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101120/636b71899c7e80680e0600d7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="175" height="173">

A Nepali in Beijing during coronavirus scare

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151128/636a67779c7e80680e0599dcjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3000" height="1668"/><figcaption>Illustration: BHANU BHATTARAI</figcaption></figure>Legend has it that the real reason Nepal stayed an independent nation state while all around us were colonised was that our powerful neighbours took one look at the terrain and people here and concluded that the country was ungovernable.In the three decades after 1990, Nepal’s elected leaders have shown even fewer smarts than past feudal dynasties. The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/another-decade-to-get-it-right/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">biggest let-down has been in the last two years</a>, after the unified Nepal Communist Party swept the country’s first three-tier federal elections. The strongest government in Nepal’s democratic history is showing itself to be more feckless than those fragile do-nothing coalitions.Perhaps the latest example of shooting ourselves in the feet has been the wrangling within the NCP over the US Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). If there was one vivid example of how not to look a gift horse in the mouth, this is it.The awkwardly-named MCC was launched by President George W Bush in 2004 after the 9/11 attacks to reorient American aid towards the kind of infrastructure projects that USAID or the World Bank would not touch. At first, with an ongoing war Nepal was deemed ineligible for the MCC.But by 2012, with <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/how-will-nepal-develop-in-the-next-decade/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">progress in health and education and economic</a>, political and press freedom, as well as prospects for the rule of law, Nepal qualified for membership. A threshold program in Kathmandu went about shortlisting investments in infrastructure that could jumpstart development.Nepali planners, working with their American counterparts, singled out transmission lines and highways as main economic bottlenecks. But they worried that Nepal did not have a governance track record, transparency or policy continuity to guarantee that the MCC’s $500 million could be effectively spent in five years.Finally in 2017, the Nepal government committed $130 million as counterpart funds, and the Hetauda-Damauli-Butwal 400kVA transmission line, as well as rehabilitation of 305km of highways from Itahari-Kakarvitta and Pokhara-Butwal, were selected for the MCC.These were not chosen arbitrarily — serious homework was done to find catalytic projects that could transform economic growth through quick returns on investment. This was a departure from the way planning is normally done in Nepal: ad hoc, whimsical, wasteful. The MCC also made provisions to ensure transparency and minimise the kind of delays in large infrastructure projects that Nepal has become notorious for.Any other government worth its salt, and one that knows what is good for its people, would have jumped at a deal like this. But not Nepal under the NCP. Members of the party’s central committee have objected that the MCC is part of the US <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/between-two-oceans/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indo-Pacific Strategy</a>, objecting to a clause that would require Indian go-ahead on the transmission line, and at provisions for independent outside auditing.It is true that there is rarely a free lunch in official development assistance — even a grant is somehow tied to the strategic interest of the donor. But the MCC predates both China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Indo-Pacific Strategy. Yes, there is a new cold war between Beijing and Washington, the two compete globally for political, economic and military domination, and both superpowers have <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-now-has-to-balance-not-just-india-and-china-but-also-the-west/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">strategic concerns in Nepal</a>.But it would be in Nepal’s own strategic interest to take maximum advantage and get both the BRI and the MCC to contribute to Nepal’s infrastructure development. Instead, some sections of the NCP are doing their best to wreck both initiatives so Nepal is left with neither.The reason the MCC needs to be cleared with Delhi is because Nepal’s planners decided to upgrade the transmission line to 400kVA so it can also export electricity to India through Gorakhpur. And having Parliament ratify the compact would ensure political continuity and commitment.Last week in this newspaper we projected an optimistic scenario of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-in-2030/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">what Nepal may look like by 2030</a>. Infrastructure-led development is necessary because jobs will be created during construction, and improved connectivity will have downstream benefits into the future.However, there are good, bad and ugly infrastructure projects. The ‘excavator roads’ that maul our mountains are not just ugly, they are an environmental disaster.  <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/pokhara-nepals-new-aviation-gateway/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Pokhara’s new international airport</a> is too costly for its capacity, but at least it is being built and may help diversify tourism while decongesting Kathmandu.The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/does-nepal-need-a-4th-international-airport/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">proposed airport in Nijgad</a> is an example of ill-advised megalomania. In fact, it is not an airport project but a timber concession. Yes, it is a game changer but only in the sense that it will <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/economy-ecology-of-nijgad-airport/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">wreck both our economy and environment</a>.Decisions on large, expensive projects must be taken by technocrats and planners who know what they are doing, not by ignorant, populist politicians with edifice complexes who want to commit <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/megalomania-kleptomania/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">colossal blunders like Nijgad</a> and sabotage a worthy initiative like the MCC.<h2>10 years ago this week</h2>Go back 10 years to read <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/482" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepali Times #482</a>, 25-31 December 2009, and its front page news roundup titled ‘<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16624#.XgRialUzaUk" target="_blank" rel="noopener">End on a high</a>’. It shows us that the more things change in Nepal, the more they remain the same. An excerpt:‘A rollercoaster week of recriminations and reconciliations began with a three-day Maoist bandh marked by violence and intimidation across the country. It peaked with a massive Maoist assembly in New Baneswor. Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal then delivered a fiery anti-Indian tirade during which he labelled the rest of the political leadership ‘remote-controlled robots,’ who he would bypass to hold direct talks with Delhi.Amidst widespread condemnation, the Maoist supremo weakly argued the following day that his comments were meant to be a ‘satire’ on the shape of things in Nepali politics.’<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/482"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151128/636a677a9c7e80680e0599ddjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="506" height="807"></a>

A millennium challenge

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a67459c7e80680e0599ccjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3000" height="2000"/><figcaption>All photos: MONIKA DEUPALA</figcaption></figure>The 122 Chinese nationals detained by Nepal Police using information provided by China have been presented to the Kathmandu District Court before they are deported.The 116 men and 8 women were accused of cyber crimes, financial fraud, including hacking into ATMs, and wildlife trafficking. The arrests come four months after five Chinese men were arrested for stealing millions of rupees from ATMs across Kathmandu.The accused were arrested simultaneously in coordinated police raids on private rented apartments in Manamaiju, Bansbari and Buddhanilkantha neighbourhoods of Kathmandu. All the suspects had reportedly entered Nepal in tourist and students visas.The Chinese Embassy has supported the detentions, and Nepal has arrested the Chinese nationals despite Prime Minister Oli not being prepared to sign an extradition treaty as desired by President Xi Jinping during his visit to Nepal in October.Photographs of the detained Chinese nationals being taken to the Kathmandu District Court on Tuesday.By Monika Deupala<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a67489c7e80680e0599cdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a674c9c7e80680e0599cejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a674f9c7e80680e0599cfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a67539c7e80680e0599d0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a67569c7e80680e0599d1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3000" height="2000"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a67599c7e80680e0599d2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a675c9c7e80680e0599d3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a67609c7e80680e0599d4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a67639c7e80680e0599d5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a67679c7e80680e0599d6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3000" height="2000">Read also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-is-xi-jinpings-big-surprise/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What is Xi Jinping's 'Big Surprise'?</a>, Saindra Rai and Irtika Bajracharya

China gets Nepal to detain its citizens in Kathmandu

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a5ffd9c7e80680e056e58jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"/><figcaption>Photos: DOI NEPAL</figcaption></figure>The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/president-xi-in-kathmandu/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping to Nepal</a> is a watershed moment that concretely brings to the fore Nepal’s importance as <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-now-has-to-balance-not-just-india-and-china-but-also-the-west/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">a critical component</a> of the rise of Asia within a dramatically shifting global order.The long-term symbolism of the visit may very likely lie in the fact that a new pivot is emerging which slices through the heart of Asia encompassing two of the most populous nations on earth and connecting Beijing, Kathmandu and New Delhi. This ‘peace corridor’ can potentially be a massive engine of global growth, and serve as an anchor of regional peace and stability.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-is-xi-jinpings-big-surprise/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What is Xi Jinping's 'Big Surprise'?</a>, Saindra Rai and Irtika BajracharyaA predominating narrative that views Nepal as a ‘small’ and ‘poor’ country that is constantly buffeted by geopolitics or conflict could well be turned on its head by historians who look back on this visit 20 years hence. Nepal is not small, it has a population greater than Australia, and resources and human potential to see it into a more prosperous future.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60019c7e80680e056e59jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400">The diplomatic breakthrough that arises with <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-is-xi-jinpings-big-surprise/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">President Xi’s visit to Kathmandu</a> opens a new vista for Nepal which has enjoyed universally good relations with virtually all great powers through history. The evolution of Sino-Nepal relations to that of a strategic partnership as enunciated by the Presidents of the two countries carries a significant implication that propels the relationship beyond the purely bilateral plane. Nepal must grasp this opportunity to leverage the goodwill she enjoys across the world, and promote greater cohesion and understanding.Enhanced connectivity between China and Nepal as envisioned by the leadership of the two countries that particularly features a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/trilateral-trains/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">cross-border railway</a> across the roof of the world would represent a once-in-a-generation development that shrinks geography and brings people together.On the other hand, apart from the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/which-way-will-the-tibet-nepal-railway-go/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">technical and engineering challenges that a China-Nepal railway poses</a>, the onus will be on Nepal to decipher and decode how to what extent this sort of infrastructure is going to relate with the open border regime that is in place between India and Nepal. In other words, nurturing the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/elementor-3766/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indo-Nepal relationship</a> must go hand-in-hand with preserving a positive Sino-Nepal relationship.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60049c7e80680e056e5ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60079c7e80680e056e5bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a600a9c7e80680e056e5cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a600d9c7e80680e056e5djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">While Chinese assistance for the development of Nepal is important, the Nepali leadership would do well to take advantage of the rapport established during the visit of President Xi to genuinely understand the remarkable growth and transformation of China over the past 70 years since the establishment of the People’s Republic.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/what-china-really-wants/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What China wants</a>, EditorialChina’s rise is founded on self-reliance which Nepal should learn from and strive to emulate. One of the points that should have been given greater emphasis by the Nepali leadership during meetings with President Xi and his delegation is that Nepal is still a predominately agriculture-based economy, and how this might this be linked with the Belt and Road Initiative.There are possibilities for Nepal to not just learn and borrow from China’s experience with agricultural modernisation drive, but also request for blanket duty-free access for Nepalese agro-produce in the Chinese market. A potential consumer base of 300 million people in China would create conditions for an agricultural revolution in Nepal and open up huge job opportunities that can lay the foundation for self-sufficiency. Nepal needs to hone in on the nuts and bolts of this possibility and discuss with China the finer points of appropriate customs and quarantine infrastructure along the Sino-Nepal border.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-now-has-to-balance-not-just-india-and-china-but-also-the-west/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal now has to balance not just India and China, but also the west</a>, Bhairaja Panday<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/yam-between-3-boulders/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Yam between three boulders</a>, Editorial<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60129c7e80680e056e5ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="3600">One of the issues that loomed large for Nepal during this historic <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/kathmandu-flight-disruptions-on-weekend/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">visit of President Xi Jinping</a> (and will continue to reverberate) is how the country is going to navigate between the two large overarching geopolitical constructs of the day -- the BRI and the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/between-two-oceans/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indo-Pacific Strategy</a>. How will Nepal balance BRI and IPS? It will be complicated, and for a country that is still undergoing a political transition, will be difficult to resolve.Nepal’s ability to manage this balance will determine whether a ‘peace corridor’ that harks back to an earlier incarnation of King Birendra’s ‘zone of peace’ proposal can gain traction or not. This will be an opportunity for Nepal to positively leverage its international goodwill. The main prerequisite for this appears to be Nepal’s ability to stand on her own feet.Bhaskar Koirala is the Director of the <a href="http://www.niiss.org.np/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.niiss.org.np/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1571043227640000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHQLEAK-wK-V5vNIkVJfK47s12OBg">Nepal Institute of International and Strategic Studies</a>.

Self-reliance in Nepal’s peace corridor

<figure><img width="1400" height="920" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108131140/636a4e509c7e80680e04fcabjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: BHANU BHATTARAI</figcaption></figure>The trans-Himalayan railroad has been in the news lately. And like everything else in Nepal, it is difficult to separate hot air from a cool breeze. The Chinese cannot hide their irritation anymore about Nepal’s politicians day-dreaming. Ambassador Hou Yanqi was as blunt as a diplomat can be at a recent interaction in which she said (we paraphrase): “Not so fast.”Read also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=29461&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Which way will the Tibet-Nepal railway go?</a>, Ramesh Bhushal<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=29395&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Dream Train</a>, Ramesh BhushalThe extension of the Qinghai-Tibet Railway to Nyalam and Kerung, then onwards to Kathmandu, Lumbini and the Indian border constitutes a part of Beijing’s <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15892#.XRsdKz8za70" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Medium and Long-term Railway Network Plan</a>. But laying train tracks on the rugged terrain of the Tibetan Plateau has been a daunting challenge even for the Chinese.After the Lhasa line was connected to Xigatse and beyond, it was expected to reach <a href="https://nepalitimes.atavist.com/the-tibet-train" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Kerung</a> on the Nepal border by the next year, but now it looks like it will be pushed back five more years. Yet Nepal’s hyperbolic politicians talk about it as if the locomotives will be chugging in by next Dasain.The railway to Nepal was listed as one of the 64 Belt Road Initiative (BRI) projects at the second Belt and Road Forum in Beijing in April. The ambitious BRI aims to improve China’s overland connectivity to countries across its western border in Central Asia and beyond to even Europe. The Nepal link is not directly on the main line, but part of a <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2017/05/12/nepal-joins-new-silk-road/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">sub-Silk Road</a> that could, in the future, offer an alternative to two-way trade between China and India, which today follows a maritime route through the Strait of Malacca.China is India’s largest source of imports, and it is in Beijing’s geostrategic interest to find land alternatives to choke points on its sea routes to the Indian Ocean. Two-way trade between India and China is now nearly $100 billion a year and a stable land corridor would be in both the countries’ interest. Besides that, China wants to integrate its southwestern regions of Tibet and Xinjiang with central and southern Asia.  But what does Nepal get out of the proposed rail link? First of all, theoretically, we can have <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/yam-between-3-boulders/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">cheap and reliable alternative access</a> to sea ports. That Nepal needs this trade bypass is a no-brainer considering the five-month Indian Blockade of our southern border in 2015. Despite its initial cost, train travel is cheaper and environmentally much cleaner. A railway track through the mountains could interlink trade and tourist travel between the two countries, and be a catalyst for other train lines within Nepal. Nepal’s politicians, including Prime Minister K P Oli, came to power riding the nationalist wave after the Blockade, and promised better access to the north. But one just has to see the slow progress of the road on our side of the Rasuwa border today to realise that it was all talk. Whatever progress there has been in upgrading the checkpoints in Rasuwa and <a href="https://nepalitimes.atavist.com/bordering-on-helplessness" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Kodari</a>, or the dry port in Larcha, are being built by China in our territory.The biggest uncertainty about the trans-Himalayan railroad is who is going to pay for it, and if it will pay for itself. The 170km stretch from Kerung to Kathmandu will cost at least $5.5 billion. It is unlikely the Chinese will just gift the railroad, and a loan could be a debt trap. Unless Nepal’s exports to China rise dramatically, this railway will not make much economic sense.Nepal’s trade deficit with China is expected to grow to $15 billion this year, as imports rose by 40% and exports fell by 30%. A cargo train makes sense if we can use the wagons to send goods back to China, not just to buy more.China used its comparative advantage in the past to produce labour-intensive goods which it exported worldwide to buy knowhow. Now, China has attained an income level where some of those goods can be produced more cheaply elsewhere: like Nepal. In the 1990s, tax rebates attracted multinationals to set up manufacturing bases in Nepal for export to India. We do not have to reinvent the wheel.Greater connectivity between India and China through Nepal, however, could open a new trans-Himalayan trade corridor which can offer Nepal another chance to be a manufacturing base for specialised products to be sold to both our giant neighbours. But for that, we need a strategic vision and pragmatic policies. Nepal’s strategy should be to serve as a land bridge between India and China and get these two giant locomotives to pull in the same direction.10 years ago this weekNepali Times <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/458" target="_blank" rel="noopener">#458 of 3-9 July 2009</a> dealt with the Constitution deadline being only 11 months away, and the political parties paralysed by wrangling. Our<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16083#.XR7YWeszaUk" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> editorial</a> blamed the fecklessness of the democratic parties and the Maoists wanting to go it alone:‘D Day for the completion of the new Constitution is now only 11 months away. The Constituent Assembly’s self-imposed deadline has been pushed back over and over again. Maoist chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal said after his Politburo meeting this week that his party will lead a national government. How that will be possible considering the non-Maoist parties are on the other side is difficult to imagine. Maybe the strategy is to split the big parties, but then domestic and international geo-politics are both against them. What the Maoists couldn’t achieve with armed struggle and elections, they will now try to do by mobilising a mass movement on the streets.’<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/458"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108131140/636a4e539c7e80680e04fcacjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="1242"></a>

TRILATERAL TRAINS

One smoggy winter morning in February 2019, Ekta regretted coming to her sculpture class. It was the first day of her period, and the 19-year-old wished she was home, curled up in bed with a hot water bag to soothe her cramps.
Her class was at Kalapremi Ceramic Studio, a dark room on the ground floor of a house in Maharajganj, and Ekta’s teacher was the artist Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’, a noted sculptor.
Two other students were already there, using all their muscle strength to knead the sculpting clay. Ekta, now 24, recalls how Kalapremi asked her if she was feeling all right. She avoided him, as she did not want everyone to know she was menstruating.
Kalapremi repeatedly asked Ekta what was wrong. She finally muttered that she was having her period, after which he grabbed her hand and led her to a partitioned corner of the studio and sat her on a chair. Before she could stop him, he slid his hand under her dress, and started massaging her abdomen.
“I was horrified,” Ekta recalls. “I told him to stop, but he didn’t listen, asking me not to be shy, saying he knew how to relieve my pain. He stopped only after I protested furiously.”&nbsp;
The art tutor then said, “You’re like my daughter. I’m doing it out of love to make you feel better, but you’re so stubborn.”&nbsp;
“Instead of saying sorry he acted like I was the one having crazy thoughts,” remembers Ekta, adding that from April 2016 to August 2020 beginning the time she was 16, the artist sexually abused and harassed her on several occasions. &nbsp;
Now, Ekta and the artist’s other former students are finally sharing their experiences and some are pressing legal charges against him, hoping that others do not have to endure what they did.&nbsp;
Award-winning artist and teacher Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’ (the name means ‘Art Lover’) is known for his ceramic art, sculpture, and contemporary pottery. He was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-house-of-kalapremi">profiled in Nepali Times after a collaborative exhibition</a>, ‘Where the Wild Things Are’ at the Siddhartha Art Gallery three years ago.&nbsp;
His pieces, titled Gaalis, featured sculpted female figures with the heads of dogs, sheep, and donkeys (pictured) to depict derogatory terms for women. Some critics said the collection was a satire on feminists.
Kalapremi started his artistic and teaching career in 1983 and over the years taught at Bhanubhakta School, Kathmandu University School of Arts, Lalitkala Campus and at his private Kalapremi Ceramic Studio. He has also lectured at Jeonju University in South Korea and recently at Tabor Academy in the United States.
Seven of Kalapremi’s former students were interviewed for this story. Five female students said he touched them inappropriately in his studio or at Kathmandu University. Two male students said they witnessed him abuse and harass the women. In all cases, the students struggled to recognise the abuse when it occurred, and the lack of reporting systems left them to cope on their own for years.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, students shared a social media post hinting at Kalapremi’s history of abusive behaviour following which more students of the artist reached out sharing similar experiences. Some students spoke of abuse that happened as long as 20 years ago.
Kalapremi, 60, has denied the allegations. He told Nepali Times: “Some years ago, there was a movement encouraging people to hug and kiss. I used to do it purely out of friendship and love. But after seeing posts on social media last year calling out my behaviour, I realised my actions may have hurt some people. I understand now that I should have been more mindful.”
He added: “I am also an auxiliary health worker, so I know the exact points to massage to relieve menstrual pain. It’s not just menstruation, I take anyone who is ill to the hospital.”
Sexual abuse is much more rampant than reported given how difficult it is to prove it in court. The law defines sexual abuse as occuring when someone touches another’s private parts, coerces them into touching theirs, uses vulgar language, shows degrading images, or behaves indecently towards them without consent.&nbsp;
Ekta and her fellow students are consulting lawyer Suneeta Regmi Pokhrel, who says they know that even if the court decides in their favour, it is difficult to survive after speaking up, and influential men defend themselves saying they are being framed.&nbsp;
“They are in a lot of pain and weep when recalling how he abused them,” Regmi Pokhrel told us. “They are angry and have filed a case against him, but they are also terrified. They know he is a powerful man and they have seen how our society treats women who speak up against abusers. Unless people speak up, perpetrators will be emboldened.”
Art and academia in Nepal simply reflect the power imbalances in society where people with intersecting identities experience worse forms of abuse. Theatre actors Raj Kumar Pudasaini, Rajan Khatiwada, and Sunil Pokhrel were called out during the #MeToo movement in the Nepali theatre scene in 2019. Even after the allegations Pokhrel went on to receive national awards, while others continued to work without repercussions.
“If you speak up against abusers, you gradually get sidelined from projects,” explained a theatre artist who wished anonymity fearing professional setbacks. “The theatre scene in Nepal is quite small, you just have to make peace with the perpetrators and work with them if you want to sustain yourself.”&nbsp;
In academia there is a history of faculty members sexually harassing students and getting away with it. After Tribhuvan University (TU) lecturer Krishna Bhattachan was accused of harassing women students, the university said it would follow Nepal’s sexual harassment law and set up a reporting mechanism. But nothing happened to the professor, who had already retired. Instead, he counter-accused the students of 'attacking the indigenous people’s movement with baseless allegations' as <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/letters/2019/01/29/bhattachan-responds">he told the Kathmandu Post in 2019</a>. He continues to be featured as a prominent speaker including at TU.
Other faculty members previously accused of sexual harassment include Jagadish Murti Koirala from TU, Bishnu Prasad Acharya from Ratna Rajya Campus, and Bodha Raj Tripathee from Lalitpur Madhyamik Vidhyalaya. A woman staff member from TU also filed a sexual abuse complaint against Dambar Chemjong from TU.
Prominent figures like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">mountaineer Nims Purja</a> have been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/31/sports/mountaineering-sexual-harassment-abuse-nims-purja.html">accused of sexual assault</a>, and cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane, actor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/celebrity-rape-case-spotlights-nepal-laws">Paul Shah</a>, and former speaker of Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mahara-arrested">Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a> have been accused of rape, but society-at-large has let off the alleged perpetrators amdist a larger debate about justice for survivors and punishment of perpetrators.&nbsp;
‘Gaushala-26’ is the court name given to the 18-year-old who accused Sandeep Lamichhane, former captain of Nepal’s national cricket team and skipper of Biratnagar Kings in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/here-comes-the-nepal-premier-league">ongoing Nepal Premier League</a>, of rape. She left the country citing society questioning her character affecting her mental health while Lamichhane got an outpouring of support. In May, the Patan High Court overturned a prior verdict that found Lamichhane guilty of rape and had sentenced him to eight years in prison. During the 23-month legal battle to pursue justice, Gaushala-26 faced threats of gang rape and acid attacks.&nbsp;
Exhausted by the struggle, Gaushala-26 sought to “move to a new world” where she could live free without hiding her identity.
Actress Samragyee Rajya Laxmi Shah in an Instagram video now deleted detailed the harassment she faced from a filmmaker during a movie shoot. She did not name any name but veteran actor Bhuwan KC filed a defamation case against Rana, but the court ruled that the charge lacked sufficient evidence.&nbsp;
Former Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo">Keshav Sthapit also mocked the #MeToo movement</a>, calling accusations against him by journalists Rashmila Prajapati and Ujjwala Maharjan “a rape of men’s rights”.
Serial Abuse
Back at the Kalapremi Ceramics studio, another former student, 24-year-old Rajiv, says he felt the need to speak out after seeing his female classmates being abused.&nbsp;
“He frequently kissed them on their cheeks,” he told Nepali Times. “Whenever they walked into the studio he flailed his arms like a child asking for a hug. They awkwardly hugged him from the side, but he pulled them closer, held their chin, and kissed their cheeks.”&nbsp;
Rajiv says he also saw Kalapremi pull the women’s bra straps, touch their breasts, and slap their buttocks. The young students would freeze, not knowing how to react, and if they protested, he would say it was “normal in art”. Rajiv, 19 at the time like his classmates, remembers thinking perhaps the well-respected artist was right after all.
Another student, Luna, who took lessons at Kalapremi’s studio from 2020 to 2022 did try to confront the tutor after he made an obscene proposal to her. She recalls: “One day when the other students had left the studio and it was just the two of us, he told me that God had given him special artistic talent and he could transfer those powers to me. But to do that both of us will have to be naked, inside a dark room, and have sex.”
Luna, who was 18 then, was livid and told him she did not want any of his powers, but she says he laughed at her as if he was joking. She did not tell her family about the incident because she thought no one would believe her.&nbsp;
“They were all in awe of this famous artist and felt I should be grateful that to be learning sculpting from him,” she says. “I was scared to be alone with him in case he talked about sex again. My coping mechanism was to be rude so he wouldn’t try to come close to me.”
Seeing how some classmates were standing up to Kalapremi, Ekta too tried to push back against his advances, but she said he found ways to coerce her. Since Ekta, Rajiv, and Luna could not afford Kalapremi’s Rs30,000 monthly fee for lessons, he had offered them all a stipend to assist him in the studio.
“He had spondylosis and took me to his therapy sessions to learn massage techniques, then he often made me and other students massage him,” says Ekta. Whenever she refused, he would feign pain to make her feel sorry for him. “He would insist that I put my hands under his shirt so that I could massage him better,” she adds.
The art tutor often tried to “seduce sympathy” from Ekta by sharing how he had never been loved as a child and was “sexually frustrated” as an adult.&nbsp;
“At 7PM, he would pour himself Signature whiskey and immediately go off again about how he was sex-starved. I didn’t know how to respond. It took me time to realise alcohol was just an excuse to talk about sex,” Ekta says.
If convicted, Kalapremi could face financial penalty and/or a prison sentence of up to three years according to Section 224 of National Penal (Code) Act 2017.&nbsp;
Data suggests that victims of child sexual abuse on average take nearly 24 years to tell someone about their trauma, and some may never disclose it at all.&nbsp;
“In our culture, children are rarely taught about boundaries. They often react, show anger when adults pinch their cheeks. But adults insist they did it out of love, and force the children to accept it,” says Sita Lama, a psychotherapist at Manka Kura. “And even when someone touches them inappropriately they struggle to identify and verbalise it.”
When perpetrators claim to be “acting out of love”, Lama says survivors are likely to perceive it as something safe, rather than recognising it as abuse.&nbsp;
“It may take years for them to realise they were abused,” she explains. "And even when they become aware, the power imbalance with the abuser and the associated shame often prevents survivors from speaking up."
Other former students from the School of Art at Kathmandu University have also come forward years later, saying Kalapremi sexually abused them. As young adults, they felt his behaviour was off but were uncertain if it was inappropriate, illegal, or they did not know how to respond. After having understood that it was indeed abuse, they say they are speaking out now to protect others.&nbsp;
Amina Singh, a visiting faculty member at Kathmandu University, says there is no clause against sexual abuse in contracts of teachers, and there is no formal grievance handling mechanism for the students.&nbsp;
“So the only way students can to deal with sexual abuse is approach someone they trust,” she says.
Eight other former art students of Lalit Kala Campus and Srijana College of Fine Arts of Tribhuvan University and other private art studios in Kathmandu say they were also sexually abused by their art teachers. Three faculty members interviewed from these institutions said they saw the abuse, but felt it was futile to report it given how powerful the teachers were.
In the absence of a formal system, some longtime women artists warned each other about “problematic” artists. They shared &nbsp;a “heads-up” to be more cautious when collaborating with them, and avoided responding to their calls and texts after work hours.
To ensure art institutions are safe for all, galleries, museums, artist studios, and smaller art spaces need to develop policies on sexual harassment. This would include a code of conduct or studio policies that hold the leadership accountable and outline the principles of professional ethics.&nbsp;
Students and employees should inquire about accountability mechanisms for raising concerns, both formally and informally, advocates say.
Three years after Ekta left the ceramics studio, she learnt that Kalapremi had harassed many other women. Still trying to get a footing in the art industry, she attended a workshop in Kathmandu where women artists discussed ways to stay safe in the art sector.&nbsp;
Since it was a close-knit group Ekta opened up about how she felt violated and realised she was not alone, he had been abusing underprivileged students for years, and this was common knowledge among artists in Nepal.
Ekta says that even after she quit, Kalapremi continued sending her text messages like ‘I am thinking of you’, ‘Why have you stopped speaking with me’, or ‘I am waiting for your call’.&nbsp;
But what really forced her to act was when Ekta found out that he was sending similar texts to her younger sister.&nbsp;
“I’ve had enough,” she told us. “He abused me all these years but I won’t let him abuse my sister.” &nbsp;
Ekta, Rajiv and Luna are not the real names of the students.&nbsp;

‘Art Lover’ accused of sexual abuse

It was 8:15 in the evening of 25 March 1968 when everyone in the village of Batulechaur near Pokhara heard a deafening sound like thunder as a bright flashing object hurtled down to land in a field.&nbsp; That field belonged to Kul Timilsina, and the next morning he retrieved a sheet of metal about 2m by 1m and carried it home with the help of a few others, thinking it would be useful for his buffalo shed.&nbsp; Before he died at age 83 three years ago, Timilsina had told photo archivist Sunil Ulak that the black metal sheet was not rectangular and had rounded corners. There are a few witnesses still alive who have a clear recollection of the object that fell from the sky that night.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="601" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>The field in Batulechaur belonging to Kul Timilsina where fragments of a flying object fell from the sky in 1968.</figcaption> </figure>  One of them is Timilsina’s wife Gyanu, who was 22 at the time. She had been at home, and remembers hearing the big bang and the sky becoming very bright. “We saw the thing in the field in the morning,” she told us. “It looked like a lid, a covering of some sort. The way it was stuck in the ground, it must have fallen from the sky. We thought we could use it to dry clothes on, and took it home.”&nbsp; Another witness is Kul Narayan Paudel. “I was only eight then. We ran to the field to see what had fallen. It was a four-sided metal sheet. The elders took it away, and I don't know what happened to it.” &nbsp; Ram Bahadur Baniya, a teacher at the local school, says he had heard the sheet had been brought to the school, and later handed over to the Zonal Commissioner at the time, Nanda Prasad Malla. “But that is all hearsay,” he says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="610" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Gyanu Timilsina, wife of Kul Timilsina.</figcaption> </figure>  There are two versions of what happened to Kul Timilsina’s metal sheet. One is that an American Peace Corp Volunteer teaching at the nearby Bindyabasini School took it, and another is that it was handed over to the government. Recently declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and US State Department documents from the time say that the US Embassy in Kathmandu tracked down the object two years later and had it shipped back to the US. A telegram from the Department of State and Department of Defense tagged as ‘MOON DUST / Space Fragments’ dated 1 March 1972 stated: ‘1. Restored space fragment will be on board Embassy support flight 115 arriving Kathmandu on or about March 10. Fragment is packed in shipping crate (cargo no. 72-33365) marked in care of DAO.&nbsp; 2. State and Defense representatives examined fragments prior to shipment finding restoration acceptable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df" data-rendition-name="original" width="856" height="568" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Declassified CIA documents about the investigation into the object sighted in Pokhara. </figcaption> </figure>  The documents show that the US government, military and intelligence agencies investigated this incident thoroughly when it occurred, and have continued to revisit it ever since, as recently as five years ago. What is even more intriguing is that the object that fell in Pokhara was not the only unidentified space object that fell to earth that year. There were similar sightings of objects falling from the sky in Ladakh, Sikkim and Bhutan between 19 February and 25 March 1968.&nbsp; These mysteries were the subject of a CIA investigation in 1968 titled ‘<a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP81R00560R000100070007-8.pdf">Sighting of Unidentified Flying Objects in Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan</a>’, and the report is part of the recent online declassification of 800,000 top-secret documents from the period.&nbsp; &nbsp;Although unidentified flying objects (UFOs) have a connotation now of being alien craft, it could be pieces of satellite, missile, rocket or even aircraft. The CIA report documents six sightings in 1968 and quotes local sources as describing all of them having similar characteristics: bright blue or red streaks in the sky accompanied by loud sounds like lightning and thunder and objects falling to the ground. Aside from the metallic object that was found in Batlechaur, there were other items also found nearby in Tallakot, Tureypasal, Armalakot and Maidan. Whatever the object was, it seems to have disintegrated even before it hit the ground.&nbsp; The CIA report records the first sighting on 19 February 1968 in various parts of Sikkim and Olangchung Gola and Ghunsa in eastern Nepal. The light was said to be ‘long and thin’ and giving out ‘green and red light’. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb" data-rendition-name="original" width="892" height="596" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara "> </figure>  Two days later on 21 February, a soundless blue object was seen traveling fast across the sky above Thimphu in Bhutan. Then on 4 March there were multiple daytime sightings or white streaks in the sky at Chang La Pass, Fukche and Koyul in Ladakh. There were more sightings in Ladakh on the very day fragments fell near Pokhara on 25 March 1968.&nbsp; After the sightings in Pokhara, rumours started flying in Kathmandu that these were aliens trying to land on Earth, it could be Russian or Chinese spy planes or satellites, and some even say it as a sign from heaven that the end of the world was near. This was at the height of the Cold War. The Russians and Americans were testing their thermonuclear devices as well as intercontinental ballistic missile delivery systems. The Washington-Beijing rapprochement had not yet happened, and China was making quick progress testing atomic bombs. Within two years after its first atomic test, in 1966 China exploded its first hydrogen bomb at the Lop Nur site in Xinjiang, 3,000km to the north from Nepal. After neary six decades, what is still intriguing is that all the sightings within a few months of each other in 1968 were along the Himalayan arc bordering Tibet: from Bhutan, Sikkim Nepal, to Ladakh. The US military intelligence seems to have concluded that this was not a coincidence and there were frequent research trips to the site in Pokhara by American officials in the months after the incident. With the help of the Royal Nepal Army, the region north of Pokhara was thoroughly searched.&nbsp; A confidential memo dated 25 June 1968 by Jerry C Trippy to a ‘Mr Farley’ mentions that the US Air Force’s Foreign Technology Division had decided that the debris could be important because it may be related to a Chinese missile test or a Soviet ‘Vehicle Venik’ rocket.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  On 28 August 1968 the US Embassy in Kathmandu sent a letter to Washington DC saying that the object could be of Soviet origin, possibly from when the rocket carrying the ‘Kosmos 208’ satellite re-entered the atmosphere. But why were the fragments falling to earth several weeks apart, and in the same region? No one knows where the metal sheet that Kul Timilsina recovered is now. It was definitely packed in a crate and taken to the US, and although it is rumoured that it was returned that is not very likely. Archivist Sunil Ulak heard from the Timilsina family that CIA officials had returned to the site five years ago. &nbsp; Interest in UFOs peaked in the US in the 1950s, with the Cold War space race and tests of atomic weapons and delivery rockets. CIA and scientists were being sent to investigate sightings, both publicly and privately. Could the Pokhara fragments as well as the sightings in Ladakh and Bhutan actually be alien craft falling to earth? The renewal in interest in space travel in large part due to Elon Musk’s SpaceX, UFOs and sightings are again subjects of public interest.&nbsp; Even 57 years later, even if there was definitive proof about whether the Batlechaur fragment was from a Chinese missile or a soviet rocket, it has not been made public in documents declassified so far. We may never know.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598" data-rendition-name="original" width="642" height="320" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  Sunil Ulak speculates if the debris actually came from an American aircraft, perhaps on an intel mission upon China. “Which could explain why they were so thorough in collecting the fragments in Pokhara,” he says. But that still does not explain the multiple sightings weeks apart in 1968.&nbsp; Indeed, US military aircraft were at that time flying frequent night-time missions from air force bases in India to supply weapons to Khampa guerrilla camps in Nepal located north of Pokhara in Mustang. It could very well be that the Chinese shot down one such aircraft. The other sightings could have been contrails of US spy planes, or Chinese anti-aircraft missiles.&nbsp; There were quite a few developments regarding UFOs in 2024. In a US congressional hearing in July, former intelligence officer David Grusch claimed that the government had long been involved in a program to investigate and retrieve non-human craft crashes, and then try to reverse engineer them. However Grusch did not show any evidence.&nbsp; The UAP Disclosure Act of 2024 was signed into law by Joe Biden in December 2023. It plans to oversee the public disclosure of UFO information. However, there is a clause in it that prevents disclosure if it would cause threats to military defense, intelligence operations or foreign relations.&nbsp; It is unlikely that the declassified documents about sightings in the Himalayan will cause any real surprise about definite evidence of alien life even if it was found. It seems humanity will continue, at least for now, to wonder about curious lights in the sky and whether there is anybody out there.&nbsp;

UFO over Pokhara

When Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) president Rabi Lamichhane was arrested in October on charges of defrauding depositors of cooperatives, the party’s vice president Swarnim Wagle gifted him Fareed Zakaria’s book, Age of Revolutions.
Since then, Lamichhane has been shunted around from Kathmandu to Pokhara to Chitwan and back to Pokhara to attend police investigations and court proceedings. He was being flown to Birganj via Kathmandu on Buddha Air on Monday. There is another pending case in Janakpur.
Human rights groups and civil society have criticised the government for hounding Lamichhane with inhumane treatment that borders on physical torture. The two parties in the coalition, Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML, see Lamichhane’s RSP as a potentially formidable challenge to their power.
Even if the fraud charges against Lamichhane are true, the Nepali public is increasingly looking at the government’s actions through the police and courts as political vendetta.
Despite all the travelling, sometimes by plane and often by road at night, Lamichhane appears to be in high spirits, waving to supporters who often gather if they know he is going to be driven around. A social media video shows him giving high fives to fellow passengers on a recent flight to Pokhara.&nbsp;
In the past weeks, streets in Pokhara have erupted with parallel protests by Lamichhane’s supporters as well as depositors of cooperatives who lost their savings to the scam.&nbsp;
Although family visits are allowed, prison officials in Pokhara told Nepali Times that not many people visit Lamichhane these days. He added, “When he does get visitors, he asks them to bring him books.”
Lamichhane is currently Nepal’s most high-profile public figure in custody, and highlights the stark difference between how influential prisoners are treated compared to ordinary inmates.
There are six prison cells at Kaski District Police Office’s two-story detention centre, three on each floor. And while authorities pack prisoners into already overcrowded cells, Lamichhane has an entire room on the second floor to himself.&nbsp;
He has also been allowed to call his family every few days. Other prisoners are not permitted phone calls except for emergencies.
Meanwhile, Lamichhane’s former business partner Chhabilal Joshi, an ex-Deputy Inspector General of Police with whom he established his Gorkha Media Network, is in custody under the same charges in the prison cell next to him.
Lamichhane is accused of siphoning off depositors' money to the tv network in which he was part-owner and anchor. &nbsp;
Both Lamichhane and Joshi are able to buy food from the police canteen instead of being served the regular meal like other prisoners. Joshi has also given his statement to authorities in Rupandehi and Kathmandu for his alleged role in the scam. Lamichhane is yet to be presented in Kathmandu for questioning.
While he was in custody at the Kathmandu District Police Complex, Joshi expressed his desire to sleep in a police officer’s office, reportedly assuring authorities that he would not run away and he was entitled to certain facilities as a former officer of the law.
“He seemed to be under the impression that he is still a police officer,” says a source at the Kathmandu District Police. “We made it clear to him that as someone accused of a crime, he was not entitled to special treatment.”
Former ministers Balkrishna Khand and Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, and ex-home secretary Tek Narayan Pandey, who were arrested in connection with the fake refugee scam last year, were similarly housed in the offices of law enforcement officials instead of prison cells. Khand has since been released after six months in jail.
While there is no legal provision to keep high-ranking officials in separate detention centres when they are arrested, authorities granting them special facilities is not uncommon. Law enforcement officials say VIP detainees expect preferential treatment while in police custody.
Among those is former Kosi Province minister Lila Ballav Adhikari, who was arrested from Biratnagar on 10 November over his alleged involvement in human trafficking and brought to Kathmandu. Adhikari had flown to Japan without government approval with three individuals on 29 October to attend a cultural conference, but had been sent back to Nepal from Narita.&nbsp;
His three companions were arrested at Kathmandu airport upon their arrival, but Adhikari was able to exit unscathed from the VIP lounge. Adhikari had resigned as the Kosi Province Minister for Internal Affairs and Law when it became public that his companions had been taken into custody, and was himself arrested shortly after. He has since been cleared by the courts.
Throughout his detention, Adhikari was kept separately from other inmates. Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Basant Rajouri, head of the Bhadrakali complex, says that while there is no separate detention area for VIPs, some detainees are kept separately depending on the nature of their crime.
However, sources say that arrangements were made for retired judges and others to visit Adhikari frequently worked at the office of a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) during his time in custody.&nbsp;
“He used to constantly pester the authorities to let him sit outside in the sun, and to be able to use the police officer’s shower area,” added an officer.
Adhikari was released on 25 November after the government prosecutor’s office decided not to charge him in a move that was seen to expose the government’s double standards.
Over at Kathmandu’s Dilli Bazar Prison, former Kist Bank CEO Kamal Gyawali emerges from his prison cell into the courtyard of the prison’s ‘Ka (क)’ block every morning with a thick book in his hands, ready to give his daily sermon.
With his long beard, Gyawali, who is serving a prison sentence for banking fraud, looks the part of a religious guru as he implores his rapt listeners to “walk the right path, abandon bad thoughts and turn to scripture and spirituality”.&nbsp;
Afterward, the attendees gather to discuss politics and current affairs. Inmates at his daily sermons at the prison include other high-profile detainees, including former MP Ichchha Raj Tamang, who is in jail for money laundering and cooperatives fraud, former joint secretary Chudamani Sharma, who was convicted of corruption, as well as NC leader Chandra Bahadur Lama and Krishna Bahadur Upreti of the UML both of whom are on trial for embezzling billions of rupees.
Victims of the cooperatives scam that former lawmaker Tamang was involved in have made trips to the prison and requested visits, but he has refused to meet with any of them.
“Tamang often complains that the state has prevented him from returning the money to the victims by locking him up,” says a police officer at the Dili Bazar jail.
“All you hear every day from the VIP prisoners is that they have been framed,” adds the officer. “No one admits that they were involved in misdeeds.”
But while most high-profile prisoners complain about prison conditions, one exception is former provincial lawmaker Deepak Manange, who is serving a sentence at Dilli Bazar Jail for attempted murder.
“He is the happiest prisoner here,” says a warden. “Unlike the others, he doesn’t claim to have been framed, in fact he doesn’t seem to care that he is in prison.”
Manange is detained in the ‘Kha (ख)’ block of the prison complex, which he renovated at his own expense. The block previously housed female prisoners, but Manange used his influence to transfer them elsewhere. He faces no shortage of visitors, who range from political leaders to people from the underworld.
Along with Manange, other well-known prisoners in this block include Nepal Telecom Managing Director Sunil Poudel, and former executive director of the Surakshan Printing Centre Bikal Poudel, who are serving time for corruption.
Former prisoners at Dilli Bazar prison include ex-ministers Khum Bahadur Khadka and Shyam Sundar Gupta, NC leader Ganesh Lama, Maoist MP Balkrishna Dhungel, Nagarik Unmukti Party leader Resham Chaudhary, as well as former IGs Ramesh Chand Thakuri, Om Bikram Rana, and Hem Bahadur Gurung.
Section 54 of Nepal’s Prison Act assigns each prison’s internal administration the
responsibility of governing its prisoners, which means the more favourable the jail management is, the more comfortable it is for prisoners.
Dilli Bazar prison has been the prison of choice for many high-ranking prisoners, especially those convicted of white collar crimes, due to its more accommodating administrators. The prison, which has the capacity to house 700 inmates, is also less crowded than other jails.
Anuj Bhattarai, spokesperson of the Department of Prison Management, says that there is no legal classification in Nepal for felons to be assigned prisons based on the nature of their crimes.
“That Dilli Bazar Jail has a higher number of prisoners convicted of crimes like corruption is most likely a coincidence,” says Bhattarai. “There is no provision for influential people to be able to choose where they will be incarcerated.”&nbsp;
Translated by Shristi Karki from the Nepali original published in himalkhabar.com

What Nepal’s VIP prisoners do in jail

If you were raised in Nepal, you must have picked up its unique set of vocabulary: आन्दोलन, चक्का जाम, बन्द, राँके जुलुस, आफ्नो मान्छे, हाम्रो दल, कर्फु and many more words connoting political protest.
We became familiar with the acrid smell of burning tyres, and eyes smarting from tear gas. And yet, everyone speaks of another revolution in the making. Not by desire, but by suffocation.
We heard speeches about नयाँ नेपाल, but the New Nepal never arrived. The governance system changed, but it did not reflect on people’s lives — except for those close to centres of power. The state is still unreachable and is not bothered about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/matter-of-life-and-debt">victims of loan sharks</a>, cooperative scams and other injustices.
Politicians continue to speak in sound bites, but fail to deliver. They have mastered the game of pointing fingers towards an external enemy and convincing people that they are never at fault. The political narrative is so disconnected from the actual analysis of the problem that suffocation doesn’t go away after every revolution.
No genuine effort has been made to deliver at all, which is why there is a palpable sense of disillusionment in the air forcing us to seek another revolution, even if Nepal may not be able to afford it.
How has the current system successfully held power, even if the public is deeply frustrated? How is it that for three decades we continue to be led by the same faces, who have time and again, proved to us that they may be great politicians but not national leaders?
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/improving-internet-governance-in-nepal">My experience at the epicentre of politics</a> has led me to identify three cultures that have enabled political parties to keep a tight hold on power: acceptance, silence and dependency.
We accept things the way they are. We use fatalistic phrases like “नेपालमा यस्तै हो” or “नेपालको कानुन दैब जानुन”. While this resilience enables us to rise back up from devastating calamities, it is also a reason for our compliance with the status quo.
Despite so many ‘revolutions’ that have led to significant reforms, these phrases keep getting reinforced, to the point that the upcoming generations have made it their lingo.&nbsp;
This acceptance is not a symbol of law-abiding citizens, but citizens living in fear of those in power, unable to ask the whys and why-nots.
Innovation suffocates in this culture of acceptance of the status quo. This is manifested in remarks like “but we don’t have any laws for this,” or “we don’t have the capacity to implement this”. An innovator or entrepreneur therefore has to spend that energy to become a political lobbyist, often educating and convincing the bureaucracy.&nbsp;
Remember when locally assembled <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/designed-and-made-in-nepal">Yatri motorbikes</a>, despite having willing customers, had to suffer to secure license numbers because of a lack of regulations? Instead of creating new laws, the government kept chanting the “We will promote Nepal-made goods” mantra, leaving entrepreneurs in a labyrinth of bureaucracy. The weight of acceptance of the law lies heavily on innovators. Fatalism is a tactic used by those in power to generate mass fear in society.
When we accept, we become silent. This is a pervasive phenomenon. We are trained to keep quiet, lest we ruffle feathers, burn bridges, or not get the help we need in future. We know, yet we don’t speak.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bureaucratic-hurdles-in-researching-nepals-bureaucracy">Bureaucratic hurdles in researching Nepal's bureaucracy</a>, Daniel W Edwards
Here is one example: the 2021 census shows that the number of baby boys born for every 100 baby girls is 112. This is a clear indication of female foeticide because of boy preference in society.
Despite such horrifying realities, there is finger-pointing within the government between the Ministry of Health and Population with the Ministry of Home Affairs. At the citizen level, we know those who are involved in killing girls. Yet, we don’t speak up. The Nepal Medical Council reports state that despite this gender imbalance at birth, there is no indication of any action.
But why would anyone speak against one's own fraternity, no matter how vile the act is?
When we accept and keep quiet, we become dependent on those who yield power. From getting our government procedure completed on time to getting transfers, to accessing any of our legally protected rights as well, we are forced to depend on our networks of चिनेको मान्छे people we know by blood, village, relations, political affiliation.
The culture of dependency has been the established way in Nepal. If you drive a two-wheeler or four-wheeler, and you get into a small accident, you will be asked to sort it yourself, dialing up the most powerful person you know. It becomes a competition of who knows who.
Recently I was told that there were calls from the Ministry of Health and Population and another from the Prime Minister's Office for just one medical position in a private hospital. Each was pushing its own candidate. Guess which candidate got the position.&nbsp;
The dependency of people is not on the laws or the state, it is with people in power, a reliance on the network of somebody who knows somebody, including those not officially in power.
These cultures are deeply ingrained in our heads, and in society. Collectively they form a vicious circle that helps those in power to retain power. This is not the society we want to live in.
Then, what do we do as a collective to break away from this? How do we break away from the cultures of acceptance and silence that have created this dependency? What can we do to ensure that our children do not have to learn the jargon of आन्दोलन before they learn about the state?
These are the cultures political parties need to shed rather than use them to perpetuate their power. This is what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/an-alternative-to-alternative-politics-in-nepal">alternative politics</a> needs to be about.
Sumana Shrestha is a member of Parliament’s Education, Health and Information Technology parliamentary committee and represents the Rastriya Swatantara Party.

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