Many of the victims of loan sharks who have been demonstrating in Kathmandu for the past months took high-interest loans that multiplied their debt. But among them are also families who are being forced by fraudsters with forged documents to repay money never borrowed. Here are some of them: Rajaram Sahani&nbsp; Rajaram Sahani lives by the highway in Rauthat district. Property prices have soared because of the proposed Nijgad airport, and land grabbers are targeting innocent farmers. One hot afternoon six years ago, he was handed a legal notice from the District Court that he had not paid back interest and capital on a loan for Rs637,000 from his neighbour, Trailokya Chandra Sahani. “He had lodged a complaint in the court saying I had not paid back a loan I never took, and he was demanding my land as compensation,” Rajaram says. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/institutionalised-inequality">Institutionalised inequality</a>, Editorial  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230721050732_2dd1169402bcf3353cf99d618e7c7c71e7aa711f1423f5bba39e33932d897e58.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230721050732_2dd1169402bcf3353cf99d618e7c7c71e7aa711f1423f5bba39e33932d897e58" data-rendition-name="original" width="2250" height="1500" loading="lazy" alt="Rajaram and family"> <figcaption> </figcaption> </figure>  He then took the rubber print and his live fingerprint to a forensic lab in Lalitpur where technician Mukul Pradhan confirmed that although the two prints looked alike, one of them was not a real thumb. With this proof, Rajaram returned to the District Police in Rautahat and showed it to Superintendent Siddhi B Shah. But because the process of investigation would take more than the 24 days that the fake print maker Trailokya Sahani could be legally detained, he was not arrested. &nbsp; Rajaram then submitted a complaint to the court which sent the prints back to the forensic lab to again determine if they were rubber prints. A 3-member investigation team that included the same Mukul Pradhan, police DSP Udaya Jung Rana and Biswa Raj Poudel determined that the lab did not have the necessary equipment to confirm the authenticity of the rubber print -- even though two of its members had earlier said it was fake. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/till-debt-do-us-part">Till debt do us part</a>, Ramesh Kumar  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230721050736_2035fdcd81be4e0236fc0977548645722d35ba5d898b0fbc96dedd493f3a2a9e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230721050736_2035fdcd81be4e0236fc0977548645722d35ba5d898b0fbc96dedd493f3a2a9e" data-rendition-name="original" width="780" height="1040" loading="lazy" alt="Rajaram loan"> <figcaption>Loan document with fake fingerprints of Rajaram Sahani.</figcaption> </figure>  The District Court judge Keshav Kumar Pandey ruled that Rajaram was guilty, and ordered he pay back the interest and capital on a loan he never took that now had grown to Rs4.83 million.&nbsp; Rajaram’s appeal is sub judice at the Birganj High Court, and he has nothing left to lose and is at the sit-in in the capital against loan sharks.&nbsp; Ram Ishwor Sahani The life of Sarlahi fishmonger Ram Ishwor Sahani and his family was &nbsp;irrevocably changed when Naresh Kumar Sahani of Gaur filed a case against his 60-year-old mother Malbhogia Kumari for failing to pay off a loan of Rs2 million.&nbsp; The plaintiff requested the court to seize Malbhogia’s property if she failed to pay the 10% interest on her loan within the next 45 days. Not only had Malbhogia never borrowed any money from Naresh, neither she nor her family had ever met or heard of the loan shark. Her son suspected that her mother’s fingerprints might have been misused. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=21822&amp;preview=true" target="_blank">Some are more equal than others</a>, Anil Chitrakar  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230721050740_c5f4b1cadeb323565450a0359db648daa07d861dc5ba5edc6de7248df904f7a3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230721050740_c5f4b1cadeb323565450a0359db648daa07d861dc5ba5edc6de7248df904f7a3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="750" loading="lazy" alt="Rajaram and Ram ishwor"> <figcaption>Ram Ishwor Sahani (left) and Rajaram Sahani.</figcaption> </figure>  The court ordered a lab analysis of the fingerprint on the loan document against Malbhogia’s own thumb prints, and they did not match. But as soon as the results came out, Naresh successfully filed a petition to withdraw the case without facing any consequences. Ram Ishwor’s mother is elated, but her son has not found any comfort. The court case had dragged on for two years, and he had had to place his land on collateral during that time. &nbsp; “I feared that we would be made homeless,” he explains. He is now planning to file a forgery case against Naresh Kumar Sahani, and is in Kathmandu demanding justice. Baiju Saha Kanu Baiju Saha Kanu of Rautahat was vindicated in a similar case involving fake fingerprints, after which he filed a forgery case against his neighbour Ram Binaya Shah, who had taken Baiju to court.&nbsp; But Ram Binaya was let off with a Rs30,000 fine, a mere slap on the wrist, and his brother took revenge by filing another fraudulent case against Baiju’s son, dragging the family to court once again.&nbsp; “Had he been sent to prison the first time around, neither he nor his family would have had the courage to commit a similar crime,” says Baiju Shah. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-tax-system-widens-rich-poor-gap">Nepal’s tax system widens rich-poor gap</a>, Ramesh Kumar  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230721050740_882b93bb910ad96445934e317ab3bc57f07948bc25ea7c150a2b54b74c656a2a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20230721050740_882b93bb910ad96445934e317ab3bc57f07948bc25ea7c150a2b54b74c656a2a" data-rendition-name="original" width="831" height="1170" loading="lazy" alt="Baiju"> <figcaption>Loan document with fake fingerprints of Baiju Saha Kanu.</figcaption> </figure>  Dilli Kumari Karki Dilli Kumari Karki from Milan Chok in Rautahat lost her 11-year-old daughter Akrita Basnet who committed suicide last year. She believes it was because of the mental torture the family had to endure from loan sharks who were blackmailing them.&nbsp; Seven years ago, Karki borrowed Rs60,000 from Rural Development Bank to open a clothing store. To expand the shop, they also borrowed Rs100,000 from a neighbour, Namrata Lama, a local tailor.&nbsp; Three months later, Karki’s husband Sukram Basnet decided to become a cosmetic dealer and borrowed an additional Rs350,000 from Lama which the couple managed to return eventually after four months. Later, Lama asked Karki for a blank cheque in her name “just for recordkeeping”.&nbsp; Innocently, Karki gave her the signed cheque, and Lama told to her make another one because she “signed it incorrectly” the first time. Soon, Lama started demanding Rs1.5 million which she added herself on the blank cheque. Karki refused saying she had already repaid her loans, but Lama threatened to bounce the cheque.&nbsp; Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepals-political-economy/"> Nepal’s political economy</a>, Editorial  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230721050744_d01cb7e3378fde3fe41a2f8a26ab8c803810063b40eb6c871e1090722d999ac3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20230721050744_d01cb7e3378fde3fe41a2f8a26ab8c803810063b40eb6c871e1090722d999ac3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="920" loading="lazy" alt="Dilli NT"> </figure>  Fearing prosecution, Karki started borrowing money from other lenders to pay Lama. But after paying Rs1.5 million, Lama said that was just the “interest” and that Karki still owed the “principle” which amounted to Rs450,000. When Karki refused, she brought the other blank cheque to threaten her. So she kept on paying “interest” which has now added up to Rs4.5 million. When Karki tried to sell the family property to pay for the cancer treatment of her mother-in-law they found that Lama had forged land ownership documents, forcing them to reach a settlement by paying off another Rs250,000.&nbsp; Karki then tried to sell her own land to get out of the mess. But the middle men tried to threaten and blackmail the family in front of the children. After one such altercation, Karki left for Kathmandu and heard three days later that her daughter had hung herself in her room. Lama used to call Karki on multiple numbers but when this reporter tried them, she was never available. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/first-the-good-news-sgm1d4u4">First, the good news</a>, Ramesh Kumar Post-script: Section 249 ‘A’ of Nepal’s Civil Code was amended through an ordinance in May to make unfair transactions punishable by seven years imprisonment and a fine of up to Rs70,000. A replacement bill was passed by parliament in June. But loan shark lobbies close to the JSP have demanded that the bill be repealed, staging counter-protests at Maitighar. In Rautahat alone, there have been 1,811 loan cases in the last fiscal year, 90% of which involve forgery and misuse of fingerprints. In May, the government formed an inquiry commission to address victims of loan sharks under former Special Court Chair Gauri Bahadur Karki, and 24,000 complaints were submitted, most of them from Madhes Province. Indeed, loan sharks have formed a syndicate in Madhes Province specialising in obtaining fingerprints from official documents and making rubber impressions, forging loan documents, bribing court and forensic officials and obtaining customised lab reports from the National Forensic Science Laboratory in Lalitpur. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/crime-and-or-punishment-in-nepal">Crime and/or Punishment in Nepal</a>, Sonia Awale Reporting by: Centre for Investigative Journalism-Nepal, Man Bahadur Basnet, Sagar Chand, and Archana Darji

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Matter of life and debt

<figure></figure>										<img width="1698" height="1176" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109151112/636bb58f9c7e80680e07bc0djpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: CIJ NEPAL</figcaption>												Top secret documents prepared by the US government’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) and leaked to the media have revealed $2 trillion in suspicious money transfers, and include files that involve some of Nepal’s top banks.The information is contained in ‘Suspicious Activity Reports’ (SARs) sent by banks to the American financial watchdog between 1999 to 2017, and most involve transactions with countries on which the US has imposed sanctions, like Russia, North Korea, Iran and Cuba, or Chinese companies which Washington has blacklisted. Some of these SARs involve transfers through Kathmandu-based banks, and by Nepali firms a few of which appear to be front or fake companies, or ones that are defunct. Banks report transactions when they suspect that money laundering or criminal activity is suspected, but they do not necessarily mean that the companies or individuals named have broken the law.The Nepal files contain transactions made through nine banks, 10 companies and other individuals between 2006-2017 and include some of the big names in banking. However, the companies are less well known, and some of the individual names appear to be security guards or Nepali overseas workers sending money home. Even so, some of the Nepal-based companies named appear to have been involved in smuggling gold, antiquities, or trading in asphalt and telecommunication equipment. The transactions flagged in the FinCEN leaks in Nepal were through Standard Chartered Bank, Prime Commercial Bank, Bank of Kathmandu, Nepal Investment Bank, Everest Bank, Mega Bank, Himalayan Bank, Apex Development Bank of Kaski, and Nepal Bangladesh Bank.The leaked documents contain the names of 10 little known Nepal-based companies including Rauniyar Brothers &amp; Co of Birganj, Subha Samriddhi Traders Pvt Ltd of Kathmandu, Shasta Trading Company, Setidevi Export Import Pvt Ltd, L D International Pvt Ltd, Felt and Yarn Pvt Ltd, Woman’s Paper Crafts, Acme Money Transfer Service, and Sunny Enterprises. Some these were never registered, others appear to be front companies, and some are closed. Of the nearly $300 million worth of transactions through Nepal that were flagged in the FinCEN documents, $177.6 million were bank transfers of which $103 million were transferred out of Nepal and $74.6 million were remitted into the country. There were also $48.2 million worth of possibly illegal transactions in various countries with Nepal links, and another $75 million transactions not in Nepal, but involving Nepali-sounding surnames and addresses. Most of the transactions in the FinCEN leaks that raised red flags, including those by Rauniyar Brothers and Shubha Shambridhi Traders, involved over $70 million in Letters of Credit through Standard Chartered Bank in Nepal and its branches abroad. The Rauniyar transactions went through the Dubai-based Kite International FZE, and involved import and export of petroleum products. They were sourced from Bandar Abbas port in Iran in contravention of US-sanctions, and the shipment documents were reportedly forged to look like they came through Dubai.When asked to respond, Pranu Singh of Standard Chartered Bank Nepal said the bank was bound by client confidentiality and did not comment on specific cases. ‘The reality is that there will always be attempts to launder money and evade sanctions,’ she wrote in an email reply. ‘We take our responsibility to fight financial crime extremely seriously and have invested substantially in our compliance programs.’  The other companies involved appear to have been involved in using banking channels to fund gold smuggling operations via jewellery companies in Hong Kong and Dubai between 2009-2011. Some banking transactions appear to have been listed in the SARs because they involved Chinese telecommunication company ZTE that is on a US blacklist, while others were  transfers from Nepal to known tax havens like the British Virgin Islands, Seychelles and Luxembourg.  The leaked files also include transfers of amounts as small as $120-500 to Nepali companies and from Nepali workers in Iraq and other countries that for some reason were in the suspicious activity reports sent by corresponding banks as long as ten years ago. However, some of the companies listed, like Woman’s Paper Crafts, are not even officially registered in Nepal.Two separate reports in the FinCEN leaks concern possible payments for smuggled Nepali religious artifacts. Standard Chartered Bank New York flagged American Nancy Wiener Gallery and several other dealers suspected to be involved in the illegal trade of antiquities. Some of them were linked to Subhash Kapoor, an Indian national and the Art of the Past Gallery owner in New York, who used to facilitate artifacts smuggling from India to the United States. He was arrested by Interpol in 2011 at Frankfurt airport.Nancy Wiener Gallery was cited in the FinCEN leaked files for suspicious transactions worth $27 million between 2010-2017. This is the same gallery that sold a stolen 16th-century bronze from Nepal in 2010 and transferred the payment to Pantheon Worldwide in Hong Kong. The bank that filed the suspicious activity report said: ‘The transactions appear to be related to antiquities that were potentially purchased and sold illegally.’Nepal’s Money Laundering Prevention Act requires banks and financial institutions to report suspicious transactions to the Nepal Rastra Bank’s Financial Information Unit (FIU). The Act bars clients from making transactions under anonymous or fictitious names. Financial institutions also need to keep a separate record of transactions of high-ranking officials in the political, administrative, and judicial spheres. Although some of the suspicious transactions in the FinCEN report are dated, there appears to be a gap in the way Nepal’s banking sector monitors international transfers. This poses a serious challenge, and could push Nepal towards an international blacklist of high-risk countries.Nepal Rastra Bank Governor Maha Prasad Adhikari says Nepal has enacted laws against money laundering and has set up a Financial Information Unit (FIU) at the central bank. “However, having legal provisions doesn’t mean that money laundering will not happen. We don’t claim that we are good at implementing laws, but it’s getting better as time passes,” Adhikari added. “We have fined six banks and financial institutions for mishandling Know Your Customers forms and failing to monitor and report money laundering. Nepal Rastra Bank is committed to preventing money laundering. There won’t be any ifs or buts.”The latest ‘<a href="https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/jasonleopold/fincen-files-financial-scandal-criminal-networks" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">FinCEN Files</a>’ contain top secret financial records obtained by BuzzFeed News and shared with the <a href="https://www.icij.org/investigations/fincen-files/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ)</a> and other news organisations. In Kathmandu, follow up investigations were conducted by the <a href="https://cijnepal.org.np/fincen-files-nepal-nexus/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Centre for Investigative Journalism Nepal (CIJ-N)</a>.Krishna Acharya, Ramu Sapkota and Shiva Gaunle. Arun Karki and Pramod Acharya also contributed to this report.Centre for Investigative Journalism Nepal

Nepal figures in leaked money laundering report

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141140/636bae749c7e80680e077ff4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1600" height="900"/>Last September, contractor Sujan Poudel filed a complaint at the Commission for the Investigation for the Abuse of Authority (CIAA) against police deputy superintendent Shyam Kumar Rai, accusing him of soliciting a bribe. The CIAA decided to catch Rai red-handed in a sting operation.A month later, Poudel went to Rai’s office and surreptitiously planted Rs140,000 in cash in the police officer’s drawer. Immediately after, officials from the CIAA who were hiding outside barged into the office and arrested Rai.The media ran the news: ‘DSP Rai arrested with Rs140,000 bribe money’. The CIAA took Rai under custody and filed a corruption case at the Special Court. In his statement, Rai accused Poudel of framing him because he had taken action against the contractor for illegal sand mining and quarrying.As evidence, the CIAA had submitted a video footage of the cash in Rai’s drawer. But when police examined the video, they found that the CIAA team seemed to know exactly where to look for the cash. “Take out money from the drawer,” a member of the CIAA team is overheard saying.The Special Court analysed the video, and ruled that Rai had indeed been framed by Poudel. The justices said in their judgement: “It seems the CIAA has worked at the behest of special interest groups unhappy with a strict ban on illegal sand extraction,” said one of the judges of the fast-track court established to deal with corruption cases.Pralhad Dhital, an assistant forest officer of the Kavre District Forest Office, was attending a training organised in Kathmandu last month when Jagatlal Tamang, an entrepreneur of Kavre, repeatedly telephoned him asking for a meeting. Tamang came to Kathmandu and the two went out to a cafe. At the table, Tamang abruptly put Rs20,000 in Dhital’s hand, and suddenly CIAA officials lurking nearby pounced on Dhital.The media reported: ‘Kavre Forest Official Caught Red-handed accepting Bribe’.Tamang later confessed that he had indeed decided to frame Dhital after he refused permission to fell 56 pine trees in a private property. He added that CIAA officials helped him write his application and showed him how to carry out the sting operation. As with many other cases, Tamang framed Dhital with the active collusion of the agency mandated to fight corruption. Dhital was suspended from his job.Not only does this show that media headlines about corruption may be misleading, it has also exposed questionable practices at the CIAA. Records show that the anti-corruption agency is regularly using sting techniques in petty offences to catch small-time criminals. Last November the agency arrested traffic policeman Nabin Kumar Jha of Dhanusha, while receiving a Rs1,000 bribe. Jha was arrested shortly after receiving ‘bribe’ planted on him by a CIAA driver.In Kaski the CIAA’s Pokhara Regional Office acting on a complaint, planned a sting operation against land revenue officer Dipak Subedi by getting an official posing as someone needing a job done. Subedi was caught while accepting a Rs3,000 bribe from an undercover CIAA official, and agency filed a case against him.The CIAA has even conducted a sting operation to arrest a messenger at the Land Reform Office in Itahari. In a clear case of entrapment, it offered Arjun Mandal Rs2,000 for a service, which he accepted. He was arrested and charged.Instead of going after officials and politicians who embezzle billions with impunity, critics say, the CIAA is targetting corruption. They say the agency is carrying out these operations so it can boast about the number of corruption cases it has cracked. Indeed, the CIAA’s annual report for 2018-2019 cites ‘a record number of corruption cases’.At a press conference in January, CIAA spokesperson Pradeep Kumar Koirala patted himself on the back by saying that the agency had performed “a great achievement” by busting so many corruption cases. Out of 351 graft cases filed by the CIAA last year, 147 were bribery and of these in 40% the accused was apprehended using sting tactics. This year, the number of sting operations has shot up to 181 cases – of which half were cases involving less than Rs25,000 in bribes. Of the total 277 arrested 69 were junior civil servants and 16 were messengers and peons.“Previously, cases of fake academic credential used to top other corruption cases,” said Gauri Bahadur Karki, former chair of the Special Court, ‘these days, they have been replaced by sting operations.”Details of the CIAA’s own annual report reveal that the powerful constitutional body that is entrusted with controlling graft and malfeasance in government and ensure good governance is busy with petty bribes, and arresting junior-most government employees.The CIAA is obviously taking the easy way out to fulfil its case quota, while trying not to ruffle any feathers. It is not going after powerful officials involved in tax evasion, investigating ill-gotten wealth, or following the money trail in corruption involving senior officials. It is enticing low-level officials who put their hands in the honey pot.“CIAA has not followed the instructions of parliamentary committees to go after big fish in high-profile cases like the Airbus deal, Ncell tax and Yeti Holdings. None of those scams were investigated, but it is targeting petty corruption just to show that it is meeting targets,” said Karki.The sting operation has raised ethical issues of whether entrapment is an acceptable way to nab public officials. Should the CIAA even be tempting junior bureaucrats by using a bribe as a trap. Is it even legal?As per Article 239 of the Constitution the CIAA can investigate wrongdoings of any public position holder and file corruption case against them if charges are established. Section 30 of the regulation states that the CIAA can provide money to informers if any public position holder seeks bribe. But there is no provision of legal action against bribe receivers and providers.The CIAA has been using this Section to conduct sting operations whereas Section 3 of Corruption Prevention Act-2002 clearly states that both bribe receivers and providers should be punished for bribery. Ironically, this may actually make the CIAA also liable for corruption.“CIAA can file corruption case if someone is caught taking a bribe,” said constitutional expert Bhimarjun Acharya, “but a constitutionally empowered body’s involvement in using cash to trap someone is not really acceptable matter in any civilised society, and it goes against the rule of law.”Another advocate Bishnu Prasad Ghimire argues that the CIAA’s sting operation is guided with the intent of improving its success rate in controlling corruption by trapping citizens.  “State agencies should not be involved in such activity, and the use of state coffers to entrap citizens is not acceptable,” said Ghimire.Ghimire says sting operations by a state agency is actually illegal and objectionable. As per Nepal’s criminal law, only Parliament can determine which act is a crime and which is not.Acharya recalls that sting operations have been used in the United States and India, but the courts there have set a precedent by annulling the provision of providing money to trap criminals. He says as democracy with the rule of law, Nepal should follow that practice.The US Supreme Court in <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/503/540/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/503/540/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1595658441786000&amp;usg=AFQjCNH07kw3Z3XtVIHIDEfMKSIkPMbtAg">an order issued on April 1992 states</a>: ‘In their zeal to enforce the law, government agents may not originate a criminal design, implant in an innocent person's mind the disposition to commit a criminal act, and then induce commission of the crime so that the government may prosecute.’In a ruling, India’s Supreme Court has also raised moral questions about sting operations with the <a href="https://indiankanoon.org/doc/120178732/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://indiankanoon.org/doc/120178732/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1595658441787000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFD_9ZxQf78QImt73MtvIr34R_USg">order</a>: ‘Being essentially a deceptive operation, though designed to nab a criminal, a sting operation raises certain moral and ethical questions. The victim, who is otherwise innocent, is lured into committing a crime on the assurance of absolute secrecy and confidentiality of the circumstances raising the potential question as to how such a victim can be held responsible for the crime which he would not have committed but for the enticement.’ ,” states theIn Nepal, too, a case has been filed in the Supreme Court challenging the CIAA’s use of stings. However, Pradeep Koirala at the CIAA defends the practice saying the agency provides money to victims of corruption to break the chain of bribery. “We facilitate it only when service seekers do not have the money for the bribe and approach us with an application,” he added.Even former police chief Hemanta Malla who has worked at the CIAA says the agency’s use of stings goes against the basic principle of ‘secret action’. He admits that sting operations can be used to expose serious crimes like match fixing, human trafficking and drug trafficking, but says the use of sting operations against petty crime is ‘overkill’.“The target of secret action should be to break organised crime networks, but the CIAA’s operation seems just focused on arresting junior-ranking officials. This should be stopped because the sting tool can be misused,” Malla added.Advocate Bhimarjun Acharya is clear about how to complain about corruption in Nepal: “There are so many ways citizens can lodge complaints against bribery, but entrapping someone as part of an investigation is not the way in a civilised society.”<a href="https://cijnepal.org.np/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://cijnepal.org.np/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1595658441787000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFNx-tiTfqcQt1OnemJShWk6Bp_yQ">Center for Investigative Journalism-Nepal</a>

CIAA traps small fish, lets big ones go

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101132/636a22c09c7e80680e0417a6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="542"/>In February 2015 The International Consortium of Investigative journalists (<a href="https://www.icij.org/">ICIJ</a>) revealed that Nepalis held Rs5 billion in secret Swiss bank accounts. Most people thought the money must have been parked there by Nepal’s corrupt politicians.But after the Centre for Investigative Journalism Nepal (<a href="http://cijnepal.org.np/category/english-posts/">CIJ Nepal</a>) went through 3,000 pages of documents from <a href="https://www.icij.org/investigations/swiss-leaks/">Swiss Leaks</a>, <a href="https://offshoreleaks.icij.org/">Offshore Leaks</a>, the <a href="https://www.icij.org/investigations/panama-papers/">Panama</a> and <a href="https://www.icij.org/investigations/paradise-papers/">Paradise Papers</a>, the names were of Nepal’s top business people. Even foreigners had deposited money in the banks using Nepali addresses and documents.Savings of Nepalis in the banks have now crossed Rs50 billion, email correspondence between CIJ Nepal and Swiss banks show.The records also reveal that Nepalis started to deposit money in Swiss banks the year after the Maoist insurgency began in Nepal in 1996.Nepalis had Rs1.25 billion in the Swiss National Bank in 1996, but that figure doubled to Rs4.1 billion by 2006, when the war ended. Nepalis deposits in the two years after the conflict declined to Rs3.9 billion. Records show that Nepali have withdrawn Rs 15.6 billion from Swiss banks so far.The biggest Nepali depositers in a Swiss bank are Minu Shah Chhibber, and her two sons who live in the UK. They had Rs2.6 billion in Swiss banks in 2006-7. Even some foreigners are found to have used Nepali documents to deposit their money in Swiss banks, including an Israeli national using a Nepali passport to open an account with ‘Kathmandu’ as his address. Other account holders who have Nepal connections are Indians.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101132/636a22c39c7e80680e0417a7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1250" height="813">Despite it banking secrecy laws, an agreement between the Swiss government and the European Union in 2015 after the Swiss Leaks ends the exclusive confidentiality, and the Swiss agree to provide account details if demanded. The ICIJ says Swiss banks have profited from dictators, corrupt politicians, business persons who evade taxes and organisations that make money through the illegal transaction of weapons and drugs by allowing them to deposit their earnings.The country with the biggest Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Nepal is not China, India or the United States as one may presume, but the tax haven state of the British Virgin Islands. Of the total Rs137.67 billion received as FDI in the last two decades, the share of the British Virgin Islands (BVI) accounts for 45%. They obtained approval from the Nepal government to invest in and establish industries worth Rs8 billion.In 2017, the Panama Papers revealed that seven Nepalis including Upendra Mahato, the founder of Non-resident Nepalis Association, had invested in tax haven states. The ICIJ and CIJ Nepal collaborated in digging more into these investments, and found that Nepali businesses have used tax havens to evade taxes in Nepal or to transfer the illegally earned money to launder it. The money was then repatriated to Nepal under foreign direct investment (FDI).Investigations show that Birendra Mahato, a former lawmaker and central committee member of Federal Socialist Forum party, his elder brother Upendra Mahato, Niraj Govinda Shrestha, a non-resident Nepali and Ajeya Raj Sumargi, a businessman, are involved in this elaborate money laundering scheme. They used the sale of the telecom company Ncell to avoid paying capital gains tax in Nepal.After a G-7 Summit established the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering (FATF) to combat money laundering and terrorist financing the Paris-based organisation has been blacklisting countries. The FATF blacklists countries not cooperating in anti-money laundering financing. Nepal committed to abide by the criteria drawn up by the FATF and its Asia-Pacific Group in 2012 and passed the Money Laundering-related Act.  However, given these revelations, there is still a possibility that Nepal could be blacklisted in future.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101132/636a22c69c7e80680e0417a8jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1250" height="797">“While Nepal avoided the scrutiny and monitoring criteria of the global community in 2014 due to legislation and institutional reforms, there has not been effective implementation of the laws,” states Finance Minister Yuba Raj Khatiwada’s white paper on the economy last March.Nepali companies have also dealt with Mossack Fonseca, the intermediary law firm in BVI that helps businesses to want to launder their money by finding them legal loopholes in tax haven countries. In 2015, the ICIJ published details of the firm in the Panama Papers, after which it closed down.Panama Papers emails show that in 2008 Nepal’s Milap Group approached Mossack Fonseca to bid for a tender from the Nepal Supreme Court calling for an international consultant for Judicial Mapping and Judicial Assessment for a project on legal and judicial reforms. Milap Group emailed to Mossack Fonseca proposing to jointly apply for the tender, which a Mossack Fonseca official declined, saying the two could collaborate in future. Milap Group has been involved with foreign companies printing excise stickers for Inland Revenue Department, bank notes for Nepal Rastra Bank and passport printing and supply of Ministry of Foreign Affairs.Another company linked to Mossack Fonseca is Nepal Ventures registered in BVI. It is not clear from the Panama Papers who was listed as the owner, but a company with a similar name is registered at the Office of Company Registrar in Nepal with Dhanusha lawmaker Juli Kumari Mahato as main investor. The company has 20 percent share capital investment in United Telecom Limited. Mahato is the wife of Raghubir Mahaseth, Minister of Physical Infrastructure and Transport and sister of Upendra Mahato and Birendra Mahato. When asked, Juli Kumari Mahato denied having investments abroad, and said “it is a mere coincidence” that a company with similar name existed in the British Virgin Islands.The ICIJ and CIJ-Nepal investigations have also shown how money is laundered from tax havens into Nepal as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Records show that the Saurabh Group chaired by Bishnu Prasad Neupane, brought foreign investment from the BVI to build a hotel in Bhaktapur, but construction was stopped after Madhyapur Thimi Municipality found the 17-storey building only had permission for a five-floor structure.Saurabh Group brought the investment for the hotel from the BVI-based Global Technology and Trademark Company, and the Rs1.94 billion proposal was approved by the Department of Industry in 2013.Sulav Agrawal is the director of four companies under the Saurabh Group and brought Rs300 million in FDI from a UAE-based company to manufacture soap and betel nuts in Birganj. Agrawal is also vice-chairman of Shankar Group, but the UAE company has the same name as the one based in the BVI: Global Technology and Trademark which was also found to be evading taxes in its ventures in Parsa district.Krishna Holdings Ltd of Hong Kong has a 45% stake in Sarbottam Cement Pvt Ltd of Nawalparasi, also run by the Saurabh Group. The remaining 55% shares are owned by Neupane and his relatives. Just like how Global Technology and Trademark is operating out of not just the UAE but also the BVI, the Hong Kong-based Krishna Holdings is related to the UAE-based Krishna International.Krishna International Ltd has mentioned on its website that it has invested in as many as 22 countries including Nepal, Mauritius and Cyprus. Ramesh Kumar Sawarthia has brought Rs29.5 million from Hong Kong to build a commercial complex in Gyaneswor, Kathmandu in 2005.The British Virgin Islands-based Global Technology and Trademark has also invested Rs 240 million in the printing and lamination sector. This company has no Nepali partner, but Saurabh Group’s Jagadamba Synthetic and Quality Roto Packaging is also in the printing and lamination business.Four companies in which Saurabh Group’s Neupane has invested, have benefitted from Nepal’s controversial tax settlement policy which allowed them to get away with paying just 3.45% of the total taxes due to the state after a Commission formed by Finance Minister Ram Sharan Mahat in 2015 waived payments.The CIJ Nepal Nepal investigation based on the Paradise Papers leaks obtained by the German paper Süddeutsche Zeitungin 2017 also unearthed links between Nepal’s Laxmi Cement and tax havens in the BVI, the Isle of Man, Seychelles as well as two Indian investors. Shareholders of Laxmi Cement are also involved in KEPY Cement Udyog of Dhading and Ghorahi Cement of Dang.The Act Restricting Investment Abroad, 1964 bars Nepalis from investing in a foreign country, but the ICIJ and CIJ-Nepal investigation found that 55 Nepalis have invested in foreign countries which includes well-known captains of industry in Nepal and non-resident Nepalis. Although the law does not bar NRNs from investing abroad, but there are questions about their offshore companies.Former lawmaker Birendra Mahato, who is currently a central member of the Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum-Nepal, has invested in the ‘OJSC Amkodor Holding Limited Company’ in Belarus with his brother Upendra and another overseas Nepali Niraj Govinda Shrestha, and a foreign partner Romeo Abdo, who also happens to be linked to the Ncell tax-evasion case. Abdo, who is of Lebanese origin has been doing business in Belarus, represented the TeliaSonera in Ncell in whose ownership transfer of nearly Rs61 billion (the amount has reached Rs 72 billion now) was implicated in evading Nepal’s capital gains tax. Birendra Mahato admitted having the investment seven years ago, but not anymore, and denied knowing Abdo.For full five-part investigation go to <a href="http://cijnepal.org.np/category/english-posts/">CIJ Nepal</a>

Nepalis in tax havens, Swiss banks, money laundering

At the stroke of the midnight hour, it finally came to something everyone in Nepal’s oldest and biggest party had been dreading — a split.
Not that this was anything new. The Nepali Congress (NC) had splintered twice before and the main protagonist both times was five-time prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba. After the GenZ uprising and being physically mauled and his house looted and set on fire on 9 September Deuba had said he was stepping aside, but it seems old ambitions die hard.
The showdown between the Gagan Thapa-Bishow Prakash Sharma camp and Deuba came to a head on Wednesday as the establishment leadership decided to suspend Thapa, Sharma, and Farmullah Mansoor for five years to punish them for daring to challenge the leadership and hold a special general convention.&nbsp;
Bhrikuti Mandap in the centre of Kathmandu is the venue for trade exhibitions, but this week it was where an exhibition of everything that is wrong with Nepali politics was on full display — lack of internal party democracy and an unaccountable gerontocracy clinging on to power.&nbsp;
Thapa and Sharma had gathered the support of 62% of the NC membership at their convention and chose Gagan Thapa as the new party leader and proposed him as a prime ministerial candidate after the 5 March election.
Deuba’s allies had refused to attend or endorse the special general convention, and were adamant about holding a general convention to choose a new party head after the election. Thapa, Sharma and their supporters argued that the party faced ignominious defeat in the polls if Deuba insisted on being prime minister again.
The events of September 2025 have cast a long shadow over Nepali politics, with many new parties and alliances pledging to represent the aspirations of the GenZ movement. However, that realisation does not seem to have dawned on the tried, tested and failed leadership of the NC, UML and the NCP where the party leaders have held on to power by sidelining all rivals. &nbsp;
Thapa and Sharma were NC general secretaries held multiple rounds of discussions to convince Deuba to accept their eight-point demand that for the party’s and the country’s sake his time was up, and he should cut and cut cleanly. Despite having already handed over the party leadership to Purna Bahadur Khadka in September, Deuba refused to step down.&nbsp;
‘What demands has the Nepali Congress been unable to reconcile that it is headed for a split? There is no ideological dispute, just a proposal to make it easier to go for the election,’ noted journalist and author Narayan Wagle. ‘If those who have been in politics for so many years cannot reach an agreement, what have they learned in life and what hope is there for the country?’
Gagan Thapa was elected unopposed as the new party president on Thursday midnight, with Sharma and Pushpa Bhusal appointed vice-presidents. Thapa has said backroom talks are still ongoing though mediators, but for all intents and purposes the split seems irreconcilable.&nbsp;
The million dollar question now is: who gets to be the real Nepali Congress? Who gets the NC’s tree election symbol at the polls?
Both the Thapa and Deuba factions have written to the Election Commission (EC) laying claim to the party and its symbol. Whatever the EC decides, with less than two months to go for the polls, the dispute over its legitimacy will almost certainly have to be decided in the courts.
Deuba and his counterpart K P Oli in the UML have been unwilling or unable to fathom the level of outrage that young Nepalis feel about their parties. They have shown an inability to heed the call for institutional overhaul within parties and in Nepal’s political culture post-September. Second generation leaders within those parties who have grown old waiting for reform, seem to have better internalised the need for internal restructuring.&nbsp;
Oli has managed to hold on to power after displaying increasing authoritarianism within his UML, while Deuba has shown an unwillingness to bow out of leadership with grace. Both have squandered away their legacy.
For Gagan Thapa, the events of Thursday was a culmination of his long-standing claim for leadership change within the NC coupled with a compulsion to address the demands of the youth movement to maximise gains for his party this election. Just like Deuba, Thapa’s house was also looted and torched during the September protests.
Thapa told Onlinekhabar on Thursday: “Our belief was that we cannot go into elections under the present circumstances under [Sher Bahadur Deuba’s] leadership and with him as the party’s prime ministerial candidate. We would lose.”
The special general convention has taken further steps for reform, endorsing amendments to the party statue, which has set term limits for key leadership positions, including a one-term limit for party president, two-term limit for prime minister, three for a ministerial position, and four terms for a directly elected member of Parliament. Meanwhile, party members are only allowed to become lawmakers through the Proportional Representation system for one term.&nbsp;
If Thapa’s leadership holds legitimacy, this new chapter for the NC might come as a welcome change to young Nepalis who have been calling for leadership overhaul and internal party reforms within the establishment parties. But it may also come at the cost of the NC’s core base. It remains to be seen which side tips the scale at the polls.&nbsp;
The NC’s infighting and institutional shake-up has also posed fresh concerns about how it will affect the election schedule just as it looked as though all the mainstream political parties were finally on board and preparing for the polls. With voting barely weeks away, Nepal’s political parties are still too busy cleaning up their own house to give too much time to work on their platforms, agendas and serious campaigning
Historically, political break-ups and make-ups in Nepal are not set in stone. Even the newest alliance between Rabi Lamichhane’s RSP and Kulman Ghising’s UNP did not even last 12 days. &nbsp;Balen Shah is set to resign from his mayor position in the next and has gotten into the thick of election preparation with the RSP. His next step will be to choose which constituency he is going to contest from.
Meanwhile, in the light of a new day, the two NC factions may still decide that breaking up is hard to do when they are so close to elections, and the political stakes are so high.&nbsp;

Grand split in Nepal’s grand old party

Only a handful of people who witnessed the 1934 megaquake as children are still alive. And the memories of 2015 are fading fast.&nbsp;
We were shaken, but have not stirred into action. We have not even started preparing to be prepared for the inevitable, for it is not a question of ‘if’ but ‘when’.&nbsp;
Thursday 15 January was National Earthquake Safety Day commemorating the 1934 disaster that killed 10,000 people in Kathmandu Valley at a time when its population was barely 100,000.
Nepal is in an active seismic zone, and a really big one is overdue in the seismic gap in western Nepal where there has not been a megaquake for 500 years. The 7.8M quake in 2015 did not completely release the tectonic stress below Central Nepal.
An 8M+ earthquake epicentred in western Nepal will be even more violent than the 2015 one in Kathmandu and will be powerful enough to cause destruction across northern India as well.&nbsp;
We Nepalis are resilient, but we are also complacent and fatalistic. How else does one explain the unsafe and unplanned building construction in Kathmandu, Pokhara and other towns despite frequent reminders of what quakes can do?&nbsp;
Most designs are ad hoc and follow no engineering logic. Reinforced Cement Concrete (RCC) is now widespread across the country since such structures mostly withstood the 2015 event. But structural engineers say most concrete buildings are substandard, and can be death traps. Also, the country lacks equipment and training for search and rescue in cement houses.&nbsp;
FIRE HAZARD
If an earthquake struck Kathmandu on a windy winter evening, there is the added risk of fires from gas cylinders in collapsed buildings spreading across the densely packed city core. Fire trucks will not be able to reach those areas because the streets will be blocked.
Seismic risk is now amplified by climate breakdown. Nepal now needs to factor in the co-hazard of massive avalanches and Glacial Lake Outburst Floods (GLOFs) triggered by future earthquakes. There are 41 potentially dangerous glacial lakes in the region, and 27 of them are in Tibet feeding rivers that flow into Nepal. A megaquake there could cause multiple simultaneous GLOFs.&nbsp;
If the 2015 earthquake had not happened on a Saturday, tens of thousands of children could have been killed in the 7,000 schools that were flattened. More than 2,500 government buildings came down, and would have killed and trapped many if it had not been a weekend.
Schools and health facilities retrofitted before the disaster were unscathed, and served as shelters for survivors. Chhatrapati Free Clinic (CFC) was reinforced three years before the earthquake for Rs5.2 million, and with support from National Society of Earthquake Technology (NSET), 800 community members were trained in search and rescue.
Bhuwaneswori Secondary School in Bhaktapur and Bal Bikas Secondary School in Kathmandu both survived 2015 because they had been retrofitted. Singha Darbar, the Supreme Court and the Department of Roads buildings were also made seismic resistant after 2015 quake, but the arson attacks on 9 September gutted them.
While many private residential homes built after 2015 continue to flout building codes, municipalities are now stricter. New schools and colleges, hospitals and high rises now have to meet stringent requirements for seismic resistance.
Nepal is a hotspot for many types of disasters — earthquakes, floods, droughts, glacial outbursts, wildfires. These are not ‘natural’ disasters, they are human induced. Earthquakes do not kill people, poorly-built buildings do. Climate breakdown is anthropogenic.&nbsp;
Waiting for a disaster to strike means we have waited too long. Search and rescue readiness are well and good, but much more important is preparedness — seismic resistance structures especially of public buildings, strict zoning to establish open spaces, pre-positioning supplies and simulated drills.
We do not know how much time we have before the next one. But it is not too late to start preparing. &nbsp;
Sonia Awale

Shaken, but not stirred

The series <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/looking-good-by-doing-good">Nepal Made</a> profiles world-class Nepali products and the people behind them. Deepak Acharya was born and raised in Simara, before his uncle took him to Pokhara when he was only in sixth grade. After class, he helped sell jackets and outdoor gear at his uncle's Lakeside store. &nbsp; Twenty-two years later, &nbsp;Acharya is still selling jackets. Not international brands like he used to, but products of his own outdoor gear company, DOLPO.&nbsp; Acharya and his brother-in-law, Krishna Ammai, started making and selling jackets and gear for international companies out of Thamel. After losing his business partner in the 2015 earthquake, he was done selling imported items. He launched his own line of outerwear, named after Nepal’s rugged and remote district, known for its stunning arid landscape. The careful selection of the name DOLPO paid off. It took off, providing a high-quality, affordable Nepal-made alternative to foreign companies.&nbsp; “A lot of work went into choosing the name Dolpo,” says Acharya, who considered what came into people’s minds when they heard the name of a place with double-O sound. “I wanted a brand that local customers would instantly relate to toughness and mountains.” The elegant logo reflects this as well, made up of two overlapping rounded triangles denoting mountains with a third peak in the middle. Underneath is ‘DOLPO’ in upper case sans serif.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260116120148_968d9354094049265372d851d0e44e16ae4fc86b5631481e365e6e977f13d37d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260116120148_968d9354094049265372d851d0e44e16ae4fc86b5631481e365e6e977f13d37d" data-rendition-name="original" width="854" height="1280" loading="lazy" alt="Dolpo NT"> <figcaption>Photo: DOLPO</figcaption> </figure>  RIGHT QUALITY, RIGHT PRICE “Our philosophy is Right quality, Right price,” says co-founder Deepak Acharya, adding with a smile that the pricing strategy of a particular competitor has made business easy: “The employees at North Face may sell North Face, but they wear Dolpo.” The rebranding was so successful that Acharya regrets not launching it sooner. The reason for the success is that the outdoor gear market in Nepal has taken off with more and more domestic tourists trekking in the high mountains to share their adventures on social media.&nbsp; Nepalis seem to be consciously choosing sustainable, Nepal made products of international quality. Acharya says: “Of course, there will always be a demographic that only wears North Face, or Sonam. But we have the right design, right price philosophy.”&nbsp; DOLPO uses fabric and material mainly from Japan, and adheres to strict quality control. The reversible down jackets, windcheaters, shorts, fleece-lined pants, trekking trousers, backpacks, and polo shirts can be bought through its website, or two exclusive flagship stores in Sorakhutte and Thamel Chok. “After the rebrand, we slowly made a digital platform, marketed online, and worked with a delivery company to get items directly to buyers,” says Acharya. “We have no brokers or middlemen to keep prices low for the consumer.” DOLPO is a family business with Acharya’s mother and sister also involved, and nephew Nishant Ammai driving digital sales. Acharya points out that there is a lot of business opportunity in Nepal, as there are too many low-quality products being sold at too high a price. &nbsp;“The market is begging for an auto-correction,” he says. For Nepal’s pessimistic youth who are fleeing the country, Acharya urges patience: “The younger generation wants shortcuts. The mindset is to set up a venture and in three years they will be set for life. But this is not how success works.” “Choose a field, put in ten years of effort, really learn about it, and then you will see the vast possibility present in Nepal,” he continues.&nbsp; Last month, the DOLPO logo was seen on the jerseys of the Biratnagar Kings in NPL 2. The company made hats, jackets, and jerseys for star-studded cricket players including Lokesh Bam, Sandeep Lamichhane, Faf Du Plessis, and Martin Guptill. The Kings finished second in the group, and although Acharya is a football fan, he is happy to contribute to the rise of cricket in Nepal. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Proud to wear DOLPO

Illegal wildlife trade is the fourth most lucrative trafficking crime after drugs, humans, and weapons. Most wildlife ends up in China and Southeast Asia to be used mainly in traditional medicine or as bushmeat. Nepal is both the source and transit for wildlife trafficking, and while the authorities have been successful in protecting flagship mammals like tigers, rhinos, and leopards, the country still serves as a major transit point for less popular wildlife. Despite strict laws against wildlife crimes members of indigenous communities are easily tempted by organised transboundary criminals. They are recruited to poach endangered animals and plants, and end up in jail, while ring leaders are rarely caught.&nbsp; Many are not hardened criminals, just regular folk like Bishnu Adhikari, 30, who served time in Kathmandu’s Central Jail. He had gone with a friend to sell pangolin scales without knowing it was illegal and that the punishment was so harsh. Bikash Chhetri, a Grade 11 student, was riding a motorcycle with college friends when they were intercepted by the Central Investigation Bureau (CIB). Chhetri says he had no idea his &nbsp;friend was carrying the contraband in his bag. Both Adhikari and Chettri served five years in jail. But most people from Nepal’s indigenous communities are often unaware of the protected status or importance of the wildlife they were recruited to smuggle, handle, or transport. “Most of indigenous people involved in wildlife trade in Nepal are not criminals, they are poor and live near protected areas are simply trying to support their families, and mostly it is opportunistic killing,” says wildlife researcher Kumar Paudel of Greenhood Nepal. “Often they are exploited by higher-ups in the ladder of organised crime.” Paudel filed a petition at the Supreme Court in 2018, and the Supreme Court five years later ordered the government to implement the law in a full, fair, and consistent manner. One of the indigenous communities is the semi-nomadic Chepang who have a long tradition of eating fruit bats. Dibesh Karmacharya of the Center of Molecular Dynamics Nepal in Kathmandu has been looking into new diseases for over a decade and a half, and this community in Makwanpur next to Chitwan National Park was selected. “Bats are known to carry viruses and bacteria, which are not harmful to them, but when humans get exposed the microbes can mutate and become pathogens with high transmissibility,” explains Karmacharya, who found that many Chepang had been imprisoned for poaching.&nbsp; “Indigenous communities are often disenfranchised and at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder, and need some kind of income,” says Karmacharya. “They are hunter-gatherers and have knowledge of the land as well as wildlife, so they get recruited by wildlife traffickers often getting caught, and not those who hire them.” CLIMATE FACTOR Global warming has meant that vectors that carry pathogens, as well as animals, are also moving to higher altitudes. As temperature rises, glaciers melt, and previously barren slopes have vegetation. Many mammals, such as common leopards, which are found in the foothills are moving up the mountains to share the habitat of snow leopards. Tigers have also been known to move out of Tarai national parks to seek cooler climes in the Mahabharata Range. Besides the risk of being caught, indigenous communities also are exposed to disease when they handle wildlife and harvest organs. In the early days of the Covid-19 pandemic, there was speculation that the virus had jumped from pangolins to humans, which has since been disproven. Even so, pangolins are the world’s most trafficked mammal. The scales of the anteater are thought to have medical properties and are used in traditional Chinese medicine in China, as well as eaten as a delicacy in parts of Asia. Tulshi Laxmi Suwal of the Small Mammals Conservation and Research Foundation (SMCRF), who did her PhD on pangolins from Taiwan, says there is a link between climate, increased human-wildlife contact, and emerging diseases. “Climate change is directly affecting their food and habitat,” explains Suwal. “Pangolins need a lot of water and if they don’t get it ectoparasites under their scales might be easily released to their surroundings. But water is becoming scarcer with climate breakdown.”&nbsp; Researcher Kumar Paudel says law enforcement must be driven not so much by the total number of traffickers arrested, but by the goal of discouraging people from participating in the trade. This means fair and accountable implementation of the law so that indigenous people are not disproportionately impacted.&nbsp; Some ring leaders involved in tiger and rhino poaching have been arrested, but a handful of them staged jailbreaks during the September GenZ protests and are again at large — raising the risk that poaching may increase.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260114100128_e7a6891c2980aa132dd3e4644b752008bd367dd6e868790d4dbae5aa626a2764.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260114100128_e7a6891c2980aa132dd3e4644b752008bd367dd6e868790d4dbae5aa626a2764" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="rhino"> <figcaption>Two greater one-horned rhinoceroses at Chitwan National Park in Nepal. Photo: WIKIMEDIA COMMONS</figcaption> </figure>  “Investigation must move to the upper echelons of the trade,” says Paudel. “And indigenous people need alternative livelihoods and education so they are not easily recruited to hunt down wildlife.”&nbsp; The solution may lie in small, local incentives that can help communities realise the importance of conservation while also empowering them, socially and economically. One such example is the Pangolin Trail in Bagh Bhairav Community Forest in Kirtipur near Kathmandu. After their study found the community forest to be a habitat for pangolins and endangered bird species, SMCRF built a trekking trail which has since been handed over to the local community which can get income from visitor fees. The local government has expanded the trail, added an information center, and runs clean-up campaigns. This gave the local Tamang community of 100 households a sense of ownership and agency. Local villagers have been trained to become citizen scientists, and help in recording pangolin behaviour. One of them is Sun Laxmi Pakhrin, who is not formally educated, but works in pangolin protection using GPS tracking systems and camera traps.&nbsp; A community previously notorious for theft, drug trafficking and wildlife poaching is now reformed. Families are also involved in small businesses such as poultry. Suwal says: “Women in indigenous communities are now in decision-making roles and the guardians of nature and wildlife.” With contribution from Qian Sun, Global Voices.

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