<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101120/637209209c7e80680e0b5524jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1079" height="1119"/><figcaption>Sundar Yatayat electric bus</figcaption></figure>There has been a spurt in imports of electric vehicles in the past six months since the government restored tax rebates, but there has not been a similar increase in the much more important battery-operated public transport sectorNepal imported 1,113 electric cars, jeeps and vans between last July and December, 2021 – nearly five times more than the same period last fiscal year when 249 such 4-wheelers were imported.“Imports of electric vehicles increased as a direct result of the government’s revenue policy to discourage fossil fuel cars,” says Nawaraj Poudel of the Nepal Energy Vehicle Association (NEVA). However, there is a 50% cash margin threshold for diesel and petrol cars, but there is no such limit for electric vehicles, which has kept the prices of battery cars high.Still, since the excise and customs duties on electric vehicles were reduced, they were competitive compared to petroleum-based vehicles which have much higher taxes.From last July to December 2021, Rs3.24 billion worth of electric four-wheelers were imported, up from only Rs105.1 million during the same period last fiscal year.However, besides the high dealer margins on electric cars making them expensive, there is also a  shortage of battery vehicles because of global supply chain disruptions. This means many customers are on six month waiting lists to buy their electric vehicles.“It is not possible to buy electric vehicles off the shelf right now,” says Dhruva Bahadur Thapa of NADA (Nepal Automobile Dealers Association) "The shortage of chips has slowed vehicle production. And this has also affected India and Nepal.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-electric-transport-future-is-here/">Nepal's electric future is here</a>, Sonia AwaleAlthough consumers of private vehicles have been able to reap the benefits of the government's changes in tax policy, the same has not been true for public transport.Sundar Yatayat ordered 20 Chinese electric buses, but they have been stuck at the Birganj customs checkpoint for the last three weeks because of a dispute over how much they should be taxed.“The government has fixed only 1% customs on public electric vehicles, but they said we have to pay 13% VAT and 5% tax, so we are negotiating,” says Bhesh Bahadur Thapa of Sundar Yatayat. “Apart from the taxes, the number plate charge and other fees drive up the cost of electric buses which are already more expensive than diesel buses.”A diesel bus of the same size costs up to Rs4.5 million but the tax for an electric bus alone is as much, putting the price tag of Sundar’s Chinese buses at nearly Rs20 million each.“If the government scraps the road tax for electric buses, the cost will come down by Rs1.3 million,” says Thapa. “We will sell the buses to India if the government does not review its policy.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/an-electric-shock-to-nepals-energy-future/">An electric shock to Nepal's energy future</a>, Ramesh KumarNepal levies high taxes on petroleum vehicles but has been providing special rebates for the import of electric vehicles. Before fiscal year 2020/2021, electric vehicles had an excise duty of 10% and customs duty was completely waived.But the then Finance Minister Yubaraj Khatiwada, increased the excise duty 80% from zero according to the capacity of the vehicles in the budget of 2020/2021.He also increased the customs duty from 10% to 40%. This brought the import of electric vehicles to almost zero. Khatiwada had argued that such a tax policy was introduced to increase revenue and curb the drain on foreign exchange in importing luxury electric SUVs.His tax policy was widely criticised as being contrary to the policy of the government, which was to shift towards renewable. However, Khatiwada stuck to his guns.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101120/637209239c7e80680e0b5525jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>It was Khatiwada’s successor Bishnu Poudel who once more slashed the excise duty on electric vehicles and reduced the customs duty by one-fourth. However, electric vehicles would still have to pay customs duty, depending on their battery capacity.Electric vehicles up to 100kW have to pay 10% customs duty, 15% customs duty has been levied on electric vehicles of 100 to 200 kilowatts and 40% on electric vehicles of 200 to 300 kilowatts.The main reason electric buses have not been able to compete with their petroleum counterparts is that there is hardly any difference in the taxes they pay. Although the excise duty, customs and other charges on petroleum private vehicles is more than 240%, private electric vehicles pay ten times less. This has encouraged consumers to buy private electric vehicles.But in the case of public transport, even petroleum buses enjoy special tax breaks. Moreover, the showroom price of electric buses is upward of Rs10 million. Although it may look like all electric vehicles enjoy similar concessions, there is no real rebate for electric buses.“Even when consuming electricity at night, they have to pay extra in the name of demand charge. No matter whom we talk to in the government regarding change in policies favoring electric buses, nothing happens,” rues Sundar Yayat’s Thapa.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/why-nepal-needs-to-restore-ev-tax-subsidy/">Why Nepal needs to restore EV tax subsidy</a>, Raunab Singh KhatriEnvironmentalist Bhusan Tuladhar, who is also with Sajha Yatayat, says the government's current policy on electric vehicles is positive but inadequate: “Private petroleum cars will be gradually replaced by electric vehicles. But it is more important to replace diesel-powered buses with electric ones. That should be our priority.”He argues that private investors will not invest more on electric buses if the current customs and other policies are not revised. "If we really want to promote electric public transport, we need to provide additional tax rebates and other facilities. Other countries, including India, have offered similar concessions,” he says. “Electric public transport will have a direct impact on public health by reducing vehicular emission and air pollution.”Bishwas Gauchan of Institute for Integrated Development Studies (IIDS) says that the existing policy of providing tax exemption on electric vehicles is itself lopsided. "Tax exemption should be for public vehicles, not private ones,” he says.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101120/637209269c7e80680e0b5526jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1061">Since big buses, taxis and two-wheelers are responsible for more of the carbon emissions as they travel more distances, they should be prioritised in government policies. “There is no need to rush tax exemptions for private electric vehicles to the detriment of the economy," says Gauchan.Tuladhar also agrees that two-wheelers which make up about 80% of vehicles in the country and a major emitter of poisonous carbon monoxide, should be prioritised. He argues that taxes and other benefits should be provided to electric two-wheelers to reduce pollution and carbon emission.According to the Economic Survey 2021, two-wheelers account for 79.3% of the 3.987 million vehicles registered by February 2021.The Delhi state government in India has introduced a policy that when delivery companies buy new vehicles, a certain percentage of them should be electric. "Even in Nepal, policies targeting electric two-wheelers need to be put forward. Additional concessions are needed to promote electric two wheelers," says Tuladhar.NEVA’s Nawaraj Poudel argues that due to the high prices, complex geographical location of Nepal and lack of charging stations, electric two-wheelers have not been able to compete with petroleum ones.Although imports of electric motorcycles and scooters have tripled since last year, this is far less than the number of petroleum two-wheelers. Around 300,000 new two-wheelers are added to the roads of Nepal every year.More than a dozen brands of electric two-wheelers are currently sold in Nepal. Sanjeev Shilpakar, director of E-Motors at Yoma which sells TailG two-wheelers, says that the new Rs10,000 road development fee has discouraged consumers."In addition to the road development fee, consumers still need to pay 40% tax under various names," he says.Another reason that electric two-wheelers have failed to gain traction in the market may also be attributed to their higher cost. The price of electric two-wheelers in Nepal is much higher than the international market since the dealers keep a higher margin.Shilpakar refutes this, saying that the transportation cost itself is higher and the bikes have to be modified to fit Nepal’s terrain. He adds, "Although the cost price of electric two-wheelers is higher than petroleum ones, the operating cost is definitely lower."Import of electric vehicles in the last five years:Fiscal year                          Electric four wheelers    Electric two wheelers2021/22 (6months)          1,103                                    1,9222020/2021                         249                                      2,3332019/2020                         575                                      3902018/2019                         4,745                                    2,0472017/2018                         5,239                                    1,004Source: Revenue DepartmentRead more:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-backs-evs-to-boost-hydro-electricity-uptake/">Nepal backs EVs to boost hydro-electrivity uptake</a>,  Nepali Times

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Nepal goes electric, but conditions apply

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141132/636bac079c7e80680e077f0ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Prime Minister K P Oli inaugurating the first electric bus service in 2018 after announcing 20% of vehicles in Nepal would be battery-powered by 2020. The government did not allow those electric buses to go into service, and has now reversed its tax policy favouring battery-operated vehicles. Photo: Bikram Rai</figcaption></figure>Developing countries are usually late-comers in adapting to advanced technologies, but new innovations like battery-powered cars give countries like Nepal the chance to leapfrog to clean and green energy.Nepal has been kept back by poor and limited education, low levels of industrialisation and bad governance. However, this actually puts the country in a position to catch up through the adoption of new technologies.Especially when it comes to energy and the environment, Nepal does not need to reinvent the wheel. It just has to build on past policies that have worked – like the community forestry program, manage hydropower to generate surplus electricity, and restore tax subsidies for electric vehicles.When Sajha Yatayat introduced <a href="https://en.setopati.com/market/132700">five new BYD electric buses </a>in 2018, there was great optimism that Nepal was on the right path. Prime Minister K P Oli himself inaugurated those buses by riding them into Singha Darbar, and announced that 20% of vehicles in country would be electric in two years time. Well, it is now 2020 and instead of promoting EVs, this year’s budget has withdrawn the tax breaks for battery-powered cars.Nepal needs to foster a new climate for investment in green technologies with a paradigm shift in reducing the technology gap. One such paradigm shift had been the tax concessions on electric vehicles, but Finance Minister Yuvaraj Khatiwada’s budget raised <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-takes-3-steps-back-on-e-cars/">excise tax by 40% with another 60% of custom duty</a> and put a question mark on the government’s commitments to its own sustainability goals.There are two compelling reasons to support EV growth: controlling air pollution and cutting petroleum imports. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/air-pollution-is-more-dangerous-than-smoking/">An estimated 35,000 people die annually</a> from pollution emitted by fuel-driven vehicles. Nearly <a href="https://oec.world/en/profile/country/npl">15% of Nepal’s total imports</a> is for petroleum making it Nepal’s number one item of import.According to <a href="https://gggi.org/site/assets/uploads/2020/02/GGGI_Nepal_Investment-Projects-for-Electric-Mobility_Final.pdf">Global Green Growth Institute</a>, proposed new 6.8GW of hydropower projects will give Nepal excess electricity supply in next few years. Electrifying the transportation sector will allow <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-chance-to-green-its-budget/">proper utilisation of domestic resources</a>, and enable  new innovative business strategies for energy sufficiency.To benefit from both aspects, the government needs proactive subsidies to encourage the adoption of electric vehicles. This not only helps in low-cost access to electric vehicles, but also create the environment to <a href="https://gggi.org/site/assets/uploads/2020/02/GGGI_Nepal_Investment-Projects-for-Electric-Mobility_Final.pdf">build an electric mobility ecosystem</a> for sustainable growth.China provides a good example. Its economic development formula starts with local experimentation of reform initiatives, which then can be replicated at the national level.Back in 1998, China’s first phase of EV development actually happened on a small scale across 12 major cities.For the next 10 years, the focus was given to battery production and setting up of necessary infrastructure which then got integrated into the national plan. Subsequently, after 2008, <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/321869464_Electric_mobility_and_the_quest_for_automobile_industry_upgrading_in_China">conventional fossil consuming motorcycles were banned</a> across 16 major cities, and government promoted preferential treatment and subsidies including purchase tax waiver, trade barrier removal and infrastructure subsidy that expanded pilot initiative from 12 to 88 major cities.Since then, <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2020/05/can-chinas-electric-car-industry-weather-the-covid-19-storm/">450 new EV manufacturers</a> have been registered in China, including giant  oligopolies like BYD which have taken the global lead in electric vehicles. For the past three decades, EV sales have seen an increasing trend in China and they are projected to reach <a href="https://www.chinadialogue.net/article/show/single/en/11405-Can-China-electrify-all-new-passenger-cars-by-2-3-">price parity with petrol</a> and diesel by 2030.The <a href="https://about.bnef.com/blog/battery-pack-prices-fall-as-market-ramps-up-with-market-average-at-156-kwh-in-2019/">87% drop</a> in battery prices worldwide between 2010 to 2019 will also reduce the price of electric vehicles and make them more competitive vis-à-vis fossil cars.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141132/636bac0a9c7e80680e077f0fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1086" height="672">For Nepal, this means electric vehicles will gradually replace petrol and diesel vehicles whether we like it or not. It is better to stay ahead of the curve and actively promote battery-powered cars now so that Nepal gets an early-bird advantage from reduced imports, improved air quality and better public health.As the Saudi Arabian Oil Minister <a href="https://www.economist.com/leaders/2003/10/23/the-end-of-the-oil-age">Seikh Zaki Yamani once said: </a>‘The stone age did not end for the lack of stones, and the oil age will end long before the world runs out of oil.’ Despite the global importance of alternative energy, Finance Minister Khatiwada’s  argument that an increase in imports of electric vehicles would drain the economy does not hold much water. Being a one-time import, EVs replace up-front cost of petrol cars, but reduce the long-term running cost by cutting the use of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/from-a-fossil-past-to-an-electric-future/">imported fuel.</a>Similarly, the argument that only high-end vehicles were imported in large numbers fails to take into account that cheaper Indian and Chinese electric cars and e-scooters like <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/electri-city-cars/">Niu and Terra Eco</a> had begun to replace petrol-powered scooters. Instead of raising taxes, Khatiwada should have should have been given incentives for <a href="https://english.khabarhub.com/2020/18/105016/#.Xurj2Xw2GrQ.twitter">entry-level or mid-range EVs</a> and electric buses which cater to local needs, reduce other costs and promotes sustainability.Germany subsidised solar power and China subsidised electric vehicles more because they made economic sense, than just because of their ecological benefits. Nepal should also embrace the benefits of electrifying the transportation sector for economic and health reasons, rather than try to convince Nepalis to reduce the country’s carbon footprint to save the planet.Raunab Singh Khatri is a graduate student in economics at the Yenching Academy of Peking University

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Why Nepal needs to restore EV tax subsidy

Nepal’s new political wave has been described in many ways: a generational shift, a technocratic shift, a shift in ideas, and a shift in political behaviour. Young leaders now sit in Parliament, many with international education and policy experience.
But amid this excitement, a quieter truth risks getting lost: this political transformation is also the ascent of people who, until recently, were the grassroots themselves.
For the first time, many of the people now sitting in government are not distant elites. They are people I have marched with, argued with, worked with, and been inspired by for more than a decade.
They are people who once stood ankle‑deep in floodwaters, not in front of press conferences. As optimism rises around the new government, we must not forget that the climate crisis has not slowed down. 
The monsoon is at our doorstep again. And if the disasters from previous years taught us anything, it is that climate impacts do not wait for political transitions. And our mountains and rivers do not care who sits in Singha Darbar.
What is different this time is who holds power.
During the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/flood-of-despair" target="_blank">September 2024 floods in Kathmandu</a>, the first responders were not the state or development machinery. It was ordinary young people. A loosely formed WhatsApp network coordinated everything from dispatching mountain bikers to landslide‑stranded areas, to pooling relief supplies, to delivering materials to army bases for airlifting. These were citizens acting out of necessity, not mandate.
Many from that very network are now part of the government. As I have argued before in Nepali Times, top‑down climate responses in Nepal have always been too little, too late, and too disconnected from lived experience. The only proven path is bottom‑up, community-led adaptation where those who face the risks daily shape the solutions. 
International research backs this: community-based adaptation has been central to success stories from Bangladesh’s cyclone shelters to Vietnam’s mangrove restoration to the Philippines’ barangay disaster committees. The world has repeatedly learned that resilience grows from the ground up, not the top down.
RARE MOMENT
Nepal now has a rare political moment where people with lived experience of crisis sit in positions of authority. The real test is whether this lived experience becomes policy and immediate action.
The expectation should not be that these new leaders deliver because of their degrees. It should be because they remember where they come from and use their privilege to strengthen and fund local institutions, networks and people who kept this country functioning long before governments did.
The monsoon that starts in June will test the government’s commitment to governing from the bottom up. Will these new leaders govern the way they once volunteered — listening first, acting fast, improvising where needed, and involving those closest to the danger? Or will the weight of the state push them back toward the familiar comfort of top‑down plans and consultant reports?
The challenges are complex. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/a-pre-monsoon-deja-vu" target="_blank">Climate change is driving displacement</a>, deepening poverty, and exacerbating gendered vulnerabilities. Climate adaptation, therefore, needs cross-sectoral solutions that understand how these issues intersect.
Long-term transformation is essential. Our major cities like Kathmandu desperately need a future where rivers are protected instead of mined, where an urban forest cools our heat‑trapping city, and where mobility focuses on sustainability, not just shiny EVs. Our mountain villages and terai lowlands deserve a community resilient to climate impacts, with livelihoods protected.
These require years of work. But immediate, life-saving measures cannot wait.
Will the government finally rein in the sand mining and quarrying upstream of the Rosi and Nakkhu Khola? Will someone sit down with the communities on the riverbanks and listen to the early warning signs they’ve learned through pain? Will climate adaptation be prioritised amidst political noise and competing crises?
Or will we find ourselves, yet again, mourning damage that could have been prevented? I have been inspired by many of the individuals now in government — they questioned old hierarchies, challenged worn‑out norms, and believed that things could be done differently. 
But while the faces in Parliament have changed, the bureaucracy has not. Development organisations and civil society groups have not. And those systems are slow: too slow for the speed at which our climate is changing.
So something has to give. And that shift must begin with remembering where this political movement came from: the grassroots. Those now in power must not forget the urgency they once carried in their bones. They cannot forget the feeling of wading into murky floodwater, holding a bag of rice over their heads. 
And it is our responsibility — mine <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/turning-green-policies-into-greenbacks" target="_blank">as a writer</a>, yours as a reader, and ours as citizens — to remind them. The real spark for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/measuring-climate-impact-on-culture-and-heritage" target="_blank">climate action</a> comes from personal stories of loss, fear, survival, and solidarity. And suddenly, those stories are no longer outside the halls of government. They are inside.
The question is no longer whether our leaders understand the stakes. They do. They lived it. The real question, as the skies grow heavier again, is this: What will we do with this moment?
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/a-pre-monsoon-deja-vu">Rastra Raj Bhandari</a> is a co-founder and fellow at the Himalayan Water Project, where he leads the research on climate finance opportunities for the Himalaya. He contributes regularly to Nepali Times on climate change.

Soon, the monsoon

Sometimes, we need to take a step back to realise what a tectonic movement Nepali politics witnessed this month.
In a region and world ruled by elected authoritarians, Nepalis &nbsp;went to the ballot box freely to express a collective will for change.
These faces in this group photo of the RSP’s 180 freshly-minted MPs at the ballroom of the Royal Tulip Hotel on Wednesday is symbolic of what Nepal has come through.&nbsp;
The ship of state righted itself after the September Storm, installing an interim government that held an election within six months in which voters banished obsolete politicians and their parties into oblivion.
Nepalis, fed up with the inept kakistocracy of the past three decades, took the country into a post-ideological phase — replacing Marxists, Maoists and monarchists &nbsp;with a belief in a new governing culture that rewards delivery and accountability. And they have trusted the RSP to carry it through.
Nepal’s history has never been linear, it jerks ahead in lurches. The polity also tends to take one step forward and two steps back, so the public’s great expectations is tempered by a sense of cautious optimism and guarded pessimism.
This could be the great leap forward that Nepalis have waited for and deserve, but it could also be a Gramscian interregnum in which the old is dead and the new is not yet born. We will have to wait to see whether this transitional period will also see ‘morbid symptoms’.
As disruptor-in-chief, it was the Balendra Shah ‘wave’ or ‘craze’ that propelled the RSP to power. The former Kathmandu mayor needed a party platform, and the RSP’s tainted leader Rabi Lamichhane required a booster. Nepal's voters were looking for a saviour.
Personality-wise Shah and Lamichhane are poles apart: one is Type B and the other Type A. One is enigmatic, the other phlegmatic. But yin and yang do also tend to complement each other.&nbsp;
Kathmandu’s chattering class is already making self-fulfilling prophecies about the two falling out, and are fishing for hints that they already have. Shah’s absence from the RSP’s orientation this week was taken as a clue.&nbsp;
Closing the two-day tutorial on Wednesday, Lamichhane delivered a fiery 30-minute speech that laid out the RSP’s main agenda: to function differently from the old parties, serve the people, avoid middlemen, become true lawmakers without taking the law into their own hands.&nbsp;
“The old political parties contributed to history, we will build the future with a new political contract with citizens,” he said, trying to rise over past controversies and his abrasive rhetoric to sound statesmanlike.&nbsp;
GIVE AND TAKE
Lamichhane is said to be in touch with the reclusive Shah to announce a compact cabinet next week. Its composition will be an indication of how much give-and-take there was, and whether the criteria for selecting ministers is competence or loyalty.
Will RSP ministers behave like rulers or service providers? The new government will dive right into the economic fallout of the West Asia war with soaring fuel &nbsp;prices, inflation and uncertainty about remittance inflows.
On Thursday, Gagan Thapa resigned as NC chair, taking moral responsibility for the party’s election loss. The UML’s unrepentant K P Oli does not share the same sentiment about who is responsible for his own party’s historic downfall.&nbsp;
NCP chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who was luckier than his cross-party cohort, is now a comparative relic in a Parliament largely comprised of freshmen and sophomore lawmakers.
But the NC, UML and NCP still control provincial and most municipal governments. The old parties could try to make things difficult for the RSP at the centre, but it is also an opportunity for them to clean up their act ahead of local elections next year.&nbsp;
Another test for the RSP will be dealing with a heavily-politicised klepto-bureaucracy which has to frontend its policy decisions. &nbsp;

People’s power

This week, the RSP held a two-day closed orientation camp for its newly elected members of Parliament. The party has also decided to assign parliamentary and Cabinet roles to leaders only after the new MPs are sworn in on 28 March.&nbsp;
This means the new prime minister and his cabinet of 15 ministers are likely to be installed closer to the Nepali New Year, and the expectation is that it will also usher in a new era of governance and politics in Nepal.&nbsp;
Between now and then, there is much speculation regarding who will become new ministers and from which camp—Balendra Shah's or Rabi Lamichanne’s. Meanwhile, the final argument in the petition against the Rabi Lamichanne case revision is set for Thursday, with a verdict expected on the same day.
“In the past, parties did anything to form coalitions and to keep them from splitting ministries and appointing anyone they wanted to, even going against the spirit of the Constitution, but the RSP doesn’t need to partake in any such activities,” says political analyst Indra Adhikari.
Adhikari notes that governance failures in the past was often the result of coalition governments formed through political bargaining that meant the primary party often had to compromise on their agenda.&nbsp;
“But nothing is stopping the party from fulfilling its election manifesto,” she says. “And if they aren’t able to deliver, we know Nepalis are prone to protests, so another revolt is also a possibility.”
Journalist and author Mohan Mainali agrees that the everyday Parliamentary proceedings should go smoothly for new government because of their majority.&nbsp;
But there are questions as to what a near two-thirds majority allows the RSP to achieve in Parliament. Its 182 seats in the Lower House allows the party to enact and amend laws without hurdles and bypass Upper House’s request for Bill revisions. But the RSP has no presence in the National Assembly, and that means that its majority in the Lower House is not enough to amend the Constitution.&nbsp;
“The Constitution poses no obstacles for the RSP to work on improving governance, development and delivery,” says Mainali. &nbsp;“If they do show some performance, it will be easier for them to go into the next election and ask for a two-thirds majority to also amend the constitution,” he adds.
The last coalition government of the UML and Nepali Congress before the GenZ protests had been built upon a primary agreement to make amendments to the Constitution. So, depending on the nature of amendments, the RSP might find some support within the National Assembly at a time when some of the older parties, such as the Nepali Congress, have committed to supporting the new government as well as internal party reforms.
“What we need is a structural overhaul, from our laws and foreign policy to economy and security apparatus, and for this the RSP needs to champion collaboration and consultation for the sake of nation building,” says Indra Adhikari. “So it all comes down to the understanding and judgment of the RSP’s leadership. If they try to go at it alone, it will lead nowhere.”
To be sure, the provincial government could also clean up their act before the next local and provincial elections, which would help the older parties to regain some of their lost footing and rebuild trust.
As it stands, RSP lawmakers will also have to learn to work with each other. Mainali notes that the RSP not being bound by one clear ideology might lead to future problems, including the rumoured animosity between party president Rabi Lamichhane and prime minister-in-waiting Balendra Shah.
“Parties that came before the RSP had an ideology, whether they followed them or not, but the RSP is made of different kinds of people,” says Mainali. “If they are not motivated by a common goal of achieving something tangible in the next five years, it might be difficult for them to stay together.”
Adds Adhikari: “Balendra and Rabi don’t seem to be compatible. Rabi has already failed when it comes to the matters of governance, and Balendra won’t carry that burden. Additionally, there is a struggle between the two in terms of party hierarchy.”
Speaking at the closing of the two-day orientation, from which Balendra Shah was noticably absent, Rabi Lamichanne said that the RSP’s image as intolerant needs to be changed, and that the country is not heading towards totalitarianism but is in the hands of good, new people.
Regardless of the assurance, the general public has seen Balendra Shah and Lamichanne’s disposition in the last several years, and analysts are worried that their personalities and ambition might lead to an environment of increased intolerance.&nbsp;
As it stands in absence of a strong opposition, the responsibility falls on the media and the civil society to be the watchdog and play an effective check and balance role.&nbsp;
“Seeing how Balendra has ignored the media so far and Rabi has made inflammatory remarks in the past, they are probably more intolerant than the likes of Trump and Modi,” says Mainali. He notes that the party does not just have technical human resource and cyber army but a large number of dedicated supporters.&nbsp;
The media must thus continue to build trust by highlighting good work, educating the public on the importance of impartial journalism in democracy and debate any Bill purposed in Parliament, Mainali adds.&nbsp;
Says Adhikari: “The media should praise the government when they do well, motivate them, but it should also point out wrongdoings without fear, and provide recommendations to do better. Otherwise, absolute power corrupts absolutely, which we have seen happen happen in America with Trump and in India with Modi, where extremism has taken over and democracy has been curtailed.”

Balancing act

The sense of sight is front, centre, and everywhere else as hundreds of eyes follow visitors while they move from one painting to the next at Nikhil Bahadur Shakya’s ongoing exhibition at Siddhartha Art Gallery. Shakya has used blank canvases as well as partially-done thangka and paintings as a base for more than 50 works on display. The exhibit takes visitors beyond the physical world into a surreal spiritual realm. Shakya strips the human body down to muscle, tendon, networks of nerves, and skeleton. But all the while, eyes are a constant presence.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031708034_dddbfedc57433dc528fbf032642abea4ee67e63875091b06a7804cecdc7716cf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026031708034_dddbfedc57433dc528fbf032642abea4ee67e63875091b06a7804cecdc7716cf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1080" height="720" loading="lazy" alt="Nikhil Bahadur Shakya"> <figcaption>Artist Nikhil Bahadur Shakya with a visitor.</figcaption> </figure>  The central theme is self-reflection and the journey from one’s outward to inward self, and the works offer a glimpse into the artist’s world of mindfulness.&nbsp; Shakya grew up watching his artisan grandfather design jewellery, which he says cultivated in him an interest for art. During the Covid-19 pandemic, confronted by the fragility of life and the stark reality of death, his art took an introspective turn. The paintings have splashes of neon yellow, pink, red, orange, green, and gold, and Shakya combines them with black and white to create the human body, sunflowers, geometrical shapes, and the cosmos — turning these motifs into elements of devotion and spirituality. In Wheel of Life, Shakya adds to an incomplete thangka, contrasting traditional Buddhist devotional imagery with contemporary mosaic art to create a demon holding on to a wheel with a yin and yang symbol.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031708034_f2a8e10c73aa83a67e5de06a3f0acff9aa35c1cda278b36fed76ed03e71a7014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2026031708034_f2a8e10c73aa83a67e5de06a3f0acff9aa35c1cda278b36fed76ed03e71a7014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Nikhil Bahadur Shakya"> <figcaption>Wheel of Life (centre)</figcaption> </figure>  “I wanted to reflect the elements of life and the balance of good and bad in this painting,” explains Shakya. “I took a lot of time to complete this particular piece, but it felt as though my vision flowed out of the brush onto the canvas.” The neon colours used means that visitors can see his artwork under blue light as well, giving viewers a chance to look at a single artwork from two different perspectives. His Sunflower series draws from a field of blossoms, and the eyes stare back at visitors in an almost-hypnotic gaze. In An Ancestral Visit, Shakya goes transcendental to depict the connection of living beings to their forebears.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031708038_0fbe465b3af872d04f699030ba093d97aad182221730aef535dbf7d059fb57cf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2026031708038_0fbe465b3af872d04f699030ba093d97aad182221730aef535dbf7d059fb57cf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1431" loading="lazy" alt="sunflower painting"> </figure>  “In my father’s last days, he was unwell and often unable to eat, it left his body very frail,” explains Shakya. “An Ancestral Visit was inspired by a dream in which I saw my father as his former healthy self. That dream made me feel deeply connected to my ancestors.” In another one of his works titled Devotion, a woman prays to a Shivalinga against a background of red-and-white stripes, which was inspired by the tradition of women being at the forefront during religious and spiritual ceremonies.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031708038_75e30a4fd339257fbc108e3a326f732fd33d25af0428add0d305b8b7824c558c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2026031708038_75e30a4fd339257fbc108e3a326f732fd33d25af0428add0d305b8b7824c558c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="devotion"> <figcaption>Devotion</figcaption> </figure>  In Sunyata, which shows a skeletal figure meditating as they are surrounded by flames, Shakya captures the chaos of the outside world with peace of the inner self. Shakya was compelled to create Sunyata when he saw a monk, his body thin and face gaunt, meditating peacefully. “Many viewers might find the painting frightening, but when they take it home, I think it will give them strength whenever they feel like they need it,” says Shakya. The exhibit also includes a gigantic painting of Masan Bhairav spread across two canvases, capturing the majesty of the original work housed at Banepa’s Chandeswori Temple. Shakya met the artist who painted it, and asked to reproduce it.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031708034_0216eac587827b02982f5addbd67c6f852fd7f9f47b477267ea7430d5f862a9b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2026031708034_0216eac587827b02982f5addbd67c6f852fd7f9f47b477267ea7430d5f862a9b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1030" loading="lazy" alt="art review"> </figure>  Geometric figures are another recurring motif on Shakya’s creations, which he says were inspired by mathematics textbooks from his school days. He says, “Art channels the strength of our minds and brings about change in our lives. My paintings reflect the fact that we are all made up of some madness, magic, and love.” Journey to a Visionary Artworld by Nikhil Bahadur Shakya Siddhartha Art Gallery, Baber Mahal Till 6 April 11AM-5PM

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