<img width="1778" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230112100124/63bfd2799c7e80680e0d3026jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Of the 162 among 165 constituencies where winners of the First Past the Post (FPTP) ballots have been counted from Nepal's parliamentary elections, only nine are women. But they have vowed to raise their voices in Parliament, and not just about gender issues.
There were 225 female candidates among the 2,412 contesting the federal election, and of them Nepal’s mainstream parties fielded only 25 — 11 from UML, seven from the Maoist Centre, five from the Nepali Congress (NC), and only one each from the Rastriya Janamorcha and the Unified Socialists.
Among the nine who won, the UML has the most female MPs with four women elected to office. Bidya Bhattarai was re-elected from Kaski-2, Jwala Kumari Sah, Juli Kumari Mahato, and Bhagwati Chaudhary were elected from Bara-3, Dhanusha-3, and Sunsari-3 respectively.
RSP’s Sobita Gautam and Toshima Karki were elected from Kathmandu-2 and Lalitpur-3, and both young candidates defeated established Maoist women rivals Onsari Gharti Magar and Pampha Bhusal respectively.
"I am glad to have gained the trust of voters of Kathmandu-2, and hope that we move beyond just winners and losers to ensure that democracy delivers development and better services," Gautam said after visiting her grandparents in Dolakha to get their blessings.
Voters in Dolakha headed to the polls once more this week, after voting was disturbed due to a dispute on 20 November. Results from two other constituencies in Syangja and Bajura have also been delayed because of allegations of cheating. 
In Lalitpur, physician Toshima Karki who won as an independent candidate of the RSP got to work immediately by meeting local officials to improve the dilapidated road to Bhaisepati,  with site visits and followup. She has asked her supporters not to spend money on garlands and khada.
"You have elected me to do some real work, and I am now getting down to it," Karki said after her victory rally. 
Meanwhile, NC’s Sita Gurung was elected from Terathum, Maoist Rekha Sharma from Dang-2, Nagarik Unmukti Party’s Ranjita Shrestha from Kailali-1.
In Kaski, Bidya Bhattarai was re-elected with 16,998 votes defeating her closest competitor— RSP’s Madhav Prasad Kandel, who obtained 12,495 votes. Bhattarai has become MP after a by-election following the death of her husband, UML leader Rabindra Adhikari, who was  Minister of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation, was killed along with six others in a helicopter crash in 2019. 
The UML's Juli Mahato won in Dhanusha-3, obtaining 33,388 votes and defeating LSP’s Anil Jha by a margin of 9,702 votes. Mahato, who has been an MP twice through the Proportional Representation (PR) system, contested the election directly for the first time and had the support of the JSP.
In Bara-3 Jwala Kumari Sah garnered 20, 251 votes while her competitor, Rambabu Kumar Yadav of Janata Samajwadi Party (JSP) secured 17,279 votes. Sah was previously elected to the Provincial Assembly as a Maoist Centre leader in 2017.
Former State Minister for Forest and Soil Conservation Bhagwati Chaudhary of the UML defeated coalition candidate and five-time Deputy Prime Minister Bijay Kumar Gachhadar, receiving 40,788 to Gachhadar’s 35,600. A member of the Constituent Assembly in 2008, Chaudhary— who began her political career at the All Nepal National Free Students' Union— had competed with Gachhadar in 2013 and 2017, but had lost both times.
In Kathmandu-2, lawyer Sobita Gautam of the RSP was elected with 15, 238 votes while her closest competitor, UML's Maniram Phuyal, received 11,566 votes. RSP’s Toshima Karki, a doctor, was elected from Lalitpur-3, defeating UML's Amrit Bhattarai. Karki obtained 31,136 votes while Khadka got 12, 963 votes.
NC’s only female winner Sita Gurung received 19,707 votes in Terhathum, defeating UML’s Bijay Subba, who got 18,631 votes.
In Dang-2, Maoist leader Rekha Sharma defeated UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel by a scant margin of 193 votes. Sharma, a two-time MP under the PR system, contested the direct election for the first time.
Nagarik Unmukti Party Chair Ranjita Shrestha was elected from Kailali-1 with 30,404 votes. She defeated NC leader Ram Janam Chaudhary, who received 18, 081 votes in total.
Defeated women
In 2017, 90 women were voted to Parliament: six women through direct ballots and 84 by popular votes. Four out of six women elected under the FPTP in 2017 were given tickets by their parties again in 2022, three of whom have lost the election this time. UML leader Padma Kumari Aryal is a second-time FPTP candidate from Syangja-2, where the votes are still being counted.
Energy Minister Pampha Bhusal of the Maoist Centre came third in Kathmandu-2 with only 8, 769 votes. Similarly, former House Speaker Onsari Gharti Magar of the Maoists came in fourth place in Lalitpur-3 with 9,459 votes. 
In Dang-1, UML party whip Shanta Chaudhary was defeated by Metmani Chaudhary of the CPN-Unified Socialists (US). In Arghakhanchi-1, Deputy Speaker Pushpa Bhusal of the NC was defeated by UML candidate Top Bahadur Rayamajhi. Former minister Ram Kumari of CPN-US Ram Kumari Jhakri was defeated by UML leader Gokarna Bista in Gulmi-2. 
In Kathmandu-7, Manushi Yami Bhattarai of the Maoist Centre came in third place. Maoist leader Kalpana Dhamala was defeated in Kathmandu-9 by UML leader Krishna Gopal Shrestha. Anjana Bisankhe of the MC came in fifth place in Kathmandu-10.
In Dang-3 and Kanchanpur-3 UML leaders Komal Oli and Niru Devi Pal were defeated by NC’s Deepak Giri and Ramesh Lekhak respectively.
Meanwhile, Rastriya Janamorcha Party Durga Poudel was defeated by UML candidate Surya Bahadur Thapa Chhetri in Pyuthan. Rastriya Prajatantra Party’s (RPP) Kunti Kumari Shahi came in third place in Dailekh-1 
Former minister Bina Magar of the Maoist Centre was defeated by UML candidate Tara Lama Tamang in Kanchanpur-1. NC Joint General Secretary Mahalakshmi Upadhyay 'Dina' was defeated by RPP leader Deepak Bahadur Singh Makwanpur-1, while former minister Chitra Lekha Yadav of NC was defeated in Siraha-2 by JSP’s Raj Kishore Yadav.

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Nepali women go from home to House

<figure><img width="960" height="640" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131140/637238019c7e80680e0c7361jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption></figure>Nepal’s provincial and federal elections are due on 20 November, but the political parties seem reluctant to allow their women colleagues to directly contest elections.Prime Minister Deuba of the Nepali Congress (NC) is having a difficult time balancing the conflicting demands from four other parties in the coalition, as well as allowing female candidates to fulfil a Constitutional provision.For K P Oli of the opposition UML, it is all about winning back the House majority even if it is just to thumb his nose at the coalition that ousted him last year. Both the coalition and the opposition are also wary of the crop of young independent candidates and public figures who are in the running because they are aware of public disenchantment of their non-performance. The victory of several independent candidates as mayors of Kathmandu and several other cities has also spooked them. There is much at stake for Deuba and his alliance, for K P Oli and opposition, as well as for the young, independent candidates that hold the attention and scrutiny of much of the Nepali public.All this male politicking has left the women in senior leadership positions to fear that they will be sidelined in violation of Constitutional quotas for female representation.Nepal’s Local Level Election Act requires every party to nominate one male and one female candidate to the head and deputy of municipalities. But the election alliance between the NC and the coalition parties has meant that fewer women were nominated during local elections in May.  Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/affirmative-inaction/">Affirmative inaction</a>, EditorialAs a result, there are now 163 local governments where the chair and vice chair are both men, and the number of women elected as deputies has gone down from 700 in 2017 to 564 this year.There was a slight increase in female mayors and chiefs in 2022, with the number of female mayors going up from 18 to 25 and the number of village chiefs going up from 63 to 69.“The statistics may show an increase in elected female officials, but women have not been elected to top decision making roles,” said National Assembly member and UML leader Parvati Rawal Thapa. “This is disheartening.”In a rare show of solidarity, Thapa and female leaders from across the political spectrum came together to jointly register objections against their own parties for not meeting the constitutional mandate for increased female participation and candidacy in the November election.They want their parties to field more female leaders under the direct (FPTP) election mechanism over the proportional representation (PR) system.There are 550 provincial assembly seats across Nepal’s seven provinces, out of which 330 will be elected through the direct system and 220 through proportional representation. Meanwhile, out of the 275 members to the House of Representatives, 165 will be elected directly, and 110 through proportional representation.Nepal’s male-dominated parties tend not to give tickets to female candidates for the direct election system, and instead field women in large numbers under the proportional system.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/">Can Nepal elections change its male-stream politics?</a>, Aditi Adhikari <img width="600" height="479" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131140/637238049c7e80680e0c7362jpeg.jpg" alt="">Nepal held its first democratic elections in 1959, as a result of which Dwarika Devi Thakurani of the NC became the country’s first female parliamentarian. Thakurani served as deputy minister of health and local governance in the council of ministers led by B P Koirala, Nepal’s first female Cabinet member. In subsequent years, the number of female MPs increased steadily  mainly because the interim constitution after 2008 stipulated that women make up one-third of the total candidates.But after 2008 the party brass changed the rules to 33% women required to win the election, as opposed to running for office. This removed any stipulation concerning direct elections, which prompted them to field women in large numbers under the proportional system in 2017.Indeed, Article 38 (4) of the Constitution stipulates that women have the right to participate in all bodies of the state based on the principle of proportional inclusion. Additionally, Article 84 (8) requires that at least one-third of the members elected from each political party represented in the federal Parliament should be women.This is reflected in the provincial election result of 2017 as well. 189 women were elected to provincial assemblies — 17 of those leaders through direct elections and 172 through the proportional representation system. So while 34% of women won in the provincial elections, fulfilling the constitutional provision, only 5% of the candidates elected under the FPTP system were women.Women MPs complain that the national and provincial halls of power have been such that leaders elected under the proportional system are seen by their directly-elected colleagues in parliament as less qualified and less deserving to be there. This has created a chasm between lawmakers elected under different systems.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal/">Is democracy too expensive for Nepal?</a>, Laxmi BasnetThis discrimination directly affects women, who are mostly elected through the PR system, as planning and budget distribution are directed towards constituencies that have powerful, directly elected leaders.“We sit alongside each other, and we have been elected to do the same job, but we have been given second-class status because we were not elected directly like they were,” says Chanda Chaudhary, a Loktantrik Samajwadi Party MP. Political parties also sideline women leaders for their perceived inability to ensure campaign financing. Politics of patronage means that powerful businessmen and contractors donate to the campaigns of leaders. Election Observation Committee reports have shown that campaigning expenses were vastly underreported in 2017.“It is taken for granted that men will be able to run while we are asked about our ability to raise money,” says National Assembly member Jayanti Devi Rai of the CPN Unified Socialists. “The electoral system is flawed and costly. We need to look at financing protocols such that candidates can stand regardless of their financial status.”All these hurdles have forced Nepal’s female leaders to re-evaluate the way they present themselves, and what kind of message they put across.“Nepal’s centres of power are patriarchal, so that women are forced to act like men to be noticed and to rise up the ranks,” says Maoist Centre MP Anjana Bishankhe. “Why can’t I contest elections on women’s agenda and women’s issues as my foremost priority?”Nepal’s female elected officials gathered last week to demand 50% election participation, up from the current requirement of 33%.“There is no shortage of smart, capable female leaders ready to directly compete in elections,” says Joint General Secretary of the NC Mahalaxmi Upadhyay. “All the women considering election runs can and should demand constituencies within their parties to contest the upcoming elections.”  Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard/">Women leaders seen, but not heard</a>, Shristi Karki

Shristi Karki

The power to have a say in her-story

<figure><img width="1500" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111140/63721b8f9c7e80680e0bd445jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: RABINDRA</figcaption></figure>“We are always proud about the fact that Nepal has a female President and Speaker, but do you think Bidya Devi Bhandari, Onsari Gharti Magar or MPs and deputy mayors would have been appointed if it wasn’t mandated by the 2015 Constitution?”This was one of many questions raised at a recent workshop on the role of Nepali <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women in politics</a>. The participants, made up of young politicians, journalists, law students and other members of civil society, did not take long to answer: Of course not. If it was not for affirmative action in the Constitution, they would never have held office.  Nepal’s Constitution mandates that the country’s President and Vice-president, Speaker and deputy-Speaker of Parliament have to be of different genders and communities. Similarly, the Local Government Election Act 2017 introduced after Nepal became federal also requires at least one female candidate between mayor and deputy mayor, as well as between chair and deputy chair of rural municipalities. Two of four elected ward council members have to be women, one of whom must be from the Dalit community.This reservation system has ensured the largest participation of Nepali women in politics in the country’s history, with 14,329 female leaders being elected into local governments after the 2017 election.The political participation of women was initially a response against the patriarchy, says Bagmati Provincial Assembly member Rachana Khadka. But Nepal’s political parties predictably favoured men for the top leadership at all levels of government. This means that even though 93% of the deputy positions went to women, men made up 98% of mayors and municipal chairs. Of the 718 women elected to the 753 local structures, only seven were appointed mayors, and 11 chairs of rural municipalities. Meanwhile, 276 women were elected deputy mayors and 424 were elected deputy chairs. Even so, Nepal’s female deputies have outperformed male mayors in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/deputies-drive-development-in-rural-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">driving grassroots development</a>, delivering maternal and reproductive health services, combating social ills like chhaupadi menstrual sheds and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">providing prompt Covid-19 response</a>. Rachana Khadka put it eloquently: “Men are leaders by virtue of their position, women earn leadership through performance.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/periphery-within-the-periphery-in-nepal/">Periphery within the periphery in Nepal</a>, Kunda Dixit <img width="219" height="265" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111140/63721b929c7e80680e0bd446jpeg.jpg" alt=""> Many women deputies are now eager to contest for mayoral and chair positions in local elections on 13 May. A survey shows that 80% of female elected officials holding deputy positions want to run for top leadership positions this time – even though their hopes may be dashed because male leaders of the ruling coalition government have decided to divide up tickets based on patronage. Prabha Baral, the elected mayor of Chitwan’s Rapti Municipality explains that although the presence of women in top positions is still negligible, Nepal’s political parties are trying to increase the presence of female candidates in this year’s election.  Baral’s constituency along with Syangja’s Putalibazar led by Mayor Sima Kumari Chettri were among seven local governments classified as ‘Excellent’ in a report card by the Municipal Association of Nepal. Their role in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/local-government-by-the-people-for-the-people-of-the-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Judicial Committees</a> in mediating local disputes has been exemplary. Despite the optimism, there are challenges. Of the 13,311 female officials who joined municipal assemblies across the country as ward members, 6,569 were from the Dalit community. Yet, Dalit women are almost completely absent from the executive and decision-making positions. Their presence in local governments has been reduced to formality and tokenism.  Women are also less likely to secure <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">adequate election funding</a> than male candidates, one of the reasons being that many Nepali women still do not have independent control over financial resources. Many women who ran for office at the provincial and national levels in 2017 say they have not even been able to pay off their election debts, or may not run for office a second time, as they struggle to finance their campaigns while men are backed by contractors and the wealthy.  Additionally, now more than ever, women incumbents and candidates must navigate the upcoming election on social media platforms as political parties use the internet to campaign. The social web is also rampant with misogynistic expression and hate speech, online trolling and threats of sexual violence. Women in positions of power are judged more harshly, undermining their achievements and authority. Still, analysts are hopeful that more women will join the executive ranks after this May’s local elections. And hopefully there will be many more than the seven mayors and 11 chairs at present who are female. If voters cast ballots on the basis of performance, there certainly would be <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">more women leaders</a>.  Shristi Karki

Reward performance

<figure><img width="2048" height="1536" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101144/63720e669c7e80680e0b7915jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Gita Adhikari giving sewing machines to women from the Muslim community.</figcaption></figure>Gita Adhikari, the deputy mayor of Damak, quit her job as assistant campus chief of Damak Multiple Campus when she was nominated by the UML to run in the 2017 local elections.  Adhikari says she will complete the reform work that she initiated by running for mayor in this <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/think-nationally-vote-locally/">May's elections</a>. “I am running for mayor this election,” says Adhikari, “There is no Plan B.” In Nepalganj, deputy mayor Uma Thapa Magar founded and has led a collective of deputy mayors and chairs from eight municipalities across Banke that meets regularly to facilitate interpersonal as well as district-wide cooperation between local representatives and bodies. “My five year term gives me the experience to run for mayor this time,” says Magar, who was a journalist before entering politics. Vice-chair Ekmaya BK, of Banke’s Khajura village is banking on voters to recognise her accomplishments during the election in May and vote her to the leadership position. “I am confident that my constituents who have closely followed my work will make the right decision at the polls,” says BK.Sarala Bolkhe of Bakaiya village in Makwanpur was elected vice-chair even as her running mate lost the chairmanship to their challengers, and is positive that she will be voted in as chairperson this time. <figure><img width="503" height="545" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101144/63720e6a9c7e80680e0b7916jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Meanwhile, Parvati Sunuwar, the vice-chairperson of Sindhuli’s Fikal rural Municipality who oversaw progress in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/birth-and-death-during-a-pandemic/">maternal health</a> as well as women’s participation in her village, is banking on residents to vote her in as chairperson after having unsuccessfully run for chairperson in 2017.A recent survey conducted by the <a href="https://tarangini.org.np/">Tarangini Foundation</a>, a women's rights training center, found that 80% of the 200 women holding deputy mayor and deputy chief positions want to run for the top position in the 2022 elections in May.These female local government representatives have been encouraged by the success of local government projects under their leadership, particularly ones that have focused on the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/">socio-economic empowerment of women in their communities</a>, as well as the inclusion of underserved and vulnerable communities in local-level development.In Jhapa’s Damak, community schools are being adapted for female students and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/changing-disability-to-this-ability/">persons with disabilities</a>. A state level disability rehabilitation center is also in the works. Women in Damak have been trained in manufacturing Dhaka, while the local government prepares to create a market for the goods.Such work has been made easier because vice-chairs are in-charge of the local government’s budget committees. “A third of our budget is allocated for vulnerable groups, and we spend 22% of the earmarked funds for the socio-economic empowerment and awareness of women,” says deputy mayor Adhikari.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-local-governments-lead-from-the-front/">Nepal’s local governments lead from the front</a>, Masta KCIn Bajhang’s Thalara Rural Municipality, vice-chair Gangudevi Khadayat set about forming women’s groups across the village as soon as she was elected. "I personally attend the women’s group meetings so that I have a firsthand account of the problems that the women face,” Khadayat says. Some of residents of this municipality belonging to the Gandharva and Wadi communities had been involved in sex work, and several of them had been reduced to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/to-beg-borrow-of-steal/">begging</a>. Under Khadayat's leadership, more than 400 men from these communities are now daily wage workers, while women operate small businesses. The Chhau sheds where <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/that-time-of-the-month/">women are traditionally banished during menstruation</a> have also all been demolished.In Nuwakot’s Dupcheshwor village, vice-chair Anju Acharya formed women’s groups as soon as she was elected, conducting awareness programs as skill-based training to counter unemployment in her constituency.“We have begun to identify and involve members of the community in alternative forms of employment,” says Acharya. “The work may not be tangible as some of the bigger infrastructure projects, but the income and self-reliance this has afforded our community is tremendous.” <figure><img width="2048" height="1152" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101144/63720e6c9c7e80680e0b7917jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Jumla's Tila Rural Municipality has focused on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/covid-undermines-nepals-mother-child-gains/">maternal and child health</a>, collecting data on pregnant women and children up to two years old. Tila vice-chair Vishnu Budha, runs a program to provide nutritious food to pregnant women and winter clothes for children, and runs a 'nutrition message' program to make families aware of the services that the local government provides. The municipality provides incentives to families that have undergone permanent sterilisation after having one child, which has directly contributed to the decreasing numbers of children with malnutrition in the village.“We were also able to end the practice of Chhau after many awareness and discussion programs with male family members, as well as other local leaders and healers in the community,” explains Buda.One of the more significant achievements of local government in Nepal has been constitutionally mandated three-member Judicial Committees which has granted the power to local Deputy Chiefs who head the committees to resolve 13 types of civil and 11 other types of minor disputes through reconciliation without cases having to be taken to court.Read  also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/local-government-by-the-people-for-the-people-of-the-people/">Local government by the people, for the people, of the people</a>, Ramesh KumarIn Dhangadi, Deputy Mayor Sushila Mishra Bhatt played a significant role in introducing the Gender Equality and Social Inclusion Policy 2020 before the federal government issued a similar nation-wide policy a few months later. Bhatta’s government has particularly focused on mobilising the judicial committee in her constituency. “The responsibility of our judicial committee is not just limited to sending petitions to court, but to serve those seeking justice who have been unable to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-transition-to-peace-needs-justice/">access Nepal’s judicial mechanism</a> in the first place,” says Bhatta. “Social and legal awareness and mobilisation are our top priority.”"We have spoken to many victims of domestic violence for hours—such calls and interactions often go on late into the night,” adds Dhangadi’s Deputy Chief Bhatta.These women-led judicial committees have been able to solve disagreements across the country, from settling land and financial disputes in Siraha to reconciling families on the verge of separation and divorce through counselling services in Bardia. They have also prevented child marriage in Panchthar and addressing domestic violence in Doti.Bhatta, the deputy mayor of Dhangadi, handles disputes in the Judicial Committee, monitors ongoing community projects every fiscal year, meets with dozens of other sub-committees, all the while participating in various state-level programs.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-women-envoys-make-a-mark/">Nepal’s women envoys make a mark</a>, Pratistha Rijal“Although they have had to juggle many responsibilities under the federal system, from solving disputes as heads of the judicial committees, Nepal’s women deputy mayors and chiefs have done an incredible job so far,” says Prabha Baral, head of the central women's department of the Nepal Municipal Association and mayor of Chitwan’s Rapti municipality. Across Nepal’s local levels, most women deputies are now sufficiently trained and equipped to lead their villages and municipalities. In 2017, most women were relegated to being a deputy because political parties were only looking to fulfill a requirement: to nominate token women either to the position of chair or deputy chair of the local governments. But this time, following their performance in the last five years, many women deputies now command the attention of both the political parties and voters in the lead up to the second local elections under the federal government on 13 May.Says National Assembly member Bimala Rai Paudyal: “Had our Constitution not made it mandatory for women to be involved in local governments, these important and impactful developments would have been limited to mere words on paper.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-moving-nepals-climate-activism/">Women moving Nepal’s climate activism</a>, Sewa BhattaraiJanmakanya Khatri, who was elected the vice-chair of Jumla’s Sinja Rural Municipality in 2017, is one of many locally-elected officials who has not had any formal education.“Girls were not sent to school when I was a child,” says Khatri, who travels across her village to spread awareness about the importance of educating women. “I have always felt that I would be respected more had I been able to read and write.”Sinja is among eight rural municipalities in Jumla. Along with Khatri, three other deputy chairs in the Kankasundari, Guthichaur and Patrasi deputy chairs have not received any formal education. Khatri says her inability to read and write has severely hampered her ability to do her job. “There have been many laws and policies made for the local level, but to me, those words on paper might as well be a foreign language,” she adds. What worries her most is making decisions and signing documents based on second-hand information, as others dictate important documents and directives. Khatri is constantly plagued by worry over whether she has made sound decisions.Khatri is adamant that educated women from Nepal’s rural communities be given the opportunity to run for political leadership in May.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/">Women leaders set example for rest of Nepal</a>, Laxmi BasnetIn constituencies across Karnali and Madhes, local leaders who are unable to read and write have been hoodwinked by other parties.Advocate Indu Tuladhar, who has been working for the rights of Nepal’s locally elected officials, identifies illiteracy as the major reason that prevents elected officials from doing their jobs."There has long been debate about whether academic qualification should be a criteria for those who decide to run for office,” says Tuladhar. “ Nepal’s political parties require a deeper understanding of the role education plays in local governance.” Nunuta Rai and Krishnamaya Upadhyaya contributed to this report.Translated by Shristi Karki from the Nepali original published on Himalkhabar monthly. Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-politics-is-local/">All politics is local</a>, Sahina Shrestha

Deputies drive development in rural Nepal

<img width="1440" height="798" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121148/636ce5269c7e80680e0966edjpeg.jpg" alt=""/>The role of women in Nepal’s socio-political landscape is still on the margins, despite decades of activism. Nepali Times interviewed MP and outspoken gender rights activist Binda Pandey about the perpetual struggle of Nepali women for recognition and equality. Nepali Times: Have the demands of Nepali women from the past century had any results at all? Binda Pandey: From as early as 1916, Yogmaya Neupane had led movements against caste-based discrimination, sati, child marriage and polygamy while pushing for the recognition of remarried widows. Mangaladevi Singh formed the Nepal Women’s Association in 1947 to present a political front for women’s demands. With the backing of the Nepali Congress (NC) and Nepal Communist Party (NCP), the Association called for equal opportunities for women in education and employment and equal inheritance rights. With the end of Rana rule in 1951 came municipal elections in 1953 and Parliamentary elections in 1959. But women’s representation was severely lacking. Only Sadhana Pradhan and Dwarika Devi Thakurani were elected into municipal and parliamentary offices respectively. The NCP didn’t even bother raising a woman candidate in 1959. Despite their role in the political struggle, women were not involved in policy-making by their political parties. Schools for women were opened and the police started receiving female cadets. But with the exception of sati being outlawed in 1920, none of the demands presented since Yogmaya’s era was addressed.Did the Panchayat system fare any better? The partyless Panchayat system banned all political groups, including women’s organizations after the 1960 coup. Other than outlawing child marriage in 1963, the Panchayat system mostly worked against the interest of women. Therefore women emerged at the forefront of the anti-establishment movement with leaders like Shailaja Acharya who led the first anti-Panchayat demonstrations, declaring that King Mahendra had “no right to celebrate democracy while silencing it”. Female candidates contested the Independent Student Union elections and were at the frontlines of the 1969 Jhapa rebellion. Women took part in the 1979 student protests, rallying against gender-based discrimination. With the creation of the All-Nepal Women’s Association (ANWA) in 1980, female leaders called for implementing equal inheritance rights, equal opportunities in education, and obtaining citizenship via one’s mother. The Namita-Sunita rape-murder became another flashpoint as women took to the streets demanding action against gender-based violence. They received underground support from student groups, trade unions and political parties. These uprisings ultimately led to the 1990 People’s Movement. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-cycles-of-revolution/">Nepal’s cycles of revolution</a>, Nepali TimesAnd were those expectations met afterwards?Women had high expectations after contributing to the success of the 1990 People’s Movement. We called for 50% representation of women in the National Assembly, drafted demands including proposals for citizenship through mother’s name, laws for strict punishment of violence against women and establishment of family courts to oversee such cases. However, the leaders ignored our proposals for change. In fact, what little progress had been made was also reversed. A provision to grant citizenship to naturalised Nepali children with foreign fathers and Nepali mothers was repealed in 1991. There was apathy towards addressing gender-based violence. I went with a delegation to the government to demand justice for two minors who had been sexually assaulted in the capital. We were ignored, and told that women had to defend themselves with chilli sprays and long nails. We realised that women needed to be in power to achieve true emancipation. A constitutional amendment increased the number of women in local level offices from 136 in 1991 to 40,000 in 1999, while 5% of all candidates for the House of Representatives and National Assembly elections were required to be women. How were demands for gender equality affected by the insurgency? The Maoists triggered a change in the perception of women. With female combatants active on both sides, the state realised that women could carry guns, too, and do what men did. Women started forging their own identities independent of men. Local Mothers’ Groups and small savings and credit groups empowered women to be financially independent. Political parties started incorporating women’s issues and a National Women Commission was set up. In a landmark decree, the Supreme Court ordered an amendment of the Muluki Ain to guarantee equal rights over inheritance for all children.But while political bigwigs post-insurgency threw their weight behind women, the outcome did not reflect that. Upon the re-establishment of Parliament in 2006, our demands for citizenship through the mother, equal ownership over family wealth, strict punishment for gender-based violence and one-third representation in Parliament were ignored. Only after we pressured then-MP Bidya Devi Bhandari to file a Public Interest Litigation was one-third participation secured on all levels of the state. After another week of agitation, the Constitutional Draft Commission included four women who pushed for equal ownership of inheritance and equal-work-equal-pay schemes. Provisions were created for access to health, employment and social security. Reproduction and priority over childbirth were declared a woman’s right. Also established were the rights of all children, regardless of gender, to ancestral property, the duty of family members towards each other and ethnicity-based citizenship from either parent. What challenges lie ahead?While democracy has increased women’s representation, policy-making is increasingly concentrated in the hands of a few men despite the inclusive structure of the state. Overall, our political leaders have shown that they are good at waging revolutions against the existing system, but not changing it.True equality requires political change to go along with an overhaul of patriarchal values that affect politics. Political leaders are still unable to accept women in power, often undermining their achievements and struggles. The political establishment must realise that the support of women is crucial to their staying power, and a loss of that support could spell doom. Only then will they be spurred to act. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard/">Women leaders seen, but not heard</a>, Shristi Karki

“Nepali leaders unable to accept women in power”

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111148/636cd75f9c7e80680e092dd6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>All photos: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>As the struggle for supremacy in Nepal’s politics enters a new and uncertain phase with a session of the restored Lower House on Sunday, noticeably absent are the country's women politicians.Whether it is about the no-confidence vote that Prime Minister K P Oli may face in the Parliament he dissolved, or the tactics his party rival Pushpa Kamal Dahal may use, or speculation about NCP members switching sides, or even the king-maker role being played by the NC’s Sher Bahadur Deuba, female leaders are nowhere in the picture.“If the leaders of both factions had handled their disagreement in a logical and appropriate manner, the party wouldn’t have been divided in the first place,” says Nepal Communist Party (NCP) MP, Binda Pandey. “As is the norm, there is more finger-pointing than an acknowledgement of weakness from all sides concerned.”Pandey, who has been outspoken on gender rights and development matters in parliamentary committees, says that women and a new generation of leaders need to be given a chance.“It would be great if leaders had an understanding that it is not in anyone’s best interest for them to hold on to office after having already become chief executive or party chief once,” she says, in what could be an unpopular opinion for male leaders of both the NCP and NC who want to be prime minister again, despite having held the post multiple times before.Formerly Maoist and now Janata Samajwadi Party (JSP) leader, Hisila Yami says both Oli and Dahal are to blame for the political turmoil. "The NCP leadership is wrangling for power like a selfish couple fighting to own a piece of property without regard for their children, which in this case is the citizenry,” Yami says in an email to Nepali Times.“When the time comes, a new alliance must be formed based on capacity and strength… which is our constitution,” she says. “PM Oli must resign for this to happen, so that the country can overcome this political crisis.”Female leaders interviewed for this report said they are often sidelined in political discourse if they disagree with the male bigwigs. Janata Samajwadi Party (JSP) leader Sarita Giri says the current political crisis is rooted in infighting within the NCP, but she is not in favour of Oli stepping down.“Why should he have to resign?” Giri asks. “I have been victimised by party politics, so I understand very clearly what he is going through.” Giri had been dismissed from the then Samajwadi Party-Nepal in July last year when she refused to vote for a constitutional amendment bill following the Lipulekh dispute with India in July last year. She said she received little support from male colleagues in her party.“I had to take a stand on my principles,” she says. “Women cannot take for granted that they will be heard through regular channels. So they have to step out of the box and raise their voices.”While women’s representation in politics is a popular topic for discussion, female leaders face open and often public derision and ridicule from their male counterparts. They range from doubts about political competence to disparaging language and misogynistic attacks on their appearance. This in turn informs the public’s opinion of women in leadership, perpetuating a vicious cycle that delegitimises their social and political platform."Raghuji Panta has revealed his disgusting mindset,” NCP National Assembly member Komal Oli tweeted in response to NCP Dahal-Nepal loyalist Raghuji Panta’s recent misogynistic remarks on her career as a singer and politician. ”I want to ask Pantaji, which female leaders in your party who hold any office achieved their position at the expense of their bodies? Any woman in this country who has reached a position of power has fallen prey to regressive attitudes like yours.”Bibeksheel Sajha Party’s Ranju Darshana also weighed in on Panta’s comments, posting a <a href="https://www.instagram.com/tv/CL3m4MZHAFJ/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.instagram.com/tv/CL3m4MZHAFJ/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1615025386684000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGGr-cKWHKnNrl_zAfpj6DdBr5NCQ">video on Instagram</a> where she touched upon sexist comments that she receives regularly on social media, and discussed how female politicians and leaders experience misogyny and opposition from male leaders.“We won’t tolerate comments and attacks intended to dominate, belittle and bring women down,” said Darshana. “Everyone must get an equal chance to represent their communities in office — men, women, and sexual minorities.”<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111148/636cd7639c7e80680e092dd7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1476" height="1000"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111148/636cd7669c7e80680e092dd8jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000">According to a generally observed trend, female leaders and women’s issues are used as convenient political tools during campaigns and movements, but are relegated to the sidelines as soon as it comes to decision-making.“Women are also actively involved in politics, but female leaders are only considered dedicated so long as they agree with the positions of their respective parties. When they dare express any form of disagreement, their sexuality and femininity are questioned and they are considered to be pushing the feminist agenda,” says Pandey.Giri and Pandey acknowledge the increasing participation of women in politics set against the backdrop of an environment that is not conducive for women to air dissenting opinions. But Hisila Yami says that the future of women in politics looks promising.“The need of the hour is for different groups of women to form an alliance in order to move towards an equitable society, and this can be made possible through gender-friendly parliamentarians backed by civil-society activists that we have been seeing during recent protests,” says Yami.In 1959, Dwarika Devi Thakurani became the first female minister of Nepal, and only 137 others have joined the ranks over the years. There are currently 3 women in the Council of Ministers. That Nepal had a female president before even the United States has been cause for much back-patting, and the country may boast of having one of the largest female representations in Parliament. But, much of it is still confined to tokenism.

Women leaders seen, but not heard

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111148/636cd7499c7e80680e092dcejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/>Of the more than 753 municipalities in Nepal, most are led by men and the deputy is required by law to be a woman. Jumla is one of only two where <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">both the mayor and deputy mayor are women</a>.And what a difference that has made. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/jumlas-great-leap-into-the-future/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Mayor Kantika Sejuwal</a> of the Nepali Congress and Deputy Mayor Apsara Devi Neupane Mahat from the Nepal Communist Party have been working together ever since they were elected three years ago to deliver services and run an efficient administration.This is all the more remarkable because it has happened in Nepal’s most deprived regions that has traditionally been steeped in caste divisions and patriarchy.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111148/636cd74c9c7e80680e092dcfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000">Unlike the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/calm-before-another-storm-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">bickering male leaders in Kathmandu</a>, the two women leaders from rival parties have worked hand-in-hand to expand the road network, end an acute electricity shortage, improve irrigation, but also to empower women with schemes to raise household income, address domestic violence and access to medical care.Sejuwal’s red brick home in Jumla speaks of comparative affluence, but inside it is different. The mayor is seated on the porch-like extension of her house with her deputy next to her.Head covered with a shawl, and a yellow tika radiant on her forehead, on Tuesday Mayor Sejuwal was marking the seventh death anniversary of her husband, Manav Sejuwal the district president of the Nepali Congress, who died in a plane crash in 2014.<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/madam-mayor-of-jumla,918" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Sejuwal</a> was married young to a political family, and spent much of her adult life in this house. She had the chance to continue her education, unlike most women here. She was involved in lifting the status of women, and balanced that with motherhood and household cares.It was after the death of her husband that she was pushed into a more prominent political role, and was elected to be one of only two elected municipality heads in Nepal. Sejuwal admits that being a woman helps her see things differently, and ensure that there is tangible change.The Mayor and Deputy Mayor place a lot of <a href="https://nepalitimes.atavist.com/jumla-gets-nearer" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">emphasis on roads</a> because there is local demand for access, making it easier for villagers to get the sick to hospital, produce to market, and remove days of walking.Jumla is connected to Surkhet via the Karnali Highway, the airport has been upgraded and the town’s stone and tile houses are being rapidly replaced by multi-storey concrete structures. Like most other cities in Nepal, unplanned urbanisation is becoming a problem.The once cobblestone streets of Khalanga market are now asphalt, and there are motorcycles, jeeps and three-wheel auto rickshaws. Mayor Sejuwal has plans to open a new track to <a href="https://nepalitimes.atavist.com/stairway-to-heaven" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Rara Lake</a>, which will cut the three-day trek to three hours by jeep.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111148/636cd74f9c7e80680e092dd0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000">“The new roads have made life much easier,” says Krishna Bahadur Rokaya, owner of an old tea house in the market who has witnessed Jumla’s transformation in the last 50 years. “Shopkeepers had to get porters to carry their goods all the way from Surkhet. Now it arrives at their doorstep.”Since road accessibility improved, the region’s very <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/3-nepali-mothers-still-die-daily-at-childbirth/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">high maternal mortality rate</a> has come down since mothers can be brought to the district hospital. New birthing centres have been set up, providing maternity service to more women from rural areas.“Women now come for follow-up check-ups and we refer them to Karnali Health Science Institution in case of complications,” says Sabitra Bon Thapa, a nurse assisting at the Rokaya Bada Birthing Centre which has three beds in a birthing centre, with four health assistants doing the shifts.Jumla is suffering from severe power cuts, since it is not connected to the national grid. But the municipality is working to complete two hydropower plants. Some parts of the town still only get two hours of power a day, when everyone rushes to charge their mobiles and other appliances.“Some wards are already off the load-shedding schedule, while the completion of the feeder lines is also underway,” says Sejuwal, adding that she inherited a lot of unaddressed issues from the past two decades.Sejuwal talks as she walks around her lawn below walnut trees. There is a whiff of spring in the air, although temperature at night is still below freezing in this town located at 2,500m elevation.Jumla is the hub for the region’s biggest technical school that provides vocational education, while another high school in the municipality, where Sejuwal used to be the principal, sprawls at the heart of town.“There’s a lot more that needs to be done,” says Deputy Mayor Mahat. While her brothers went to more expensive private schools, Mahat’s parents sent her to a government school. "The situation hasn’t changed. Parents still prefer private schools for boys,” she says.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111148/636cd7529c7e80680e092dd1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="1500"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111148/636cd7559c7e80680e092dd2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="1500"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Since assuming office, Mahat launched a survey of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/ministry-of-education-gets-an-f/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">government schools</a> to ensure the incentives of free textbooks and lunch were effective, and supported enrolment.“The number of students has actually gone up since we started regular surveys,” says Mahat, but there is a budget constraint.Lack of resources is also affecting expansion of the airport, and other infrastructure upgrades. Sejuwal’s dream project is to build a Ring Road to link remote settlements to the market in town and turn Jumla into a “smart city”.“For me, a smart city is more about the consciousness to serve the people in need. It is about providing quality service to citizens, which requires every government worker to complete their duty,” Seujwal adds.Some recent infrastructure development projects like the irrigation canals, and distribution of free seeds to single women farmers, have raised incomes. Under the Mayor Employment Program, there is technical training in machinery maintenance, skills development in dairy products, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/from-heads-to-toes/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">weaving Dhaka</a>, making potato chips and apple jam.Together, the mayor and her deputy have been working as a bridge to make local women independent and vocal, through interactions on Women's Rights, Domestic Violence, Political leadership.Sejuwal believes that the best thing about having women in leadership positions is that it provides other women access. "I remember the time when I used to wait for CDOs at the gate, but now a woman in my municipality can come to me directly and talk to me. This has brought involvement and opportunity, as they are open to sharing their problems because they trust us.”

Monika Deupala

Holding up the whole sky in Jumla

<figure><img width="945" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110919118/636bed2d4b0ad905ca02eecbjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Hupsekot Rural Municipality recently inaugurated a 10-bed coronavirus-dedicated hospital. Municipality chair Laxmi Pandey is at centre. All photos: LAXMI BASNET</figcaption></figure>After the first elections under federalism in 2017, Hupsekot became one of only two municipalities in Nepal in which <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/madam-mayor-of-jumla,918" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women were voted both chair and deputy</a>.Laxmi Pandey of the Nepali Congress was elected chair, and Kopila Malla of the UML was voted vice-chair. In the three years since, Hupsekot in Nawalparasi district has exemplified how this has made all the difference in the quality of education, agriculture, nature conservation, and now Covid-19 control.Hupsekot is Nepal in a microcosm in more ways than one. It encompasses the Mahabharat and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/crushing-tale-of-Chure" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Chure ranges</a>, as well as the Tarai, and these days when the air is clear the Annapurnas are visible to the north. Hupsekot is also an example of what is possible for the rest of Nepal.Under the 2015 Constitution a vice-chair or deputy mayor has to be a woman, but Hupsekot and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/jumlas-great-leap-into-the-future/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Jumla elected women to both positions</a>. Now, imagine if Hupsekot was replicated in more of Nepal’s 736 municipalities and 17 metropolises. “Because both of us are women, it has been easier for us to work on delivery of social services to our people,” says municipality chair Laxmi Pandey. “In many other local governments we see the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/salma-breaks-her-silence/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">male chair and female deputy chair having disagreements</a>.”Indeed, while in Kathmandu even men from the same ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/outside-looking-in/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">are forever quarrelling</a>, here in Hupsekot it does not seem to matter that Pandey and her deputy are from different parties. <figure><img width="400" height="400" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110919118/636bed2f4b0ad905ca02eeccjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“Sometimes, problems arise when there are party-based decisions from Kathmandu, but we manage to resolve them amicably,” says vice-chair Malla. “We have worked together well in the past three years.”In its very first meeting, this village municipality decided to provide Rs5,000 for institutional delivery in government facilities to promote safe motherhood. Back then the village had only one birthing centre, it has added two more in the recent years. Now, even those who can afford private hospitals go to government hospitals because services have been upgraded. So far 1,008 people have received the institutional delivery incentive.Nawalparasi district borders India, and earlier this year it became a hotspot for Covid-19, as <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/returnees-may-be-taking-coronavirus-to-rural-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepalis returning from India brought the virus home</a>. Hupsekot instituted a strict quarantine and contact tracing rule, and last month it opened a dedicated 10-bed hospital for coronavirus patients. <figure><img width="640" height="365" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110919118/636bed314b0ad905ca02eecdjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Pandey and Malla then worked together to encourage local youth as well as returnees to take up farming instead of migrating back to India or overseas for work. A big chunk of the rural municipality’s annual budget is spent on grants for communities investing in commercial agriculture. This has had a direct impact on this year’s paddy harvest, and increased the prospects for agribusiness.Hupsekot has also launched a 'School Merger Program' to address falling enrolment, and best use limited resources. Four government schools have been combined into one and discussions are underway to even merge public and private schools.“As a former teacher myself, I have focused on improving the education program without adding to the hardships of parents and students,” says Pandey. “And we are working to improve the quality of instruction, to make it more relevant and impart civic values.” <img width="1355" height="788" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110919118/636bed334b0ad905ca02eecejpeg.jpg" alt="">The rural municipality has launched an awareness drive against deep-rooted patriarchal values and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/alarming-rise-in-violence-against-women/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">domestic violence</a> by sensitising parents to raise their children right, and as equal. Both at home and in schools, children learn early about tolerance and responsibility, and boys and girls alike are encouraged to help out with household chores.Hupsekot has also gone further than most other municipalities by promoting local languages and dialects. A language curriculum is being developed for 60% of the district’s population for whom Magar is the mother tongue. The digital charter of the municipality is available also in the Magar language.Hupsekot’s scenic beauty and places of religious significance make it a popular destination for visitors. And the municipality is now trying to add to its eco-tourism appeal, planting 5,000 rhododendron spalings under the 'One Student One Laligurans' campaign as well as holy pipal plantations around its pilgrimage sites under a municipality subsidised program.  <figure><img width="800" height="533" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110919118/636bed364b0ad905ca02eecfjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“Ultimately, we plan to create a natural and pristine environment and cultivate rudraksha commercially. This along with religious tourism will provide regular income for our municipality,” Pandey adds.The municipality is also working to raise income of female-led households by training women to produce value added goods from maize husk, and is already engaging them in knitting winter wear. The municipality then takes the responsibility of marketting the products.  An inter-generational skill transfer program is also in operation so that the village doesn’t have to rely only on outside trainers to learn new skills. About two years ago when the municipality advertised for two employees, some 60 <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/2000-widows-of-Nepal-earthquake-need-special-attention,2503" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">single women</a> applied for the job. During the interviews, they shared their hardships in finding a reliable source of income. While the municipality office wasn’t able to employ them all, this gave Paudel a much-needed push to plan a program specifically targetting single women. “Women in rural areas, especially single women, do not have a reliable source of income. Society looks down on them. But that won’t be the case if the local government steps in to support them,” says Pandey. Since last year, the municipality has started allocating a budget for ‘Single Women’s School’ under which widows come up with their owns plans for regular income generation. <figure><img width="800" height="544" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110919118/636bed384b0ad905ca02eed0jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The fact that both the chair and vice chair are women helps, and they are leading the charge with progressive plans and policies. This is in stark contrast to other municipalities where the women deputies are <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AqyjLl1qvv8" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">undermined and harassed by their male colleagues</a>.Says Pandey: “We have to use the five years we have been given by working for the people. Bitterness and dispute will only hurt our voters. Our sole focus is on fulfilling our responsibilities.”

Women leaders set example for rest of Nepal

<figure><img width="945" height="427" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181140/636be6089c7e80680e087782jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Hupsekot Rural Municipality recently inaugurated a 10-bed coronavirus-dedicated hospital. Municipality chair Laxmi Pandey is at centre. All photos: LAXMI BASNET</figcaption></figure>After the first elections under federalism in 2017, Hupsekot became one of only two municipalities in Nepal in which <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/madam-mayor-of-jumla,918" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women were voted both chair and deputy</a>.Laxmi Pandey of the Nepali Congress was elected chair, and Kopila Malla of the UML was voted vice-chair. In the three years since, Hupsekot in Nawalparasi district has exemplified how this has made all the difference in the quality of education, agriculture, nature conservation, and now Covid-19 control.Hupsekot is Nepal in a microcosm in more ways than one. It encompasses the Mahabharat and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/crushing-tale-of-Chure" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Chure ranges</a>, as well as the Tarai, and these days when the air is clear the Annapurnas are visible to the north. Hupsekot is also an example of what is possible for the rest of Nepal.Under the 2015 Constitution a vice-chair or deputy mayor has to be a woman, but Hupsekot and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/jumlas-great-leap-into-the-future/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Jumla elected women to both positions</a>. Now, imagine if Hupsekot was replicated in more of Nepal’s 736 municipalities and 17 metropolises. “Because both of us are women, it has been easier for us to work on delivery of social services to our people,” says municipality chair Laxmi Pandey. “In many other local governments we see the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/salma-breaks-her-silence/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">male chair and female deputy chair having disagreements</a>.”Indeed, while in Kathmandu even men from the same ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/outside-looking-in/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">are forever quarrelling</a>, here in Hupsekot it does not seem to matter that Pandey and her deputy are from different parties. <figure><img width="400" height="400" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181140/636be60a9c7e80680e087783jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“Sometimes, problems arise when there are party-based decisions from Kathmandu, but we manage to resolve them amicably,” says vice-chair Malla. “We have worked together well in the past three years.”In its very first meeting, this village municipality decided to provide Rs5,000 for institutional delivery in government facilities to promote safe motherhood. Back then the village had only one birthing centre, it has added two more in the recent years. Now, even those who can afford private hospitals go to government hospitals because services have been upgraded. So far 1,008 people have received the institutional delivery incentive.Nawalparasi district borders India, and earlier this year it became a hotspot for Covid-19, as <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/returnees-may-be-taking-coronavirus-to-rural-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepalis returning from India brought the virus home</a>. Hupsekot instituted a strict quarantine and contact tracing rule, and last month it opened a dedicated 10-bed hospital for coronavirus patients. <figure><img width="640" height="365" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181140/636be60d9c7e80680e087784jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Pandey and Malla then worked together to encourage local youth as well as returnees to take up farming instead of migrating back to India or overseas for work. A big chunk of the rural municipality’s annual budget is spent on grants for communities investing in commercial agriculture. This has had a direct impact on this year’s paddy harvest, and increased the prospects for agribusiness.Hupsekot has also launched a 'School Merger Program' to address falling enrolment, and best use limited resources. Four government schools have been combined into one and discussions are underway to even merge public and private schools.“As a former teacher myself, I have focused on improving the education program without adding to the hardships of parents and students,” says Pandey. “And we are working to improve the quality of instruction, to make it more relevant and impart civic values.” <img width="1355" height="788" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181140/636be60f9c7e80680e087785jpeg.jpg" alt="">The rural municipality has launched an awareness drive against deep-rooted patriarchal values and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/alarming-rise-in-violence-against-women/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">domestic violence</a> by sensitising parents to raise their children right, and as equal. Both at home and in schools, children learn early about tolerance and responsibility, and boys and girls alike are encouraged to help out with household chores.Hupsekot has also gone further than most other municipalities by promoting local languages and dialects. A language curriculum is being developed for 60% of the district’s population for whom Magar is the mother tongue. The digital charter of the municipality is available also in the Magar language.Hupsekot’s scenic beauty and places of religious significance make it a popular destination for visitors. And the municipality is now trying to add to its eco-tourism appeal, planting 5,000 rhododendron spalings under the 'One Student One Laligurans' campaign as well as holy pipal plantations around its pilgrimage sites under a municipality subsidised program.  <figure><img width="800" height="533" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181140/636be6129c7e80680e087786jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“Ultimately, we plan to create a natural and pristine environment and cultivate rudraksha commercially. This along with religious tourism will provide regular income for our municipality,” Pandey adds.The municipality is also working to raise income of female-led households by training women to produce value added goods from maize husk, and is already engaging them in knitting winter wear. The municipality then takes the responsibility of marketting the products.  An inter-generational skill transfer program is also in operation so that the village doesn’t have to rely only on outside trainers to learn new skills. About two years ago when the municipality advertised for two employees, some 60 <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/2000-widows-of-Nepal-earthquake-need-special-attention,2503" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">single women</a> applied for the job. During the interviews, they shared their hardships in finding a reliable source of income. While the municipality office wasn’t able to employ them all, this gave Paudel a much-needed push to plan a program specifically targetting single women. “Women in rural areas, especially single women, do not have a reliable source of income. Society looks down on them. But that won’t be the case if the local government steps in to support them,” says Pandey. Since last year, the municipality has started allocating a budget for ‘Single Women’s School’ under which widows come up with their owns plans for regular income generation. <figure><img width="800" height="544" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181140/636be6159c7e80680e087787jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The fact that both the chair and vice chair are women helps, and they are leading the charge with progressive plans and policies. This is in stark contrast to other municipalities where the women deputies are <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AqyjLl1qvv8" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">undermined and harassed by their male colleagues</a>.Says Pandey: “We have to use the five years we have been given by working for the people. Bitterness and dispute will only hurt our voters. Our sole focus is on fulfilling our responsibilities.”

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Women leaders set example for rest of Nepal

Women leaders set example for rest of Nepal