Nepal’s Finance Minister Bishnu Poudel is a Red. And as Finance Minister in a coalition led by his Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) he has the unenviable job of saving a country deep in the red.
Despite its impressive name, there is nothing even remotely ‘<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/forgotten-woman-who-sheltered-communist-activists?%2F">communist</a>’ about his party as Poudel works on the upcoming budget. He has warned repeatedly about a massive revenue shortfall with <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/till-debt-do-us-part">Nepal’s expenditure</a> now 25% higher than its income.&nbsp;
The government has already reduced subsidies to local governments due to lack of money, and plans to cut small-scale programs entirely in the budget. But such rollbacks do not even make a dent in reducing the deficit gap.&nbsp;
Revenue has been falling since <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-uneven-covid-19-deaths">Covid-19</a>, and never really recovered — even though in 2023/2024 revenue was a record high compared to the previous year. The fiscal year 2022/23 marked the first time in the last five decades that Nepal experienced a negative growth rate in revenue.
This year, collections rose to Rs919 billion by mid-May, a 11.5% increase over the previous year, but with only two months to go before the end of this fiscal year, the government has only collected 65% of the expected revenue.
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Revenue mainly comes through VAT, customs, excise and income tax. A slowdown in imports and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/poor-cash-rich-nepal?%2F">domestic economic activity </a>has led to a fall in collection. Domestic consumption has slowed as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/no-country-for-young-men-c89lgrrl">young Nepalis migrate</a> overseas. There is also concern about<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/human-trafficking-patterns-changing-in-south-asia"> smuggling across the border</a>.&nbsp;
“Our revenue is not rising in proportion to<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/more-than-half-of-nepal-s-electricity-imported-from-india"> our imports</a>,” says Kewal Prasad Bhandari, former Secretary to the Government of Nepal. “This points to significant leakage at border checkpoints.”
Customs evasion has been rising since Covid-19, and non-compliance with custom duty regulations worsened during the 2022 elections. This prompted lawmakers to approve an amendment to Nepal’s Revenue Leakage Act 1995 that proposes the formation of a Central Revenue Leakage Control Committee under the coordination of the Finance Minister.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/now-the-economy-stupid">Now the economy, stupid</a>
“Customs evasion has been out of control since 2022, with people blatantly flouting the laws,” says a former secretary who wished not to be named. “Customs fraud is widespread because there is little political will to hold those who break the law to account because of their political connections.” &nbsp;
The Finance Ministry is currently staffed by officials who have no experience and expertise in the sector. “It used to be called a ‘Super Ministry’ with capable financial administrators, but that is no longer the case,” adds the former secretary.&nbsp;
VAT fraud is also rampant with almost 28% of registered taxpayers failing to file annual turnover details to revenue offices. Another 24% of VAT-registered taxpayers who do file documents show zero VAT on transactions.
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“We can generate up to Rs2 trillion in revenue if we make active efforts to monitor tax, VAT, and customs fraud,” says Min Bahadur Shrestha, former Vice President of the National Planning Commission.&nbsp;
With the implementation of the federal system, government expenditure has increased exceptionally in the form of grants administered by the central government for provinces and municipalities. Such grants are a significant part of current expenditure, which also includes social security and administrative spending.&nbsp;
Even as the number of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/protecting-protected-areas-from-infrastructure?fbclid=IwAR1wK0MDFlFST_2EYb3f54LS4-fPt6rYfLG1DJ1JaQsU3w8-ezyXIxGOqzk">development and infrastructure</a> projects goes down, the size of the budget has increased every year, primarily due to the debt burden. Unable to raise enough revenue to cover expenditure, the government has borrowed extensively from within and outside the country, quadrupling its public debt over the last decade.&nbsp;
Nepal has now reached a point where it is borrowing more money to pay back what it has borrowed.
Current expenditure and debt servicing make up much of government spending, leaving little money for essential development. In the previous fiscal year, 67.6% of Nepal’s spending was current expenditure and 18.% on debt servicing, leaving only 13.6% for development projects.&nbsp;
Nepal’s public debt has exceeded Rs2.67 trillion as of mid-April, and forms 46.75 % of its GDP in comparison to 22.3% ten years ago. Officials have attributed Nepal's debt load to post-earthquake reconstruction, a bloated federal machinery, and the pandemic.
Nepal has to either significantly cut spending, or scale up <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-tax-system-widens-rich-poor-gap">revenue generation</a>. Min Bahadur Shrestha, says reducing expenditure is not the right policy for a country like Nepal, the focus should be on income generation.&nbsp;
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Last year’s High-Level Tax Reform Advisory Committee led by former Finance Secretary Bidyadhar Mallik projected a revenue increase of up to Rs300 billion annually through reforms like tax hikes and reducing VAT exemptions.&nbsp;
The Economic Reform Commission under former Finance Secretary Rameshore Khanal this month was recommended new revenue-raising ideas, including a controversial inheritance tax on property and real estate transactions, which it suggested would also discourage people from accumulating large amounts of wealth. Critics say this will discourage saving and disrupt <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-only-growth-industry-private-sector-corruption">Nepal’s business environment</a>.&nbsp;
And then there is the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-s-corruption-carousel">corruption</a>. Instead of holding those flouting tax laws to account, politicians pander to lobbyists and special interest groups. Defaulters and tax evaders get away, and cronies are appointed to leadership positions in regulatory bodies whose job it is to monitor tax evasion.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/higher-corruption-in-high-places">Higher corruption in high places</a>, David Seddon
“The government’s credibility comes into question when it allows itself to be bribed into handing over leadership of regulatory bodies to middlemen,” says &nbsp;Shrestha. “A lot of money goes not towards our national coffers, but to line the pockets of a select few individuals.
Various committees have recommended economic austerity in order to minimise wasteful spending, including banning unnecessary travel, cutting down on the purchase of vehicles, furniture, and IT infrastructure, as well as closing and downsizing offices. None of this has been followed through.
Says former secretary Kewal Prasad Bhandari: “There is no other country in the world with such large-scale waste of government resources like ours, that is why we need stronger policies that make appropriate use of taxpayer money. Otherwise we will just go deeper into the red.”

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Nepal in the red

Samsung Nepal has opened pre-orders for the Galaxy A57 5G and A37 5G. Both phones run Samsung’s One UI 8.5, featuring AI capabilities like voice transcription, Circle to Search, and photo editing. They feature a 50MP triple-camera system, a Super AMOLED display, and six years of OS and security updates.

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Know your Ministers

‘One early morning, we heard the ambassador’s wife cry out, “Ram, Ram, Ram!” A disaster has befallen Nepal!” She had heard on the radio that a fire had consumed Singha Durbar." This is not about the arson attack on 9 September 2025, but the one on 8 July, 1973. It started in the South Wing of the then single-largest building in all of Nepal. It took two days to bring the blaze under control, requiring the use of explosives to demolish one wing to protect the imposing western facade. As Bhekh Bahadur Thapa recalls in the English translation of his memoir A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy, he was then on leave from the Nepal government serving with the IDRC in Ottawa.&nbsp; He had already served as Nepal’s Finance Secretary at age 25, went on to be Finance Minister and Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank. He was already younger than some of the GenZ ministers in Nepal’s present RSP government. Thapa, now 89, was at the launch of the book in February which was attended by former diplomats and bureaucrats. After speeches by panelists, there was a question from the audience about how Thapa had managed to be the diplomat he was, managing Nepal’s international relations on the world stage.&nbsp; Writer and journalist Akhilesh Upadhyay, who was moderating the panel, responded by going into the section of the book where we see Thapa as an ambassador to the US, playing tennis with White House officials, cultivating a network of contacts to project the identity and welfare of Nepal, and making it possible for a state visit by King Birendra to Ronald Reagan’s America. The book is full of anecdotes that suggest Thapa was a clever and strategic diplomat, always calm and unruffled, easily making friends in high places with his maturity and engaging sense of humour. Thapa’s memoir is heavy on details about Nepal’s administrative history during the years he was active in public service, serving as minister and ambassador under three kings: Mahendra, Birendra and Gyanendra, and alongside five prime ministers.&nbsp; Aside from an insider look on how certain treaties, development deals and research projects in Nepal came into fruition, Thapa goes into great detail about his personal and professional relationships with the kings, ministers, ambassadors, foreign leaders and politicians.&nbsp; As a reader, one is struck by the level of detail around the events that unfolded in Nepal over the years during Thapa’s tenure. Was Thapa recording a journal over the years of the events and the conversations that transpired, or were they committed to his phenomenal memory? Either way, the reader gets a glimpse of Nepal’s recent history from the early days of the Panchayat, through the People’s Movement and the democracy period, the Maoist insurgency, Royal Palace massacre of 2001, and Gyanendra’s coup of 2005.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026041204048_125dc8ae300a1e33124f394abe724d42727f83e067b0201d2008b58d60c459a4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1584" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="How to win friends and influence nations NT"> </figure>  Not enough is said about the political parties of the time whose presence led to the way Nepal’s multiparty democracy came to be shaped. The book keeps its focus on the administration and the key figures around it, mostly those in the Panchayat era. Towards the second half of the book, we do start to hear about political parties, but not in great depth. Another figure whose presence in the book is conspicuously less prominent is that of his wife, Rita Thapa — the person who seems to have rescued him every time financial quandary or family care became a challenge. Yet, we do not see her as a full person. Perhaps because of the personal tragedies in his life, the children are also barely mentioned.&nbsp; The book is therefore less personal and more technical. Throughout, we learn about Thapa’s thinking as he navigated the world of diplomacy to win him the trust of those who mattered. There are tips here for a new generation of Nepali officials and diplomats about how much commitment and focus is needed to be good at one’s job and serve the national interest. This book adds to tomes that have been written on Nepal’s fragile relationship with India. ‘India has always wished for Nepal to remain dependent on it,’ writes Thapa, who served as Nepal’s ambassador to India and later in the Eminent Persons Group &nbsp;on Indo-Nepal relations that has been allowed to languish. The book has several insights into the Indo-Nepal trysts with diplomacy and agency.&nbsp; China’s role is also recorded, viewed through conversations during a visit to Beijing, but all that was before Nepal’s neighbour to the north emerged as a world economic and military power. The book also has such sudden instances of quirkiness and humour. For instance, we see a young Thapa in America explaining to a government official why he would like to return to Nepal instead of settling down in the US. “Because, Nepal is beautiful,” he said. The text is immaculate and does not read much like a translation, credit for which clearly goes to the team that put the edition together: translator Prawin Adhikari, &nbsp;Anagha Neelakanthan and Bhekh Thapa’s daughter, Manjushree. As Nepal enters a new era of governance and diplomacy, A Life in Public Service: Nepal from Autocracy to Democracy should be essential reading for students of political science, economics and foreign affairs who can gain a fresh perspective on the country’s trajectory.&nbsp; There are dozens of forgotten state secrets recorded in the book, but the reader must also remember this is a story told from one person’s perspective and there may be others.&nbsp; So, what really made Thapa the diplomat he was? I met him in 2004 at the Kantipur TV studio when he was serving as king Gyanendra’s foreign minister. He was there for a studio interview, and I was just done with my English newscast.&nbsp; He surprised me at the door: “Pratibha! I’ve been reading your articles in The Kathmandu Post. You must keep writing.” I thanked him, glad to have been noticed for my work by a stranger. That was perhaps one of the things that set Thapa apart — he excelled at staying close to those in power, while also noticing those who were not.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260412040412_213e706136a038ec9f5e2b8c6d7f7c1e9ceed9479e22fe2884872ad7bd20955f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Book details"> </figure>

How to win friends and influence nations

Prime Minister Balendra Shah on Wednesday broke tradition and met with 17 foreign envoys collectively, a move that was a notable departure from how his predecessors operated.&nbsp;
Shah had already set himself apart by talking less, listening more, and delegating to trusted friends. But by meeting all ambassadors at one go in the presence of the Foreign Ministry, he signalled a paradigm shift in how he wants Nepal to be seen: no longer just balancing India and China, but as a country confident about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/tripolar-contestation-over-nepal">strategic importance and place in the world</a>.
In just two weeks, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/rsp-dos-and-don-ts">RSP has sprung into action </a>on multiple fronts to implement its ambitious 100-point, 100-days action plan. It has taken short-term measures to mitigate the impact of the Gulf war, as well as medium- and long- term measures to streamline the bureaucracy. A few high-profile figures have been made examples of to drive the message home.
Earlier this week, the government recalled six politically appointed ambassadors, the most notable being long-serving Shankar Sharma from New Delhi. The Kathmandu District Court issued arrest warrants against former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his former foreign minister wife Arzu Rana on charges of money laundering and corruption.
Each ministry has been trying to clean up the accumulated rot from the past three decades: regulatory overhaul of microfinance, education, health and service delivery.&nbsp;
These actions widely disseminated campaign-style on YouTube and TikTok have made most Nepalis hopeful that the party they installed in power means business.
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BACKLASH
But such attempts to overhaul a long-entrenched political culture were bound to face backlash. In their impatience and enthusiasm to get things done, some of Prime Minister Shah’s ministers have over-reached.
It was common knowledge that government-paid advertising in the mainstream press was kickback-driven, but the PMO’s directive that official notices be published or broadcast only on state-run media has been denounced — especially as the media industry struggles to stay afloat.
More serious are some recent appointments by ministers of relatives and figures closely associated with the RSP to key positions. This has rankled because this party built its political plank on ending nepotism and graft.&nbsp;
News that Home Minister Sudan Gurung allegedly had not paid rent on leased land, which illegally encroached on the lake in Pokhara did not help. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Shah himself has come under scrutiny for appointing a kitchen cabinet full of male buddies from his time as Kathmandu mayor. To douse criticism he brought in as adviser investigative journalist Deepa Dahal, who has exposed corruption in high places of the previous coalitions.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment of another political adviser Asim Shah to the head Constitution Amendment Task Force, is also seen as problematic. He is a filmmaker and former lawmaker, but does not have a background in constitutional law.&nbsp;
Even more controversial is the Cabinet’s decision to appoint RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane’s legal counsel, Narayan Kandel, as Attorney General. Kandel used to be a UK permanent resident, and does not have as much experience practicing law in Nepal.&nbsp;
Kandel’s appointment drew flak and raised eyebrows, and with the pending legal cases against Lamichhane this appointment represents a flagrant conflict of interest.
Health Minister Nisha Mehta was also accused of favouritism after reappointing Junu Shrestha, wife of Labour Minister Dipak Kumar Shah, as member of the Health Insurance Board which had earlier suspended her. The Labour Minister’s rambling rant at the Board’s meeting on Tuesday has not helped the RSP’s image.&nbsp;
(UPDATE: On Thursday, Prime Minister Shah sacked the Labour Minister after the RSP found him in breach of the party's code of conduct and discipline. He served 14 days in the Cabinet, one of the shortest tenures for a minister in Nepal )
It is hard to know what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ball-in-balen-s-court">Balendra Shah is thinking</a>, and how Rabi Lamichhane is going to justify some of these moves. After all, making politics, governance, and bureaucracy a meritocracy has been the core tenet of the RSP, and it risks alienating its mainly youth base if these missteps persist.
But at least for now, most RSP supporters seem to be giving the party the benefit of doubt.

income-and-expenditure

Nepal in the red

Galaxy A series

Know your Ministers

How to win friends and influence nations

Nepal’s new government springs into action