Kevin Casas-Zamora, PhD, is the Secretary General of <a href="https://www.idea.int/">International IDEA</a>, the Stockholm-based intergovernmental organisation supporting democracy worldwide. He used to be Costa Rica’s Second Vice President and Minister of National Planning and National Coordinator of the United Nations Development Program’s Human Development Report. Nepali Times caught up with Casas-Zamora during his visit to Kathmandu this week. Excerpts: Nepali Times: In your recent op-ed for The New York Times, you wrote about democracy in Latin America and anti-corruption populism. You noted that the collapse of party systems would lead to an emergence of outsiders who would accelerate the erosion of democracy. How similar is this scenario to other parts of the world, like Nepal? Casas-Zamora: It would be very presumptuous of me to start babbling about Nepali politics, but we are seeing a global trend towards the dissolution of the mechanisms that society had created to aggregate social preferences, social demands, like political parties. Latin America might be a particularly acute example, but it is certainly not unique. The World Values Survey covering 80 countries showed the people’s trust in political parties was in the single digits. This is particularly damaging, because one of the big problems that democracy has globally is that democratic communities are being torn apart. Polarisation is on the rise pretty much everywhere. Disinformation on social media is one of the key centrifugal forces. Inequality is another, and it weakens democratic communities. When political parties are weakened and party systems become fragmented, it becomes very difficult to govern, to build majorities, to implement any kind of agenda. In the end, what do you reap out of that is dissatisfaction. We are seeing a growing gap between growing social expectations, growing social demands and the inability of democratic institutions to respond to those demands. It is in that gap that monsters are growing. And it is in that gap that populism finds fertile ground. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/multimedia/journalism-is-the-frontline-of-democracy">"Journalism is the frontline of democracy"</a> When IDEA was established in 1995, there was euphoria about democracy, the Soviet Union had just collapsed, and many thought it was the end of history. Things did not turn out that way. Is there a design defect in the democratic project itself that allows this algorithm-driven populism to gain foothold? It is an interesting question, and I don’t think so is the answer. The normative case for democracy continues to be very strong. It is the only system that treats people according to their human dignity and respects their agency. That’s not a small thing. But beyond the purely normative argument, there is a very practical one, which is that democracy resolves in an elegant way, something authoritarian systems have great problems resolving: the issue of succession. Democratic systems also have the ability to self-correct. This is really the essence. And this is where the real value of democracy in practice lies. The pandemic proved very telling in that respect. Three years ago a lot of people blamed the faulty performance of democracy and the messiness. And sure enough there were democracies that performed very poorly, others that did better. But there was this sense that well, democracies are not up to the task, when it comes to a very acute crisis. They’re not efficient enough to respond to the problem, whereas in China, they are very efficient and they do what needs to be done. Well it turns out the performance of democracies with regards to the pandemic is looking much better than it did three years ago. And the performance of China with regard to the pandemic is not looking nearly as good. That’s down to the ability of democracies to self-correct. If you live in a democracy, and you don’t like the policies that are being enacted in four or five years, you’re going to have a chance to throw the rascals out. You may or may not succeed, but you have that chance. Living under an authoritarian system is like playing the roulette. You might be very lucky, and end up with Lee Kuan Yew and you do great. But you might not be so lucky and end up with Idi Amin. Still, we need to rethink democracy for a new time. If you take the basic design of democratic institutions, the emergence of political parties about 100 years ago, it hasn’t changed much for the past two centuries. You have this dissonance between the speed and the scale of social change over the past century, and the relative lack of institutional innovation in democracy over the same period. It is time to rethink representative institutions. One concrete example could be citizens assemblies, selected randomly that are given the task and the information to study an important problem for society and then they are expected to make recommendations, which are then taken up by the political system. They've used it for abortion in Ireland, in France for environmental issues, and that is the kind of innovation that needs to happen. It’s a time for institutional innovation and for political reform. And if we do that, if we take those serious issues seriously, a democracy has a strong case to make for itself. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/populism-vs-pluralism">Populism vs pluralism</a> How does IDEA’s membership model work? What if a democratic member country goes rogue and elects a despot? It’s an issue that we’re grappling with. Backsliding was not a thing back in 1995, the assumption was that the good times would last forever. That is perhaps the biggest mistake that was made: the notion that this was a linear process. Well, there’s no such a thing in human affairs as a linear process other than ageing. Even in the best of circumstances it is a case of two steps forward one step back, which may also be the case for Nepal. That’s the way most democratic transitions work. Where the performance of our own member states is less than adequate in terms of adherence to democratic values that we put in place, we establish a process of dialogue with the country in question. IDEA offers some support to the country. But ultimately, it’s up to the country to put that action plan in place. We are having that discussion at the moment and it’s a complicated one, because to be very honest, and this is something that I’ve seen at just about any intergovernmental organisation, member states are loath to pass judgment on other member states. But we have to face up to the fact that democratic practices can really break down in some of our member states in gradual ways, or in abrupt ways. Our statutes have a clause that allows for a country to be suspended. It has never been used but what we are trying to put in place a due process so that this doesn’t come out of nowhere, but then there are certain steps that are followed before we get there. And hopefully, we’ll never get there.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230511120516_7f285d81d83e28712661031f739209b5f73d4e2a63620a50f68e0401fa68453d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230511120516_7f285d81d83e28712661031f739209b5f73d4e2a63620a50f68e0401fa68453d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="667" loading="lazy" alt="Kevin Casas-Zamora"></figure>  In many democratic Asian countries, there is disillusionment with poor governance and lack of delivery. We look enviously at China or Singapore and the Asian tiger economies. Even in Nepal there are many who say we have tried it for 30 years and democracy is not delivering. Evidence tends to show that in the long run, democracies perform better. Of course, you may say that in the long run, we’re all dead. Most authoritarian systems are not like China or Singapore, the average is much lower. But while you can accept the proposition that on average democracies do better than autocracies when it comes to economic performance and development, China and Singapore are a big distortion. At the same time, we have to admit that in vast swaths of the world the pressure for development forces governments to adopt certain practices of democracy that are less than liberal. There is a lot of lecturing going around. When I travel I sense an increasing impatience when Western countries talk about democracy. A lot of folks in places like India, South Africa, in parts of Latin America roll their eyes. And this has become very evident in the context of the war in Ukraine. The West is baffled that much of the rest of the world is not seeing the war in Ukraine as part of this huge struggle against authoritarianism. Well no: that’s not the way it’s perceived. So, a little more sensitivity to the pressures for development that countries find themselves under is called for. We owe it to ourselves to have a truly global conversation about what democracy means in different places. We might not be talking about the same thing. So a little more humility, and more sensitivity is called for. A truly global and respectful conversation about the meaning of democracy can agree on certain, common denominators as the core tenets of democracy. But beyond that, there’s a lot of flexibility. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/asia-s-new-cold-war">Asia's new Cold War</a> Where does the media fit into this? The Erdogans, Orbáns, Dutertes, Bukeles of the world are united by a desire to weaken any kind of check on executive power. And that means weakening the independent judiciary, press freedom, the ability of civil society to self-organise and demand things, and to hold people in power to account. They are weakening autonomous electoral authorities. And this thing comes in different sequences in different places, but the result is always the same. Some governments start out going after the press before they go after the judiciary, some do it the other way round. But in the end, the result is the same. The press is one of the scapegoats. I remember when I was an active politician, you lived in fear of the press, and that is the way it should be. That is the single most important check on your power. There is a reason why wannabe-autocrats go after the press, or buy them off. The more sophisticated among them buy the media off, others go after journalists. According to our measurements, one of the aspects of democracy that is most acutely under siege is freedom of the press. Out of 18 Latin American countries over the past decade, press freedom has decreased in 15 of them. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-death-of-democracy">The death of democracy</a>, Aditya Adhikari

original

674x448

610x380

500x500

400x266

400x240

400x203

301x200

1250x600

1084x550

“Democracy gives you a chance to throw rascals out”

Us journalists have always believed that informing the public is our job and it is the editors who decide what the public needs to know.&nbsp;
In the past, the modes for sharing information were limited: when something happened, a reporter would go interview witnesses or experts, write up the story, and news agencies distributed the news. This monopoly over selection, production and dissemination convinced media owners that they owned and controlled content, and defined its price.&nbsp;
The media business is about mass producing news and getting revenue from subscriptions and advertisements to pay for it. It was any other product and media companies believed the public should pay for news because it cost them to cover it.&nbsp;
Till recently, we were forced to consume whatever the mainstream media dished out. Gatekeepers at radio, tv and newspapers gave the audience what they thought they wanted, not what they needed. &nbsp;
This left the media ill-prepared for the Internet era when competition became stiff and audiences had the freedom over format and a global reach.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/investigation-introspection-and-investment-in-media">Investigation, introspection, and investment in media</a>
While in a hurry to adopt the next shiny thing, publishers gave away for free what they previously sold. Readers anywhere could access the product, which was regularly updated and more conveniently available on their monitors, free of charge.
Audience habits had changed, but the Nepali media and its business model did not. The new online portals that emerged in the 2000s and 2010s followed the footsteps of legacy publishers, and they are now the legacy media — depending on advertising.&nbsp;
Most users in Nepal are not paying for online news, many are not even going to new sites, but to YouTube and TikTok entertainment. Publishers rarely know how many are willing to pay or can be persuaded to pay.
While surviving on 100% paywalls, membership or subscriptions is still a far-fetched dream in Nepal, reader revenue can help increase accountability among publishers and, in turn, trust from the audience.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/media-melee-in-the-age-of-ai">Media mêlée in the age of AI</a>, Kunda Dixit
Much of the digital boom in Nepali media happened alongside Facebook. Which is why many mainstream publishers did not think about establishing themselves as a destination, a homepage to come home to. They relied instead on traffic that Facebook, Twitter and other platforms brought in.
These same platforms allow people to communicate directly and have proven to be good at helping them to share information. They can now easily find what they need without relying on journalists.
But there is much Facebook users need to know beyond what they share among friends. That is where journalism comes in — to report and investigate, add context and explain, to fact check and debunk assumptions.
Recently social media platforms have been weaponised to deface media itself. This week, Twitter in Nepal has been abuzz with a leaked audio clip of a conversation between a noted tv anchor and an interviewee, in which the latter asks when the interview will be aired. The journalist is heard explaining that while the program is ready, the station was still waiting for sponsors.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/journalism-is-all-about-storytelling-and-money">Journalism is all about storytelling (and money)</a>
Most comments on the thread attack the anchor, saying this is one more proof that the media is for sale and how news is not aired unless there is money involved. There were some journalists and others who defended the anchor, saying that is how tv functions anyway. But the damage was done.&nbsp;
Public trust in the media is wavering. A 2022 survey by Sharecast Initiative showed that &nbsp;for 76% of Nepalis, friends, family and neighbours were the primary source for local news and information: for national and international news it was 50%. Both were followed by Facebook, radio, YouTube and tv.
Media literacy in Nepal is low. Audiences confuse mainstream media for social media, opinion, or unfiltered content for news, and YouTubers for professional journalists. But pushing the accountability towards the audience is not the answer when the question is what can journalists do to change this.
Just when its role in safeguarding democracy and press freedom has become more important than ever before, journalism struggles to survive and retain its relevance. This ends up undermining the independent check-and-balance role of the fourth estate in defending democracy.
All this may look discouraging, but the internet, like all technologies, has always been a double edged sword. The only way out now is to compete with the entertainment-filled social channels and information pages masking as news sites, by focusing both on the content and the medium.
More than ever before, the medium is the message.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/the-new-news-age">The new news age</a>, Sonia Awale

Monopoly on information

The Himal Media Mela 2023 sponsored by Ncell continued on Thursday with its fourth panel, ‘Investing in Investigative Journalism’, followed by a session on Media Introspection, which is also the theme for the two-day conference. In the session moderated by Rabiraj Baral of Media Kurakani, investigative reporters and editors examined what it takes for a journalist to be an investigative reporter, as well as the need for Nepal’s newsrooms, to facilitate investigative reporting.&nbsp; Kiran Nepal, editor for the Center of Investigative Journalism, said that investigative reporting must move beyond CIJ into all of Nepal’s newsrooms.&nbsp; “The reason that investigative reporting is at the center of journalism at present is due its impact in creating credibility and trust in media,” said Nepal, who was previously the editor of Himal. “As such, all reporting must be investigative.” Panelist Devendra Bhattarai of Kantipur in 2021 wrote an investigative story for the CIJ about Bhutanese refugees forcibly evicted by Bhutan in 1990-92, and arrested by the Bhutanese authorities. Bhattarai was previously based in Kantipur’s Qatar Bureau, and has also written extensively about the issues of Nepalis living abroad in the Gulf.&nbsp; But even as he considers his earlier stories to be investigative as well, Bhattarai explained that he only began doing investigative journalism after being a journalist for almost two decades.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/journalism-is-all-about-storytelling-and-money">Journalism is all about storytelling (and money)</a>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230504160556_5511dd4d1aaf1a8604f9320a69555f52918b057d605e8a7d076003a7793c5a43.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230504160556_5511dd4d1aaf1a8604f9320a69555f52918b057d605e8a7d076003a7793c5a43" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela Day 2- Second half"> </figure>  In March, Kantipur published Bhattarai's investigative report uncovering racketeers defrauding 875 Nepalis of millions under the pretext of sending them to the US &nbsp;as Bhutanese refugees with falsified documents from the Home Ministry. Since then, Nepal Police has arrested individuals involved in the racket, including a current secretary at the Vice President’s office on Wednesday. “Everything I learned about investigative journalism has been through my own study and on the ground experiences,” Bhattarai notes. “Through my years as an investigative reporter, I have learned to read my own stories twice, pay attention to detail, and fact-check rigorously.” Deepa Dahal of Ukaalo, who previously worked in radio for a significant amount of time in Surkhet before reporting for the independent online news platform, and has during her career reported on health, science, education, politics and the environment.&nbsp; “As reporters, we are players of an editorial team, and as it stands, it is not enough for a journalist to want to become an investigative reporter,” said Dahal. “All the skill and the passion to be involved in investigative journalism will not matter as long as newsrooms do not have an interest.” Kiran Nepal agreed that journalists need to be patient and curious, the newsroom environment must be open to investigative stories, and newsroom—especially well-established ones— &nbsp;should be willing to allocate resources into investigative reporting.&nbsp; “Journalism is a challenging and often dangerous profession, investigative journalism even more so.” continued Dahal, adding that existing biases and prejudices surrounding women in the workplace make investigative journalism more challenging for women. &nbsp;“Those who want to get into this aspect of reporting must be prepared to spend any amount of time and play the long game to complete the story.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/voice-of-the-entire-nation">Voice of the entire nation</a>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230504150544_a039322bf4659c474bfa76d05eb23336c9b03623956804176eb31f6cc0126853.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230504150544_a039322bf4659c474bfa76d05eb23336c9b03623956804176eb31f6cc0126853" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela 2023 day 2"> <figcaption>Kanak Mani Dixit, co-publisher of Himalmedia, Umesh Shrestha of Center for Media Research - Nepal, Babita Basnet of Ghatana ra Bichar, and Rajendra Dahal, editor of Sikshak magazine during the panel on media introspection.</figcaption> </figure>  Meanwhile, moderator Kanak Mani Dixit, co-publisher of Himalmedia, opened the panel on media introspection to discussion by noting how trolling enhanced by algorithms has become a tool that individuals on social networking platforms, political leaders, and other figures. Dixit identified the need for the media to reflect on the capability, study, worldview, ideology, and independence of the newsrooms.&nbsp; The panelists also discussed how media in Nepal have an agreement not to criticise one another.&nbsp; “If we do not reflect on our own practices, there will be questions as to who is supposed to &nbsp;hold the media to account,” said Dixit. Umesh Shrestha of Center for Media Research - Nepal, however, spoke about the difficulty for media professionals to question their practices because of a risk of attacks &nbsp;attacked by the members of the media itself.&nbsp; “The one important thing to ask ourselves – introspect – is why is trust in media so low,” added Dahal. &nbsp;“A major reason why mainstream media is losing trust of readers and audience is because they don't fact-check and have aided in spreading misinformation.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-should-be-open-for-south-asia">Nepal should be open for South Asia</a>, Sonia Awale  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230504160556_e1a3b8cc77d898a14f84ffea1eeb2ffa8a28ec996563762bbec650116d0aa94b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230504160556_e1a3b8cc77d898a14f84ffea1eeb2ffa8a28ec996563762bbec650116d0aa94b" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela Day 2- Second half"> </figure>  Babita Basnet of Ghatana ra Bichar added that it is difficult to those in media to question themselves, seeing that they &nbsp;are so used to&nbsp; Rajendra Dahal, editor of Sikshak magazine, said that contrary to what reporters are taught, it is not possible to be objective, but it is important to be factual and truthful. “Fact checkers have been doing some amazing work,” Dahal added. Dahal also pointed out the lack of proper education and instruction to facilitate and teach aspiring journalists. Basnet spoke about the challenges faced by women in media, drawing from personal experiences and citing recent research by her team that showed 88% of women in media experiencing online harassment by colleagues, from reporters associated with other media houses, as well as from news sources.&nbsp; “Nepal’s newsrooms need to address the challenges faced by women expeditiously,” said&nbsp; Speaking to the combined experiences of the panelists, Dixit added, “It is also important to the current generation of journalists to know about the history of journalism in Nepal, and how journalists have contributed to making Nepal one of the Nepal having one of the best environments for press freedom in Southasia.” Added Dahal: "It is important that we look to the past so that the media might have a better future.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/media-melee-in-the-age-of-ai">Media mêlée in the age of AI</a>, Kunda Dixit  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230504150544_ea2e84d8ec9c9fe9018f95035cd828c7281f467c15ee42e1b3254fbd52e6ec22.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20230504150544_ea2e84d8ec9c9fe9018f95035cd828c7281f467c15ee42e1b3254fbd52e6ec22" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Himal Media Mela day 2"> <figcaption>Rishad Patel co-founder of Splice Media.</figcaption> </figure>  At the end of the day, Rishad Patel, co-founder and business consultant at Splice Media in Singapore, gave a presentation on how to build a viable media business. Patel spoke to the need for media conferences, commenting that journalism in 2023 was not limited to news, but also meant bringing together a crowd of talented and expert minds to share ideas and thoughts. He noted that the media is immensely powerful, not because of its connections with businesses and advertisers, but because it helps people make informed decisions. “The business strategy for media is not simply grants or looking towards multimedia,” said Patel “It is about asking where [the media] is, where it wants to go, and how to get there.” Patel likened content to a product and the audience to a market, saying that the media must test with the market about the kind of content they prefer and seek feedback. The key, Patel explained, is to talk to people and listen to what they have to say. “Media should be obsessed with a product-market fit,” he said. “The future of media is user-centred, demand-driven and interest-based.” Patel said that media must be focused on building something that is valuable enough to pay for, and not try to force-fit old media concepts into new, digital formats. Said Patel: “The media business is not broken, it has actually transformed for the better. Technology itself is not the disruptor. There &nbsp;is no one audience, and that gives [the media] an opportunity to be hyper-specific, and move forward.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/the-new-news-age">The new news age</a>, Sonia Awale

Investigation, introspection, and investment in media

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723c3e9c7e80680e0c960ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="746" height="560"/><figcaption>Photo: MIN RATNA BAJRACHARYA</figcaption></figure>The United Nations has singled out 42 countries (out of 193 member states) for condemnation– virtually blacklisting them– for retaliating against human rights activists and journalists.If you cooperate with the United Nations and complain about human rights abuses in your home country, chances are you will find yourself either jailed, persecuted, tortured or under government surveillance.The 42 countries include some of the world’s worst authoritarian regimes with a notoriety for extensive human rights abuses.Highlighting a number of “disturbing trends” over the past year, the annual report by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres details how people — mainly victims of human rights violations, human rights defenders and journalists – suffered reprisals and intimidation by States and non-State actors.This included people being detained, targeted by restrictive legislation and surveilled both online and offline. People who tried to cooperate with the UN, or were perceived as doing so, were also affected.In a third of the countries named in the report, individuals and groups, including civil society organisations (CSOs), either refrained from cooperating or only agreed to report their cases anonymously out of fear of reprisals.“Despite positive developments, including pledges and shared commitments by Member States against reprisals, this report shows the extent to which people are pursued and persecuted for raising human rights concerns with the UN,” says Assistant Secretary-General for Human Rights Ilze Brands Kehris. “And we know that, shocking though this number is, many cases of reprisals are not even reported.”The 42 States referred to in the report (which covers the period from 1 May 2021 to 30 April 2022) include Afghanistan, Andorra, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Belarus, Brazil, Burundi, Cameroon, China, Cuba, Cyprus, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Guatemala, India, Indonesia, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Israel, Kazakhstan, Laos People’s Democratic Republic, Libya, Maldives, Mali, Mexico, Morocco, Myanmar, Nicaragua, Philippines, Russian Federation, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Sudan, State of Palestine, Thailand, Turkmenistan, United Arab Emirates, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Viet Nam, and Yemen.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723c419c7e80680e0c960bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"><figcaption>Photos: NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE</figcaption></figure>Simon Adams, President and CEO of the Center for Victims of Torture, the largest international organisation that treats survivors and advocates for an end to torture worldwide, saysthe UN is an impartial humanitarian organisation dedicated to the advancement of humanity.“When some states or armed groups perceive civil society activists or journalists speaking to the United Nations as constituting a threat to their interests, they are violating the ‘faith in fundamental human rights’ that the UN Charter proudly encapsulates,” he adds."We the people where ever we may be in the world, have a right to speak directly to UN representatives without some malevolent authority leaning over our shoulders, tapping our phone, or threatening us with detention or disappearance.”Human rights defenders in the countries mentioned in the UN Secretary-General’s report not only deserve our respect and solidarity, they need protection, declared Adams.When Secretary-General Antonio Guterres last week congratulated Ales Bialiatski and the organisations Memorial and the Centre for Civil Liberties on being awarded the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize, he said this year’s recognition shines a spotlight on the power of civil society in advance of peace.“Civil society groups (CSOs) are the oxygen of democracy, and catalysts for peace, social progress and economic growth. They help keep governments accountable and carry the voices of the vulnerable into the halls of power”.Yet today, civic space is narrowing across the world, the Secretary-General warns.“Human rights defenders, women’s rights advocates, environmental activists, journalists and others face arbitrary arrest, harsh prison sentences, smear campaigns, crippling fines and violent attacks,” he declared.“As we congratulate this year’s winners, let us pledge to defend the brave defenders of universal values of peace, hope and dignity,” Guterres said.Meanwhile, responding to a decision by the UN Human Rights Council’s (UNHRC), to establish an independent monitoring mechanism on the human rights situation in Russia, Agnès Callamard, Amnesty International’s Secretary General, said her organization welcomes the decision to finally bring Russia’s human rights record under scrutiny.Under Vladimir Putin’s leadership, she pointed out, “the country has seen its political opposition crushed, grassroots NGOs and activists outlawed, independent media shuttered, and civil society as a whole scorched to the ground”.“Russia’s unlawful aggression in Ukraine could not be a clearer demonstration of Vladimir Putin’s longstanding disregard for life and human rights.”Callamard said the establishment of this important mechanism will be a long overdue lifeline to civil society in Russia, independent media and many others standing up to repression.“We call on all states to support the swift establishment of this monitoring and reporting mandate, and to fully support victims of human rights and humanitarian law violations committed by the national authorities”.“We call on the Russian authorities to heed the clear message that the Human Rights Council sends with the establishment of this mechanism, and to fundamentally change course to cease its violations at home and abroad,” she declared.Providing an update on the military regime in Myanmar, UN Spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told reporters October 6, that according to UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation), at least 170 journalists have been arrested since the military takeover in Myanmar in February last year.Nearly 70 journalists, including 12 women, remain under detention. UNESCO has also recorded over 200 incidents of media repression, including killings, arrests, detention, criminal cases, imprisonments, and raids of editorial offices.Forty-four journalists, which include seven women, have been sentenced for criminal offences by local courts, he said. Also, media workers report that they experience digital surveillance of mobile phones and social media platforms. UNESCO remains committed to protecting and defending their press freedom.Meanwhile, the UN report said the surveillance of individuals and groups who cooperate with the UN continued to be reported in all regions with growing evidence of online surveillance and cyberattacks. The massive digital shift accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic also increased challenges relating to cyber-security, privacy, and access to online spaces.Another concerning global trend is the use and impact of restrictive legislation that prevents and punishes cooperation with the UN, resulting in some cases of people being sentenced to long prison terms or placed under house arrest. There were recurring and similar allegations of intimidation reported in a number of countries, which could indicate a pattern.Another global trend is self-censorship, choosing not to cooperate with the UN or doing so anonymously amid concerns for their safety. Increased surveillance and monitoring, as well as the fear of criminal liability, have created what the report terms a “chilling effect” of silence, stopping people from cooperating further with the UN and deterring others from doing so, according to the report.As in previous years, the report shows that intimidation and reprisals disproportionally affect certain populations and groups, including representatives of indigenous peoples, minorities or those who work on environment and climate change issues, as well as people who may suffer discrimination based on age, sexual orientation and gender.“The risks affecting women victims, as well as women human rights defenders and peace builders, who share testimony and cooperate with the UN remain daunting. We will continue to work to ensure that all can safely engage with the UN,” Brands Kehris stressed, as she presented the report to the Human Rights Council in Geneva.The report, entitled ‘Cooperation with the United Nations, its representatives and mechanisms in the field of human rights’ (A/HRC/51/47), including extensive annexes detailing cases country by country, can be accessed online.<a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/thematic-reports/ahrc5147-cooperation-united-nations-its-representatives-and-mechanisms" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/thematic-reports/ahrc5147-cooperation-united-nations-its-representatives-and-mechanisms</a>By arrangement with <a href="https://www.ipsnews.net/2022/10/un-censures-42-nations-retaliating-human-rights-activists-journalists/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Inter Press Service</a>.

UN censures censors

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131140/637237d69c7e80680e0c7351jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="746" height="560"/><figcaption>Photo: MIN RATNA BAJRACHARYA</figcaption></figure>The freedom of press is like a rubber band, you have to stretch it to make it work. Likewise, media independence can only be protected by its maximum application.That is why we have to make a distinction between day-to-day reporting and investigative journalism. In-depth coverage requires patience, difficult and dangerous work, time and resources.Attending a press conference or transcribing a media release alone will not protect press freedom. It is also difficult to justify standing up for the independence of media if it is partisan, or succumbs to clickbait.An investigative journalist’s job is to expose wrongdoing. After that, the other institutions in a democracy are supposed to take over: law enforcement, the court system, elected leaders.In Nepal and across the world, even in countries with long traditions of pluralism, tolerance and rule of law, democracy today is in retreat. When all three pillars of democracy (legislature, judiciary and the executive) are tottering, it is up to the fourth estate to prop up the superstructure of  state.It does this by being impartial and fair, and shining a torch in the darkness where those in power hide secrets that are in the public’s interest. Freedom of press is not just the freedom of a journalist, we in the media are just custodians of the citizens’ right to information.The best test that investigative journalism is impactful is when it speaks truth to power, and it rattles those that weird it. Presidents have been forced to resign after exposés by investigative journalists in the United States and the Philippines.In the past 25 years, the Centre of Investigative Journalism-Nepal (CIJ-N) may not have ousted a prime minister here, but it has constantly rocked the boat, exposed wrongdoing and injustice, and afflicted the comfortable.It is not easy doing investigative journalism in Nepal. The country may not be small, but it has a small elite in which the centres of power, businesses and media owners overlap. Everyone knows everyone else, and they often scratch each other's backs. This is why the art of media questioning is not as developed in Nepal.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131140/637237d99c7e80680e0c7352jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2000" height="1333"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Already suffering from shrinking readership due to the proliferation of social networking platforms, the legacy media was hit by the Covid pandemic. Lately, the rise in fuel and food prices following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has further undermined the media’s advertising and sales revenue.The collapse of the media’s business model has coincided with the crisis of democracy in our neighbouring countries and around the world — at a time when investigative journalism is needed more than ever to widen the media’s independence.Nepal’s broadsheets do not compete with each other, but with Facebook. Television channels should not be thinking in terms of TRP anymore because their actual revenue rival is TikTok.The world’s biggest and oldest democracies treat the rule of law as sacrosanct, but by manipulating the internet with troll armies and bot factories, demagogues are getting themselves elected. Fanning populism, ultra-nationalism, racism and hate speech make an explosive potion to mobilise citizens disenchanted with traditional politics.Trump may have been defeated, but Trumpism is alive and well. In the Philippines, history has come a full circle with Bong Bong Marcos getting himself elected by weaponising the social web.About India, the less said the better. It is a lesson for us in Nepal not to take our freedoms for granted. One of the last remaining independent television channels, NDTV, was bought by a Modi crony and the world’s third-richest man, Gautam Adani.The legacy press must become much more savvy in using internet platforms, and if necessary, even borrow some of the tricks of the trade. The mainstream media must be in the business of immediately correcting falsehoods, rumours and ‘alternative facts’.Newsrooms must have the digital visual skills so that investigative stories are not just told, but shown. Journalism has a new role and responsibility: to analyse, interpret and explain raw, live information on the net, and to offer solutions at a time of spreading cynicism and despair worldwide.The old media is not dead yet, and we need it more than ever to tame a wild new media that is reaching adolescence.Kunda Dixit is publisher of Nepali Times. Excerpt from a keynote presentation at the 25th Anniversary function of the Centre for Investigative Journalism Nepal on 2 September 2022.

Kunda Dixit

Investing in investigative journalism

<figure><img width="640" height="340" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114121112/6372236e9c7e80680e0c034fjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: GUNARAJ LUITEL</figcaption></figure>If this was the Oscars, my award would be for Best Supporting Role category. Because that is actually what my journalism career has been mostly about -- supporting others in the media profession through mentorship and on-the-job training. In fact, the joke back home is that the Nepali Times is a classroom, not a newsroom.  At the paper, my focus has always been not just to teach how to do journalism, but also why. This is especially important at this time in history when the mass media in Nepal and elsewhere is in a financially fragile state. This makes it more vulnerable to pressure from corporate interests, the state and the metaverse. <figure><img width="640" height="498" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114121116/637223709c7e80680e0c0350jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Photo: NIRMAL GHOSH</figcaption></figure><figure><img width="640" height="480" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114121116/637223749c7e80680e0c0351jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Photo: STEVE HERMAN</figcaption></figure>These days, tyrants ruling totalitarian states are not the only threats to journalism. The threat is more from populist despots who get themselves elected by coopting the institutions of democracy, and then proceed to dismantle and undermine those very institutions to stay on in power. At this time when there is a new multipolar Cold War, we have to remember that it is morally more important to defend democracy and press freedom than pursue narrow geostrategic interests — even when those violations are happening among your allies. An enemy of an enemy is not necessarily your friend.You know, I feel like a bit of an imposter being recognised today. The real heroes in the media are those brave colleagues around the world who have paid with their lives, who are in detention, are being tortured, those spending sleepless nights because of the threats to their families, and those trolled and harassed by cyber lynch mobs.https://youtu.be/zkMZK2ej-ZMVideo: GUNARAJ LUITELIt is an honour to represent all of them. At times in the past when our office was vandalised and we were physically assaulted,  the thing that kept our hopes up was that darkness is always followed by a new morning.  And during those long months in exile, the person I missed the most back home was my dog. I kept my hopes up by reminding myself that I would see him again one day, and I did. He taught me how not to be a lapdog, but to be a watchdog.  Aloha and Mahalo.

Journalism of courage and impact

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/6372170e9c7e80680e0ba9cajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1057" height="700"/><figcaption>A S PANNEERSELVAN. Photos: MONIKA DEUPALA</figcaption></figure>A S Panneerselvan is executive director of Panos South Asia, which fosters public debate in the region. He has been the Reader's Editor of The Hindu, and a strong advocate of ethical and responsible journalism. He teaches media studies at the Asian College of Journalism in Chennai. The following are excerpts from a recent conversation between him and Shekhar Kharel on the challenges facing old and new media.Nepali Times: As a frequent visitor to Nepal, what do you make of the mediascape here?A S Panneerselvan: In the 1990s Nepal set a standard for South Asian media when it came up with the finest decentralised media environment through its <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/radio-sagarmatha-the-radio-wave,3718" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">community radio revolution</a>. But the digital disruption has completely changed that. While it has given a voice to everyone, no one is actually listening. We have concurrent monologues, not dialogues. There is also no supporting revenue stream for this new model.With <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/how-nepals-media-landscape-is-being-transformed/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">mobile connectivity</a> even in rural areas, the digital divide itself is an obsolete concept. But the global media is also extremely centralised. A handful of Silicon Valley multinationals control our information ecosystem. Governments can switch off connectivity as we saw in Jammu and Kashmir in 2021 when its special status was abrogated.Traditional media played an empowering role during Nepal’s People’s Movements I and II. But there are new questions today: Is the media going to get caught up in the social media cacophony, or play a leadership role?How are these changes going to affect the sustainability, credibility and independence of Nepali media? The Nepali media now has reach, but it needs revenue to survive. This is crucial because the media has a dual role: bearing witness and making sense. Bearing witness means journalists have to travel to gather news and that costs money. The budget to bear witness is shrinking. So, broadsheet publications retain their respectability by focusing more on making sense by writing editorials explaining a particular issue. Making sense has taken precedence over bearing witness. This is why the digital disruption is hurting us.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/internet-in-everything/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Internet in everything</a>, EditorialHow does this revenue model then affect the digital media? When the Arab Spring happened, we thought the digital media would become an enabler. But <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/ununited-states-of-america/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Trump</a> and Brexit showed us that it is also a curse. Today, the trend is towards clickbait journalism since algorithms decide what is going to get amplified and what is not. Editorial judgment has no place in this environment, the content can be <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/digital-discrimination/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">misogynist, ultra-nationalistic jingoism, war-mongering, spewing hate</a>. It does not matter, as long as it gets the reach. When you ask Silicon Valley companies to regulate such content, they say they are not a media organisation but purely a platform. Yet they want all the credibility and reach of media organisations. When it suits them they become a media organisation, when it doesn’t they become a platform. The fact that these trans-border organisations are not governed by conventional laws is causing further harm.The political economy of these platform companies is that they give money to the carriers, not the content generators. But carriers are not neutral. Whether they are ISP providers, DTH platforms or search engines, they are heavily loaded and discriminatory. And carriers have become so powerful that content companies are now dependent on them, and this is against the spirit of an independent media elsewhere and in Nepal.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637217119c7e80680e0ba9cbjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="700"><figcaption></figcaption></figure>So what is the role of journalists in this new environment?Journalism is different from all other forms of communication because at its core is the act of verification. It is different from blogging or posts on social media with no filtration. This act of verification is mediated by editorial judgment — the two things that give journalism its credibility. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-social-media-contagion/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Social media</a> is destroying this and denying citizens the democratic right for credible information.Whose responsibility is it to uphold the media’s credibility?It is the responsibility of citizens who have to invest in credible information that is the building block of democratic rights. People’s spending on media in the last 5-10 years has gone up, but the money is going to the carriers. We pay internet service providers, DTH companies and for mobile connectivity. Money spent on those creating content for media has gone down. Credible information is a public good, we must reinvest in it.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/press-for-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Press for people</a>, Sahina ShresthaBut will a public hooked on TikTok invest in credible information? People don’t think twice about paying IPSs or for DTH connections, why would they not also pay a part of it to news outlets that they trust? Trusted institutions need a certain amount of financial leeway. Since 2006 we have witnessed a huge squeeze on the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-death-of-print-is-exaggerated/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">traditional media model</a>. This is hurting us in two ways. One, the most credible information has become the most expensive, while the most salacious is the most accessible. For example in the UK, those who want credible information, say the Financial Times, have to pay, but the tabloid Daily Mail is free. Tabloidisation of news is the biggest challenge for us, and we don’t have a language to confront that. But we can’t expect the government to act either, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/gagging-the-press-in-installments/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">their response is censorship</a>. Silicon Valley corporations already account for 80% of digital revenue. If Facebook, Google and Twitter are going to take it all away, what is the role for professionals across the world working to produce credible information?Doesn’t this erode the independence of the press?We have to make a distinction between what was happening till 2010 and after. Until 2010, the mainstream media had its own problems, but were still largely independent. Post 2010, the ownership has gone over to big corporations who do not mind losing money as long as they prevent others from entering the field. The rules have changed in such a way that the political economy has become the corporate economy.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/digital-discrimination/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Digital discrimination</a>, JB BiswokarmaSo, is there a future at all for the printed media?Digital media is here to stay, and we have to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/internet-in-everything/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">negotiate our space within this new environment</a>. But digital platforms do not have a sustainable revenue model. We have a hybrid entity controlled by corporates, and whatever they give is what we receive. Large content generators have been reduced to an appendix. People often cite The New York Timesand the Financial Timesas examples of successful transitions, but they are only mimicking the Silicon Valley giants. The better model was that of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/nepali-radio-nepali-awaj,3728" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepal’s community radios</a> which decentralised credible information produced by and for the people. But even that has been eroded with corporate takeovers.This is the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">year of elections in Nepal</a>. Three Ms are considered important for the polls: Money, Muscles and Media. Are there lessons from India?Back in the day, the media used to come up with difficult questions. Now it presents only easy answers. Social media like <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/huge-uptick-in-tiktok-during-nepal-lockdown/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">TikTok</a> are leading this trend by producing content with simplified narratives which rob the reality of its complexities. The misuse of media is not new. During India’s emergency from 1975-77, the government controlled the media and yet the people eventually voted against Indira Gandhi. Recently we saw media manipulation in West Bengal, but the public voted against the BJP there. The thing is, the will of the people cannot be underestimated or manipulated beyond a point.

“All the people cannot be fooled all the time”

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216cd9c7e80680e0ba9b3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1100" height="1269"/><figcaption>Illustration: DIWAKAR CHETTRI</figcaption></figure>The past two years have accelerated the trends already buffeting the media industry pre-Covid: migration of readers and advertisers from legacy to digital media, entertainment replacing information, a losing battle against fake content, and so on.Kitty videos went viral even as the virus shut society down. Social media became the new mass media.Till three years ago in Nepal, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/how-nepals-media-landscape-is-being-transformed/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/how-nepals-media-landscape-is-being-transformed/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3t8DpuKSKgqz-bOvPRD1R3">‘Facebook’ was synonymous with ‘Internet’</a>. But in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3CLJ3__F60u9ijYJAn_Bsz">2019 YouTube users overtook Facebook</a>, and now a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/huge-uptick-in-tiktok-during-nepal-lockdown/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">TikTok takeover</a> makes dance routines on the platform consume nearly a quarter of the country’s bandwidth.The power and reach of global digital platforms and online portals have transformed the way people stay informed, while <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-message-is-the-medium-2/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-message-is-the-medium-2/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3_LES6c-wOoyW5ET4vUl3F">some prefer to be deliberately disinformed</a>. Since digital content can be manipulated and multiplied, it is easier for populism to replace pluralism.As algorithms radicalise voters and confine them to echo chambers, elected demagogues across the world threaten democracies, and despots get voted to power.The print media in Nepal went fully digital during the 2020 lockdowns, and even though revenue plummeted, readership hit the roof. Newspapers like this one resumed print editions and reclaimed <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/readers-editorial,1059" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/readers-editorial,1059&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3UUu5VRVBiBEucIhJFjFPt">loyal hardcopy readers</a>, but there are many times more users online now for multimedia content. The economics of the media business has also changed, possibly forever.Nepal’s economy was just beginning to recover from the downturn caused by the pandemic when <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/ukraine-crisis-hits-nepal-economy-hard/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the war in Ukraine</a> scored another direct hit on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-geopolitics-of-food/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">fuel and food prices</a> worsening hard currency reserves and the country’s balance of payments.New restrictions on bank loans and imports have hit businesses hard, and this has had a direct impact on advertising -- the main source of revenue for media companies.Just when its role in safeguarding democracy and press freedom has become more vital than ever before, journalism struggles to survive and retain its relevance. This ends up <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/censuring-censorship/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">undermining the independent check and balance role</a> of the fourth estate in defending democracy.Nepal’s media practitioners need to be more vigilant than ever -- especially at a time when we see the largest, oldest and most vibrant democracies in the region and around the world being dismantled by leaders who have co-opted democratic institutions to propel themselves to power and remain there.All this may look pretty discouraging for those who believe in an open society, and value tolerance, inclusiveness, and the freedom to express themselves. But the Internet has always been a double-edged sword, like all other technologies that preceded it.Fake news, disinformation and gossip did not begin with the social web. They are as old as the written word itself. Elon Musk calls Twitter the global ‘town square’, but town squares through history have also been violent places – unleashing lynch mobs, witch hunts, burnings at the stake and public hangings.There are equivalents of early newspapers inciting pogroms in Russia and Germany, later of radio in Rwanda sparking genocide. The only difference with online posts is their instantaneous amplification and global reach. And effect of this can be fast and brutal, as seen by the calls for mass killings of the Rohingya in Facebook posts, and lynchings in India triggered by WhatsApp groups.Cancel culture, trolling and cyber-lynching by bot armies also dampen voices calling for moderation, science-based decision making, and acceptance of diversity.<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/dont-act-on-the-act/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Attempts to regulate Internet content</a> collide head on with accepted norms of free speech. Where does one draw the line? It might first be important to distinguish between ‘journalism’ broadly defined on the one hand, and on the other, posts inciting violence or troll factories manufacturing hate on assembly lines.These and other issues will be the subject of the day-long ‘Connectivity in the Age of Disinformation’ conference at the Himal Media Mela on 7 May, marking Himalmedia’s own 25th anniversary year. Media practitioners will be taking stock of the media’s role in these changed circumstances.The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-death-of-print-is-exaggerated/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">death of print media is exaggerated</a>. There is still power in print because the powerful read it. A survey in 2020 also showed that most Nepalis were not reading print media because <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3CLJ3__F60u9ijYJAn_Bsz">roadside shops had stopped stocking newspapers</a> and magazines.That survey by <a href="https://www.sharecast.org.np/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.sharecast.org.np/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0zGgEqvlW8X0_WPVzK5j2c">Sharecast Initiative Nepal</a> revealed 96% of Nepalis had mobile phones, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-news/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3CLJ3__F60u9ijYJAn_Bsz">showed that</a> 94% of those following the mainstream press are still reading the paper newspaper because they found it more ‘trustworthy’. Although respondents said they used social media platforms, more than 90% said they did not believe everything in it.And that is the niche that Nepal’s mainstream press now need to fill: to be the credible source of news, present verified facts, correct online falsehoods, as well as to explain, interpret and analyse events and trends.Gazing into the future, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-new-reality-of-nepals-virtual-celebrities/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-new-reality-of-nepals-virtual-celebrities/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1651624304899000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2KtE3bnQpem6LSBL3c-go4">social media</a> platforms will be useful dissemination tools, social media platforms will be even more entertainment-driven, and it will be the papers and their digital editions with credibility and exclusive content that will stay afloat.

Internet in everything

<img width="1135" height="975" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720ee49c7e80680e0b7943jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Nepal’s governments have been biologically incapable of going to the root of any issue to find solutions. Instead, they introduce <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-town-to-ban-mothers-migrating/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">knee-jerk rules and banket bans that impinge on citizens’ rights</a>.
The latest is the 11th amendment to the National Broadcasting Regulation in the Nepal Gazette. Like all previous ill thought out rules, this one is vague, contradictory, and unconstitutional.
The new amendment seeks to regulate Over the Top (OTT), Video on Demand (VOD) and internet television in Nepal. OTT is the service of displaying tv programs through the internet without using direct-to-home cable or satellite. It also includes media streaming services through other online platforms.  
Now, any individual or organisation uploading a video via internet tv ‘on a regular basis’ needs to register. The licensing fee is Rs500,000. 
The National Broadcasting Regulation is concerned with frequency allocation, not the internet. Regulating <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/mobile-nepal-is-hooked-on-youtube/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">net content </a>is not the purview of broadcast rules.
Advocate Prabin Subedi explains that the National Broadcasting Act does not regulate the internet. The government is trying to restrict the freedom of choice of citizens. 
Any new law should either try to solve a problem or to facilitate a solution. But this is not just a clumsy attempt to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/no-freedom-after-expression/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">restrict freedom of expression</a>, but a blunt sword that can be used to go after anyone the government does not like. For example, what is a ‘regular broadcast’? Once a month? Once a week? When is an occasional post ‘regular’?
Even if it is to regulate ‘regular’ social media content, it should go through an internet specific law like the proposed<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rule-by-law/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> Information Technology Bill</a>. If it is about a tax on the earnings of online/social media it should be governed by corporate or taxation laws, explains Santosh Sigdel of Digital Rights Nepal.
Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/gagging-the-press-in-installments/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Gagging the press in installments</a>, Sewa Bhattarai
By its very nature, the internet is an <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/digitial-path-to-social-buffers-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">open ecosystem where people can communicate openly</a>. Nepal's Constitution guarantees freedom of expression, and the country is also party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), Article 19. 
The amendment is against the Constitution because it limits freedom of expression. This is like needing a license to speak up.
After a public outcry, officials have tried to justify the amendment. But even if this is an attempt to curb fake news, open defamation and mala fide YouTube videos, it is crude and ham-handed. Instead of introducing draconian regulations, the emphasis should have been on spreading media literacy among citizens. 
Sigdel told us the problem is that the government just does not understand the Internet’s convergence of text, video, audio and graphics. It is still trying to regulate them individually. It is clear that in this <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">year of elections</a>,  politicians are concerned about the influence of social media content.
“Content cannot be regulated by state’s intervention. Most people can distinguish between genuine and fake news on YouTube, and we can create awareness through media literacy,” says Subedi.
Nepal appears to be following the example of its neighbours in subduing internet content. China has its Great Firewall, and last year India introduced controversial rules that have been used selectively to target opponents while allowing hate speech on other platforms. In February, Bangladesh came up with a draft regulation similar to India’s IT rules to curb social and digital media including OTT platforms. It is as if countries are exchanging notes on the most effective way to muzzle the media. 
Successive governments in Nepal have tried to constrict the public sphere, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/in-a-surveillance-state/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">right to privacy </a>and media freedom through various bills and regulations. Their vagueness is deliberately designed for arbitrary application against people the government does not like. 
Nepal today stands as a beacon of press freedom in a region where the mediascape is increasingly constricted. Our lawmakers and bureaucrats should abandon the notion that they can suppress free expression just because other countries have. 
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/protecting-free-speech-on-nepals-cybersphere/">Protecting free speech on Nepal’s cybersphere</a>, Sabina Devkota

Sahina Shrestha

Don't act on the Act

<figure><img width="1312" height="985" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101136/63720c499c7e80680e0b785fjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Nepali Times #1076 27 August - 2 September 2021</figcaption></figure>Two Nepali reporters are winners in top investigative journalism awards announced on 2 March, and have been recognised for their exposés of injustice.Namrata Sharma was awarded for her collaborative investigation with <a href="https://twitter.com/LucCaregari" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://twitter.com/LucCaregari&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1646323804757000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2CyCMOSnO6MAhntAjBoSiD">Luc Caregari</a> from <a href="https://www.reporter.lu/menschenhandel-in-luxemburg-ausbeutung-hinter-legaler-fassade/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.reporter.lu/menschenhandel-in-luxemburg-ausbeutung-hinter-legaler-fassade/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1646323804757000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2a_UpgwMRRcKDJR3jEFiGC">Reporter.lu</a> and <a href="https://www.financeuncovered.org/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.financeuncovered.org&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1646323804757000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0I9wU_d46sSthh3mtbv5Tz">Finance Uncovered</a>, of the human trafficking of Nepali workers by Nepali-owned restaurants in Luxembourg. Bhrikuti Rai’s investigative report exposed illegal sand-mining in Nepal and the murder of environmental activist Dilip Mahato three years ago. She got the <a href="https://fjawards.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://fjawards.com&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1646323804757000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2fAtsKTHconWIM0lnHsZ5T">Fetisov Journalism Award 2021</a> in the category Excellence in Environmental Reporting. Namrata Sharma is the former Chair of the Centre for Investigative Journalism Nepal (CIJ-N), while Bhrikuti Rai reported for Nepali Times and The Kathmandu Post. Both the award-winning investigative reports had been carried in Nepali Times in 2021.Sharma’s investigation built on a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-restaurateurs-fined-in-finland/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-restaurateurs-fined-in-finland/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1646323804757000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0uec_Ugialaei4yVhxvfSa">previous story</a> involving human trafficking and modern slavery in the Nepali restaurant trade in Finland. She used her extensive contacts in the South Asian migrant community across Europe to expose the crime in her collaborative story <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepalis-abused-by-nepalis-in-luxembourg/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepalis-abused-by-nepalis-in-luxembourg/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1646323804757000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1TinxURPSJQVRybROg2io_">‘Nepalis exploited by Nepalis in Luxembourg’</a>.  <figure><img width="640" height="603" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101136/63720c4c9c7e80680e0b7860jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Namrata Sharma</figcaption></figure>Workers at a popular Nepali restaurant in the Grand Duchy told her of serial beatings and other human rights abuses by the owner. The workers themselves had been trafficked from Nepal, and lured after paying money to the owners for their work permits.Although initially fearful of speaking out, the workers told Sharma about how they were barred from going out, their passports were confiscated, and their bank accounts controlled. The owners withdrew their employees’ wages,  and  made them work for free for a year.Sharma is working with other European whistleblowers on cross-border investigations of abuse and human trafficking by other Nepalis. <figure><img width="1317" height="987" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101136/63720c509c7e80680e0b7861jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Nepali Times #1043 8-14 January 2021</figcaption></figure><figure><img width="600" height="600" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101136/63720c539c7e80680e0b7862jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Bhrikuti Rai</figcaption></figure>Bhrikuti Rai’s story, ‘<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/drawing-a-line-in-the-sand/#gohere" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://nepalitimes.com/drawing-a-line-in-the-sand/%23gohere&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1646323804757000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1e4PAIVaCGboRIZClY_mia">Drawing a line in the sand’</a>, was published in Nepali Times last year and used the first anniversary of the murder by the sand mafia of activist Dilip Mahato to show how illegal sand-mining continued unabated and his family still sought justice for the crime. Winners in other categories include Corinne Redfern and Ali Ahsan for their joint Italy-Bangladesh investigation of sex trafficking, an expose of how the caste system persists in India’s prison system by <a href="https://fjawards.com/finalists/105-sukanya-shantha/article" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://fjawards.com/finalists/105-sukanya-shantha/article&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1646323804757000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2ZzMxaVzjqIV6Q4IRo3MeI">Sukanya Shantha </a>of The Wire website, and an <a href="https://fjawards.com/finalists/78-audrey-travere-phineas-rueckert-paloma-dupont-de-dinechin/article" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://fjawards.com/finalists/78-audrey-travere-phineas-rueckert-paloma-dupont-de-dinechin/article&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1646323804757000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0NEVr-IpgY03bmbJL7Ln_2">international investigation </a>of the Asian connection of the Mexican drug cartels.Finance Uncovered is an international investigative journalism training organisation that aims to improve the quantity and quality of investigative stories that are rooted in illicit finance or exploitation. The Fetisov Journalism Award was founded by Gleb Fetisov, a businessman, producer, scientist and philanthropist.

journalism